CIHM 
Microfiche 
Series 
(IMonographs) 


ICMH 

Collection  de 
microfiches 
(monographies) 


Canadian  Intthuta  for  Historical  Mieroroproductions  /  Initftut  Canadian  da  microraproductiona  historiquas 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes  /  Notes  techniques  et  bibiiographiques 


Th«  Instttute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best  original 
copy  avaiiable  for  filming.  Features  of  this  copy  which 
may  be  bibliographically  unique,  which  may  alter  any  of 
the  images  in  the  reproduction,  or  which  may 
significantly  change  the  usual  method  of  filming  are 
checked  below. 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


□  Covers  damaged  / 
Couverture  endommagte 

□  Covers  restored  and/or  laminated  / 
Couverture  restaurto  et/ou  petlicuite 

Cover  title  missing  /  Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps  /  Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 


7( 


rvi  Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 


Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

CokMJred  plates  and/or  iliufttr'toi  ^  / 
Planches  et/ou  illustraticns   f<  ^cc  Axt 


□   Bound  with  other  material  / 
Reti^  avec  d'autres  docume.it  t; 


D 

D 


D 


\A 


Only  edttton  available  / 
Seule  Mitton  disponible 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion  atong 
interior  margin  /  La  reliure  serrte  peut  causer  de 
I'ombre  ou  de  la  distorsion  le  long  de  la  marge 
int6rieure. 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restorattons  may  appear 
within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these  have  been 
omitted  from  filming  /  II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages 
blanches  ajoutdes  lors  d'une  restauration 
apparaissent  dans  le  texte.  mais,  torsque  cela  6tait 
possible,  ces  pages  n'ont  pas  M  fiimdes. 

Addittonal  comments  /  Various  poglngs. 

Commentaires  suppl^mentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm*  le  meilleur  exemplaire  qu'il  iui  a 
M  possible  de  se  procurer.  Los  dMails  de  cet  exem- 
plaire qui  sont  peut-«tre  unk|ues  du  point  de  vue  bibii- 
ogrsphique.  qui  peuvent  modifier  une  image  reproduite, 
ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une  modiftoatkm  dans  te  mAtho- 
de  nomfiale  de  filmage  sont  indk)uto  d-dessous. 

I     I  Cotoured  pages/ Pages  de  couleur 

I     I  Pages  damaged/ Pages  endommag^es 


D 


Pages  restored  and/or  laminated  / 
Pages  restaurtes  et/ou  peilteuMes 


0  Pages  discotoured.  stained  or  foxed  / 
Pages  dteotortes.  tacheties  ou  pkiutes 

I     I  Pages  detached/ Pages  d^tach^es 

I  ^  Showthrough/ Transparence 

I     I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 


D 
D 


D 


Quaitt*  inhale  de  l'impressk>n 

Includes  supplementaiy  material  / 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl^mentaire 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  enxita  sl^s. 
tissues,  etc..  have  been  refilmed  to  ensure  the  best 
possible  image  /  Les  pages  totalement  ou 
partiellement  obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'enata.  une 
pelure.  etc..  ont  M  fiimdes  k  nouveau  de  fafon  h 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 

Opposing  pages  with  varying  colouration  or 
discotourettons  are  filmed  twk»  to  ensure  the  best 
possible  image  /  Les  pages  s'opposant  ayant  des 
colorations  variables  ou  des  decolorations  sont 
filmtes  deux  fois  afin  d'obtenir  la  meilleure  image 
posstt>le. 


Thto  NMn  te  fihrMd  at  tlw  raduetion  ratle  ehaeted  balow  / 

Ca  documant  aat  fUniA  au  lauK  tfa  rMueUon  incRqu*  ci-^aBoua. 


lOx 

14x 

18x 

22x 

/ 

28x 

30x 

V 

12x 

16x 

20x 

24x 

28x 

32it 

The  copy  filmtd  h«r«  has  b««n  raproductd  thanks 
to  tho  gansrosity  of: 


L'axamplaira  fiimi  fut  raproduit  grica  A  la 
g4n4rosit*  da: 


National  Library  of  Canada 


Bibllothiquo  national*  du  Canada 


Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
poasibia  considaring  tha  eondltlen  and  lagibility 
of  tho  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacif ieationa. 


Original  copiaa  in  printad  papar  eovars  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  eovar  and  andlng  on 
tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa* 
sion.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copiaa  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa* 
sion.  and  andlng  on  tho  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illuatratad  impraasion. 


Tha  laat  raccrdad  frama  on  aach  microficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  ^-^  (maaning  "CON* 
TINUED").  or  tha  symbol  V  (maaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 


Las  imagas  suivantas  ont  AtA  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  da  l'axamplaira  film*,  at  an 
conformity  avac  laa  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Laa  axamplairaa  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  aat  imprim^a  sont  filmis  91%  commanpant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  9n  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniira  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprelnta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'iilustration.  soit  par  la  tacond 
plat,  salon  la  caa.  Toua  laa  autras  axamplairss 
originaux  sont  film4s  an  commandant  par  la 
pramiAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'iilustration  at  an  farminant  par 
la  darniAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  taila 
amprainta. 

Un  daa  symbolaa  suivanta  apparaftra  sur  la 
darniira  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha.  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbols  — »>  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  la 
symbols  ▼  signifia  "FIN' . 


Mapa,  platas.  charts,  ate.  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratioa.  Thosa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  axposura  ara  filmad 
baginning  In  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornar.  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  framas  as 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrama  illustrata  tha 
mathod: 


Las  cartaa.  planchas.  tablaaux.  ate.  pauvant  itra 
filmte  i  das  taux  da  reduction  diffirsnts. 
Lorsqua  la  documant  ast  trop  grand  pour  fttra 
raproduit  an  un  saul  clichi.  il  ast  film*  A  partir 
da  I'angla  sup4riaur  gaucha.  da  gaucha  i  droita, 
at  da  haut  an  baa.  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagaa  nicassaira.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrant  la  m^thoda. 


1  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

Mtooconr  MxwmoN  mr  cmait 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHAUT  No.  2) 


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ISS3  Coat  Moil)  Slrm 

Rocli«sl«r,  Nn  Tot«       14609      us* 

(716)  482  -  0300  -  Phon. 

(716)  288  -  99(9  -  Fa> 


i 


THE 


History  of  North  America 


GUY  CAKLBTOM  LKM»  Fa.  D. 


JoHin  HoruM  amd  CoLumiAM  UmvBBnnn,  Emtok 


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THE  HISTORY  OF 
NORTH   AMERICA 


VOLUME  XI 


CANADJ 
AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


W.  BENNETT  MUNRO,  LL.B.,  Ph.D. 

mmocTOR  IN  oonKHMnrr  in  uawauv  mcirittrrri  un 
wntiucTM  iM  MUTORr  IN  wiuuMs  cmxni 


PRINTED  FOK  SUBSCRIBER^  ONLT  Br 

GEORGE  BARRIE  k  SONS,  PiiiLA^EtnnA 


///^ 


«  I 


Copyright,  1905,  by  Geokoe  Bamii  tt  Som 
EnUrtd  at  Suuiontrt"  Hall,  Lmdmu 


EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 


Thb  htstoiy  of  the  United  Sutet  it  to  interwoven  with 
the  history  of  Canada  that  every  American  must  possess  a 
working  knowledge  of  the  prepress  made  by  the  Dominion 
if  he  would  properly  understand  many  of  the  important 
phases  of  the  development  of  the  United  Sutes.  It  is,  how- 
ever, from  the  Canadian  and  not  the  American  standpoint 
that  the  account  of  the  history  of  the  British  possessions  in 
North  America  must  be  viewed  if  one  is  to  have  a  correct 
estimate  of  the  reciprocal  influences  exerted  by  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the  Dominion  of  Canada  and  a  fair 
judgment  of  the  policies  and  achievemenu  of  these  two 
great  governments. 

These  statements  will  not  meet  with  denial  from  either 
intensive  or  extensive  students.  Both  classes  of  schokrs 
will  admit,  with  more  or  less  readiness,  the  importance  of  a 
knowledge  of  Canadian  history  co  every  dweller  in  the 
United  Sutes  and  yet  neither  will  take  steps  to  bring  that 
knowledge  to  the  general  reader,  though  some  historians, 
indeed,  will  go  so  far  as  to  admit  our  postulate  that  a  knowl- 
edge of  Canadian  history  is  almost  as  important  to  citizens 
of  the  United  States  as  a  knowledge  of  English  history.  No 
student  can  acquire  that  knowledge  either  from  the  usual 
histories  to  which  the  general  public  has  ready  access,  or 
from  those  which  the  students  in  institutions  of  learning 
are  obliged  to  study.  The  information  given  in  generu 
histories  of  the  United  States  is  inadequate  and  in  school 

V 


I 


HMHI 


vi  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

histories,  dealing  with  the  same  subject,  of  little  extent  or 
value.  With  these  facts  in  mind,  I  determined  to  present  in 
this  history  of  North  Ameaca  a  clear  exposition  of  Canadian 
history  from  a  Canadian  standpoint.  Such  an  exposition 
in  fact  as  would  not  only  give  to  Canadians  a  satisfactory 
retrospect  of  the  progress  made  by  their  country  but  also  give 
to  Americans  an  adequate  conception  of  the  evenu  whose 
sequential  narration  is  as  much  a  part  of  ths  history  of  North 
America  as  is  that  of  the  United  Sutes. 

I  was  particularly  fortunate  in  securing  the  co5peration 
of  distinguished  Canadian  scholars  in  making  choice  of  an 
author  for  the  present  volume,  and  I  believe  that  our  selec- 
tion has  been  justified,  for  Dr.  Munro  has  shown  a  nice 
judgment  in  the  selection  of  points  of  stress,  a  happy  faculty 
of  expression  and  withal  has  written  from  the  point  of 
view  of  a  Canadian  to  whom  his  country  is  a  great  and 
important  unit  in  the  sum  of  American  progress. 

The  volume,  after  describing  the  country  where  England 
and  France  were  to  contend  for  mastery,  recounts  the  earliest 
voyages  of  which  we  have  trace,  and  then  with  clearness  and 
force  tells  the  story  of  the  several  provinces  that  have  now 
be.-n  welded  into  the  Dominion.  In  relating  this  story  of 
the  cradle  days  of  his  country  the  author,  with  keen  appre- 
ciation of  the  picturesque,  introduces  that  element  of  human 
interest  created  by  unusual  or  romantic  episodes  so  abundant 
in  those  years  when  French  and  English  strove  for  mastery 
in  the  great  Northland.  But  if  the  romantic  is  accent- 
uated in  the  cariier  chapters  of  the  book,  which  deal  with 
discovery,  colonization,  and  adjustment  of  dissimilar  popu- 
lations to  their  environment,  it  is  quite  another  phase  of 
the  subject  that  occupies  the  middle  portion  of  the  work. 
In  this  it  is  politics  that  are  to  the  fore  although  the  mate- 
rial and  mental  advance  of  Canada  is  by  no  means  neglected. 
The  politics  of  the  middle  period  of  Canadian  history  occu- 
pied the  statesmen  quite  as  much  as  the  militanr  events 
which  marked  the  struggles  between  the  An^o-Saxon 
peoples  of  this  continent;  but  historical  writers  have  at 


IDJTOR'S  INTRODUCTION 


v8 


a  rule  shown  littk  appreciation  of  the  relative  importance 
of  political  moveiuents  in  the  governmental  history  of 
Canada.  With  politics  Dr.  Munro  exhibitt  exceptional 
fiuniliatity.  He  places  before  us  the  spirit  of  the  various 
movements  whose  steps  led  to  the  present  governmental 
structure  of  Canada.  The  exposition  is  luminous  and  clear. 
So,  too,  is  that  third  portion  of  the  history — that  portion 
which  embodies  the  presentation  of  the  Canadian  govern- 
ment of  to-day  and  sets  forth  the  sute  of  the  people  under 
its  control  and  the  bnd  in  which  they  live. 

I  may,  therefore,  in  conclusion  recommend  most  hi^y 
this  volume  of  Thi  History  of  North  America  because 
of  its  vigorous  style,  itt  clear  grasp  of  the  facu,  and  its 
accuracy  of  conclusion,  all  combined  with  a  breadth  and 
depth  of  learning  which  causes  confidence  to  walk  hand  in 
hand  with  appreciation. 

Guy  CARutTON  Lu. 
yibiu  Htpkins  Univtnitf, 


mmmt 


mmtm 


mtmm 


iilH 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 

Thi  annala  of  the  Canadijn  people  in  of  interest  and 
importance  from  at  least  two  distinct  points  of  view.     In 
the  first  place  thejr  have  that  natural  interest  and  import- 
ance which  every  free  peo|^  are  wont  to  attach  to  the 
hist«T  of  their  own  land;  in  the  second  place  they  prasent 
what  is  perhaps  the  best  extant  material  for  the  compara- 
tive study  of  French  and  British  colonial  systems  in  their 
political,  social,  and  economic  aspectt.     It  has  been  my 
«m,  •»  ftr  as  it  has  been  practicable  so  to  do  within  the 
limits  of  a  single  volume,  to  make  this  work  at  once  a 
history  of  the  Canadian  people  and  a  general  analysis  and 
comparison  of  French  and  British  colonial  policies  as  ex- 
empUfied  in  the  nirthem  half  of  North  America.     This 
JMter  action  has  seemed  to  me  to  be  justifiable  not  alone 
bemuse  of  the  intrinsic  importance  ot  the  subject  itself,  but 
because,  as  De  TocqueviJJe  says,  "the  physiognomy  of  a 
government  may  be  best  seen  in  iu  colonies."     And  no- 
where as  in  Canada  may  one  study  to  such  good  advantage 
the  logical  working  out  of  the  Utin  and  Teutonic  types 
of  colonization  and  colonial  administration.     Believing  as 
I  do  that  history  is  not  alone  *« put  politics"  but  a  narrative 
as  well  of  the  social  and  economic  life  and  development  of  a 
people,  an  endeavor  has  been  made  to  give  due  prominence 
to  these  latter  features. 

The  volume,  it  nuy  be  said,  makes  no  claim  to  origi- 
nslity  either  as  renrds  the  matter  which  it  contains  or 
as  regards  the  meuod  of  presentation.    The  greater  part 

ix 


X  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMMRKA 

of  the  tource  material*  In  the  field  of  Canadian  hittorj  have 
been  ao  well  worked  over  by  careful  investigaton  that  it 
•eemed  needle«  to  glean  where  thejr  have  garnered.  To  such 
general  works  as  thoM  of  Leicarbot,  Charievoix,  Ferland, 
Faillon,  Gameau,  Parkman,  Christie,  Suite,  McMuUen,  and 
Kingsford,  as  »^ell  as  to  «ie  special  works  of  Harrisse,  Cas- 

Ein,  Martin,  I-orin,  Gravier,  Dionne,  Doughty,  Turcotue, 
nt.  Read,  Lindsey,  Edgar,  Biggar,  Pope,  Willison,  and 
many  others,  my  obligations  are  great  and  obvious.  Mill  I 
have  not  hesiuted  to  go  to  the  sources  whenever  the 
necessity  or  even  desirability  of  so  doing  appeared.  Had 
the  symmetry  of  the  series  so  permitted,  the  various  woA* 
from  which  material  has  been  derived  would  have  been 
definitely  indicated  in  footnote }  in  dus  matter  as  in  others, 
individual  judgment  has  been  obliged  to  defer  to  the  opinion 
of  the  general  editor  and  hia  associates. 

Many  kind  friends  have  given  dieerful  assistance  in  the 
acquisition  of  material  for  use  bodi  in  the  text  and  in 
the  illustrations:  to  all  of  these  pateful  acknowk^ment 
is  made. 

WnXIAM  BiMNITT  MtJNRO. 

CiaiAridgt^  Mau,  . 


CONTENTS 


EoiTOR'a  Introooction v_vii 

AUTHMl't  PeIFACB ij(_3j 

I      iNTKOOUCrOKT J-iS 

njtiai  tetoiM.  OMgmhiad  dhrWou.  Tke  Hnibaa 
.?^fe  '«!."5f"«*o««**.  St.LnncaMaadGf«t 
LakwbMu.  tkOkumOif  rmpmotmOmamL  Set- 
OMMtt  mmttHm  OMBim  vaOtv.  Tk*  MtUi  bOm  into 
dw  Upper  PnriBoa^  TbebHiaartV  ^Jbha.  TlwCtt- 
BwtlwiiiBtrfAcnifahyth,  ..Adi.  BriiUiloMlte 
Tlw  MarthwMi  TanilMkt.     Thifr  oHBt  aad 

■tM&  Tlw  Pk«Mk-QMwfin  doMBk  DiMribotioa  afOa 
MMfc  TkaJnaA  |w«iiiuaiid  ipini.  Th.  Britfah 
nds.    CoMHt  bMNWP  Ond  aad  Biiioa. 

II      DnCOVBKT  AND  ExraOKATION I9-38 

Hwjr  tiM  Smath's  gnat  to  Joka  Qdio*.  PinI  wnn, 
1^7'    The  qimtiou  of  tlM  CUnt  kad&IL    Sgom  of  £■. 

SitirtM  Oriwt'.  amtioafc  UawtHaty  of  Ae  McSk 
VeBMao'soiocMiaaik  DotAteofduirfeBaiaeaMe.  Kc*. 
Mae  &r  the  ulor  iawtiihjf  of  Ftamce  ia  anttm  of  esplgn. 
^  '^  *''^;?T  "**  *«  NewfcoadlMd  Meriie. 
gooMCMier.     Hi.«nt«qrH«.iS34.    B«k«i  Gulf  of 

S:  ^fT"***-  ^'T*'  T"'^^  »««•  *••«•  M«>»i«l. 
HM  aoeooat  cc  ha  enhmtioes.     The  wiatar  ia  Gki 

GMtier'i  (tneripdaa*  ofladka  lift,    ayaialegyef Oei 

xi 


xi 


CANADA  AND  MUTtSH  NORTH  AMERICA 


The  mMdafat 
RcHOM  (or  CurticrU  niddai  dcpaituic     Tlw 


V 


"Canada."     Cuto't  third  vojrue,  i54i'     Hb 
with  Robenral  and  itt  rctaltt.     Di^utts. 
St.  John'i. 

fourth  voyage,  1543.  Obtcurhy  rcpiding  h.  De  b  Roeht 
attcmpti  to  colonise  Sable  laland.  POBtpwri  and  Chamrin. 
The  monopoly  of  the  fiir  Hade.  Enhrgemciit  of  iU  bcnefita. 
De  QuHtcs  lends  an  expkning  cxpeditioii  tinder  Pontgnvi 
and  Champlain.  Champlain's  fint  voyage  in  1603.  The 
De  Monts  colony  at  Stc.  Croix.  At  Port  RoyaL  "L'Ordre 
de  Bon  Tempt."  The  colony  abandoned.  The  De  Monts 
charter  annulled.  Champlain  founds  Quebec  settlement  £«• 
plores  the  Richelieu.  Espouses  the  Hunm  canic.  Is  impoeed 
"n  by  Vignau.  Discovers  Lake  Champlain.  Explores  the 
Otttwa.  The  Huron  country.  The  KicoUct  miswwwrifs 
Georgian  Bay  and  Lake  Ontario.  The  De  Caea  mooopolpr. 
Dissensions  in  the  colony.  The  Jesuits  arrive.  Active  mis- 
sion work.  Richelieu's  influence.  The  Company  of  New 
France.  Its  powers  and  privileges.  Champlain  in  charge 
at  Quebec 

III    The  Era  of  Govbrnmbnt  by  CoMMBRaAL 

Companies,  i 627-1 663 39-59 

The  first  expedition  sent  by  the  Company  of  New  Fnmcc. 
Difficulties  with  EngUnd.  Guises  of  the  tnmbie.  Kirfce's 
expedition.  The  Company's  fleet  a^>tuied.  Distress  in 
Quebec.  An  English  for  tnk'ing  oompany.  Quebec  snr- 
rendered.  ChampiUin  carried  prisoner  to  Enghmd.  Resloi»> 
ticm  of  Quebec  and  Acadia  to  Fntnce.  The  disputes  over 
the  seised  fors.  Resumption  of  operations  by  die  Company 
cf  New  France.  Champlain  resumes  ctmtroL  His  death. 
Estimate  of  the  man.  His  eariy  life.  Was  he  a  Roman 
Catholic }  The  effect  of  Jesuit  influence.  The  RtUOmu. 
Great  Jesuit  leaders.  Rdigious  enterprise.  Maisonneuve 
and  Mademoiselle  Jeanne  Mance.  Montreal  founded.  En- 
mity of  the  Iroquois.  Administrative  reforms.  The  Iroquois 
destroy  the  Hurons.  French  victims  of  the  Iroquob.  The 
colony  in  distress.  Le  Moyne's  peace  mission  to  the  Onoo- 
dagas.  Its  temporary  effect  The  Mdwwks  hostile.  Treadi- 
enr  of  the  Onondagas.  A  general  upriring.  The  defence 
of  Long  Sault  The  tribes  abandon  their  attack.  Conflict 
between  the  Sulpitians  and  the  Jesuits.  T«val  and  Queylus. 
Tension  with  die  civil  authorities.  Theliqumr  queMioa. 
Laval's  despotic  attitude.  The  Company  surrenders  its  rights 
to  the  crown.     The  king's  edict 


CONTENrg 


bS 


CMAFrH 

IV 


Umbiii  Loun  Quatorzi 61-94 

Guada  a  rojral  ptovincc  EMabUshmcat  of  the  Sovtnin 
CounelL  Itt  oompoHtkm  and  powm.  Thx  fint  pfovinSd 
ffovmnwBt  TlwOaudBkiiiiMiaaoriBVMdgatkiar  Laval 
and  Domcnil  frad.  Indiaa  nidt.  The  fabwD  ud  tiia 
executive  The  fim  mukr  troop*  in  Ouada.  Eipcditioa 
aguMt  the  Ira<|uoit.  Mohawk  lettlemcnti  dcitroycd.'  Ptaoa 
widi  the  Iroqaob.  Icaait  mbHoaa  ataUUied  among  them. 
CokMiial  eommetdal  development.  DisfaandmcBt  of  the 
<^gnaa-«alUret  Raiment  The  military  tcignkmct.  Tcaa 
Talon  and  the  eccWartical  authority.  The  king' •  domy. 
OpreroorFwoteaac  Hit  qualification  ibr  the  poet.  Revi^ 
of  o^ofatioBfc  Maniuette  and  Joliet  OeMcnt  of  the 
MiMiirippi  to  the  Atfcanm.  La  Salle  itoeim  leigniarial 
pant  of  La  Chine.  Afaaadooi  it  in  fimw  of  eaploiatioii. 
ac^oB  of  Fort  CatUBouL  Its  gnat  to  La  Sailer  The 
Pcnot-FRmtenac  diCcuhk*.  Reorganiation  of  the  Own- 
dL  Fromnac't  qnanrel  with  Laval.  The  Uquor  qu6  'on. 
AdmiaktiBtnre  comicti. 

Uhdm  Loum  Quatorzi — (Continvbo)     .  95-131 
Le  ToBti,  HeannMB,  and  Lamotte-QKliUac.     Niagaia  port 
««W«hed.     La  &dle'a  expedition  wert  in  the  Gram.    At 

?^*^!S!^  ^^'I*''***^  •«•*'««'•     Defcctiooofiomeof 
La  Salle'i  feUowcn.     U  Salle  ictunu  to  Mootital.     No 
newt  of  the  Gri^.    Retmnt  weeL    Hit  loiact  at  Mackinac 
and  Niagara.     Search  for  De  Tonti.     De  Tonti  and  the  Iio- 
qw-:- .     Hennepin  on  the  MiiiiMippL     Meeting  of  U  Salle 
and  De  Tonti.     A  new  e]q>edition.     La  Salle  dcMxads  the 
Miisiniimi.   Take*  poMCMOB  of  Aikauni  coontry.    Reaches 
^moadiofdieMitsinimiL     Chums  and  names  Lonitiana. 
Returns  to  Mackinac     Importance  of  the  new  discovery. 
La  Bam  qqwinted  governor  and  DeMeulcsiatendant.   Que- 
bec destroyed  by  fire.     U  Salle  despoiled  of  Fort  Cataraqw. 
Returns  to  Fiance.     Leads  an  expedition  to  the  Mississippi 
by  sea.     Ovcmils  the  river's  mouth.     Overland  journey. 
Is  sssasiinstfd.     La  Baire  outgcneralled  by  the  Itoquon. 
The  inglorious  peace  of  La  Famine.     DenonviUe  succeeds 
La  Bute.     Trouble  with  English  governor  of  New  York. 
A  settlement.     Expedition  against  the  Scnecas.     The  mas- 
sacre at  La  Chine.     Montreal  threatened  by  the  Iroquois. 
Further  friction  with   the  English   governor.      Frontenac 
once  moregovemor.     His  operations  againrt  tl»  Ecgliih 
odonics.   Tm  raids  of  Sdienectady,  Salmon  Falls,  and  Quco 


shr 


CMADJ  JUtD  BUTUH  MOUTH  dMMUKd 


Bqr.  TIm  EncUth  ti^M  Poit  RoytL 
Quebec.  ItiwitMniwaL  A  pniodof  ladiHi  tmibla«.~Tlw 
imiMiBg  o '  Foft  Fimmmk.  nuitiwiniiit  of  tha  Om»- 
dagM.  Acdva  opcwtioiM  agtiait  EoglUi  cokMiw.  AAin 
in  Qpcbcc  Doth  of  Piomcmc.  N«w  MMt  whk  tht  Iio- 
quou.  The  ootpoats  of  New  Pnace.  Renewal  of  the  war 
wtthEaykuid,  i7ot.  The  Indian*  indtad  anintt  the  bglUi 
colonics.  The  maMacre  at  Oaerfteld.  Kaid  on  Hnrer^ 
hill.  Retaliation.  Port  Royal  again  taken  bjr  the  Biitiih. 
The  Nicholeon-Walker  expeditiottt.  Cantee  of  their  M* 
ure.  Inopadtjr  of  the  leaden.  Tremble  with  the  Poaei  at 
Detroit  Treaty  of  Utrecht.  Tcnitofial  atyiattmant.  Death 
of  Louis  XIV. 

VI  ACRICULTUIIK,  iNDUmtY,  AND  CoMMBRCI    I33-I5S 

Paternalism  the  policy  of  the  Prench  government.  ObUgatiaaa 
imposed  upon  the  comnanies.  Thdr  n^lect  of  agrtenhura 
for  the  fiir  trade.  The  land  tenure  system.  How  bad  giania 
were  made.  Obligations  of  clearing  and  cultivating.  Reia> 
tions  of  the  seignior  to  the  crown.  Peal^r  and  homage. 
Seigniorial  bmd  giants.  Rights  and  duties  of'^seigniois.  The 
se^nior  and  the  fMnbiffv.  OUintiMia  of  ««a/K«(rrr.  Ju*> 
ti^wy  ri^ts.  The  noUu/e,  Effect  of  the  system  on  agri- 
cultural devcliwmcnt.  The  homes  of  the  seignicws  and  the 
kabiUMU.  Industry.  Its  beginnings  in  the  colony.  Prcnch 
policy  in  regard  to  cdonial  indMtrics.  Jean  Tal«i  the  Col- 
bert of  New  France.  How  fiv  rcqionsiblc  for  tardy  develop- 
ment Commerce  and  trade.  Monopolies.  Imports  and 
exports.  Impostt  and  restrictions.  Interml  trade.  The 
ntumurt  di  Mj.  Character  of  these  trados.  The  western 
posts.  Lamotte-Cadillac,  the  founder  of  Detroit  Omosilioa 
of  the  church  to  these  poets  and  to  their  mtem  of  trade. 
Evidence  of  debouchment  drawn  ftom  the  Jesuit  RtUtimu. 
How  &r  reliable.  Colonial  currency  difficulties.  The  card 
money.  Origin  of  this  form.  ^Vav  in  whidi  it  became  a 
permanent  fartor  in  the  currency  of  tne  colony.  Defects  of 
Louis  the  Fourteenth's  colonial  policy. 

VII  The  Conflict  Time 157-188 

Resources  of  New  Fiance  and  the  British  colonies.  Amicable 
relations  after  Treaty  of  Utrecht  New  coaiicta.  Oswq;o 
post  Troubles  widi  the  Foxes.  New  France  prosperous. 
Demoralisation  followi.    Acadian  boundary  in  dispute.    Bor> 

der  troubles.     Louisburg  built     The  Acadiaas.     Their 


COMTUm 


opporitioB  10  BiWA  nk.    Tkt  Wv  of  tht 
oMrioB.    IM  amM.    Tkt  iMHiaa  im 
wttfcwak.     rnMh  aad  ladku  aUMit  ' 
•¥«Mm  agaiMt  Lodibanr.     thiinMln  of  tiM 

Ot    COS^nMi,      "'tfftlwl    NMttBMBl  ■!    l^M   1^ 

UBteoTAcofokicoMMNfam.  HoUflafiiftifML 
cmkntioE  to  fit  Rojrak.  U  Loutit  iwit«  dio 
m^dMBHifah.    Ff«di  aetWty  ta\Sr 

tbt  itmoite  pofaMi.  Foit  Ou  Qhmm  titiyjli 
^^■•■fe*  h  WMfer  WaAtogSTta  *& 
•j;fa|»et«Att«qr.  ThtPrndiibraiiiinf 
muofBiiddoek.  Now  cmpdgn  aniM  For 
Olhjr  osmdilioM  mImi  tko  FiwekDdbi 
■«*«oek.  Shiih^Vaiwttho  oipcditkw.  J 
!!!L^  loko  Oooigo.  Fmch  mitiMMkr  ii> 
gg^ofthoAodkM.    W>,b.twoair» 


av 


of 


CMORM 


tfcof 


tit  ithi6>-' 


VHI    The  CoNrucT  Tnii— {Continue 
Fnpoicdacn  at  Fmaoo  aad  Gnat  BtMa. 
Mnagtli  of  tko  Fnadi  and  BritUi  Amoikn  < 
anhral  of  MontcaJa  aad  raiBforenncBtL    |lf>- 
w^onumuknd.    SUtlqr  dcgiadod.     F«n 
nnoBdefod.   laaeth%  of  tho  Bkbiih  eoouMMw 
of  tho  pakan  bjr  Frawh  allki.    Pht  dinMi  *.:' 

neat.    "IcaaawoEaglaBd."    " r    "liw 

btOaida.     Now  |ilaa  ofcampaigBs.    W«li»aad 
Tho  French  katfan.    Admhyibatfoo  pif^Mm.     ^ 
•MackoaLmd^.    Tho TiooiKtoop      WWob 
of  Howe.    Abtretoaibie'i  gRw  bhmikn.    Hitfli^  t 

FRnteaae  optond.     Tho  Biitkh  occary  Foil  dT^k^ 
« JT  "^  *^^~'""*"*«'-    MoBteatoi'i  daBcaWoi        i«, 
Mtirii  colomee  araotod  £Mr  Ao  &ul  Mraggk.    Tfc      m 
P«ig«»rfi7S9.     Oqitnn  of  Fort  Niagaia.     Fkoach  ^ks^ 
OB  Oiwcga     Atamdoa  Ticaodcraia  aad  Ctmm  9^< 
Wolfe  «  Qj5d«^I«,  difiSST^  rttaJTl  K 
iBoraKa.    Tho  liattio  of  the  Phdaa.     Montcalm's  vtm 
Optttfe  of  tho  dtjr.    Attempt  of  Do  LMt  to  mSt 

f^L^^^'*  ""^    Amhewt  advaacce  oo  Monti^ 
Iti  cqatnlation.     Impottaaoe  of  the  ^awipwit. 


i|f.at4 


xvi 


CMdDA  4ND  HUtaU  NORTH  4MMUC4 


IX  AcAoiA aas-a37 

TIm  cuiy  von  of  AcmUi.  Fint  MttkiMM.  PMt  lUfil 
bunicd.  Claimt  of  Urn  CafiMi  uti  Ficaeh.  TIm  La  Toon, 
Alcmukr't  colony.  Scotch  cokmjr  at  Pan  KojraL  Acada 
latoiwt  to  Fnnce.  French  cnbnjtatiow.  Tanilorial  Jk- 
fuu.  DitputH  among  the  French  Iwdwi.  Ot  ChaiaJMy 
■ad  La  Tour.  The  licge  of  St.  John.  MadaaM  La  ToaT  • 
dcftnctofthepott.  De  Chamtejr  inaatcr  of  Acadia.  Omjrt 
driven  from  Cape  Breton.  La  Tour  and  Deny*  recover  thdr 
poets.  The  expedition  of  Lc  Borgne.  The  Bagliih  a^ 
ture  the  Mttlement  La  Tour's  new  move.  France  chdme 
Acadia.  Ceded  by  the  T-mtjr  of  Breda.  French  nile. 
Boundary  difficulty  with  New  Engkad.  Saint-CMlfai'i 
Penobecot  settlement.  Androe's  raid.  Phippe  takee  Port 
Royal.  Le  Moyne  takee  Fort  William  Heaty  (PMMi|nid). 
Aodia  confirmed  to  the  French.  The  French  haiaet  the 
New  England  coasts.  PMt  Royal  uain  te  Ba|^  poaoao- 
sion.  Acoifia  confirmed  to  the  BtitSh.  lie  Royale  (CIib« 
Breton)  confirmed  to  France.  The  rise  of  Loiiiwarg.  Ita 
position  and  stiate|ical  advantages.  The  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
AcatUa  under  British  rule.     Attitude  of  the  Acrano. 

X  Thb  Aftbrmath  op  thi  CoNqpuT,  1 760- 

«774 239-a59 

Proclamation  of  176).  System  of  military  adminietratiaa. 
Division  into  districts.  The  Treaty  of  Puis.  Effect  on  dw 
British  colonies  cf  French  eapuUon  from  Camda.  Emdue 
of  Canadians.  The  cons|Nracy  of  Pontiae.  Kege  of  De> 
ttoit  Successes  of  the  Indkns.  Attack  on  Fort  Du  Qsesae. 
Bouquet's  victoiy  at  Bushy  Run.  Pontkc  abandons  Detroit 
siege.  Peace  effected.  Military  administtatioii  ends.  The 
four  provinces.  Gvil  government.  Murray's  administratioa. 
Hb  difltcultics.  Culeton'sgovemment  Legal  reforms.  De- 
mand for  an  Assembly.  The  Q^iebec  Act  Proclamation  of 
1 7  G)  repealed.  Boundaries  of  the  province.  Roman  Catholics 
relieved  from  mtrictions.  Church  lands  settkd.  Land  pro- 
cedure established.  An  Assembly  refined.  A  Legislative 
Council.  Attitude  of  the  colonists  toward  the  Act  Ametkaa 
Congress  fosters  Cantdian  ditaffrction.     Defensive  meosurca. 

XI  Canada  DURING  THE  Revolutionary  War  261-281 
Events  lenrting  up  to  the  Revolutionary  War.     The  Stamp 
Act     lu  repeal.    The  Townshend  Acts.     Repeal  of  same, 
except  tax  on  tea.     The  "  Boeton  Tea  Party."     Represeiva 


coMmnt 


xvii 


iigiiiiUuM«f  1774.   rbM 


-     M«MiMH<r 


— -'filler  1^**^  *^  *•'  —  „.„„w 

ku  ftiluM  !■  *> -■-  ™ii«in      VMMt  of  Amhw 


bjrtlwB.- 


IhwrMidv 


Uwi<r 


Dm 


i<t  fai 


.-    PhihiMlJiii  ii«  miitd 


CMmm 


*^  'woTIadinaliiMnotMeSv 


brHaktf. 
Tlw 


■^    i  f'nrnwilHi,     Fne«  tnM.  (^  ,-■. 


tothtBrid*. 


tlicy  did  6r  QHMdiL 


WiM 


XII     Tmi   St»uoo«   roft   CowrmmmiAL 

TK.,!i''^*"^» '774-1791 a83-ao6 


M.     OHiMttr  and  iaflncBce  of  tht 
the  Fmdi.Ouiadiaafc   OfaeoBtcu 


jimnigiamt.    UniM  of 
*'  tlwopaMioiuaftlM 


<>iictoa,  M  Loid  OofdMM^ 


■f>ia  !a  coMraL 
lieuteBant- 


•tftudOWl  Act  of  179,.      Ill  piP»WoMr&«»A-l)T: 

XIII    Thi  Wa»  or  1812-1815 


297-318 


Ssi'' Siioi?. -asL. '^'^ 


xviii        CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


)i 


'I » 


,1  , 


. 


commerce.  Futile  Iq^don.  Imptcnment.  Right  of 
leareli.  Why  the  British  actt  had  more  effect  United  States 
declares  war  against  Britain.  Preparations  bjr  OinB^w.  The 
American  plan  of  invasion.  Britiah  successes  at  Detroit  and 
Queenston  Heights.  American  naval  successes.  The  cap- 
ture and  burning  of  York  (Toronto).  Operations  on  the 
Niagara  frontier.  The  expedition  to  Sackett's  Harbor. 
Perry's  victory  on  Lake  Erie.  Itt  significance.  Ptoctor 
abandons  Detroit.  Tecumseh's  struggle  at  Moraviantown. 
Border  ravages.  Wilkinson's  abortive  campaign  against 
MtMitrcal.  American  flotilla  destrwed  on  Lake  Champlain. 
Result  of  the  1813  campaign.  The  Chtuiptak»  and  the 
Skamun.  The  campaign  of  1814.  Attack  on  Lacolle. 
British  operations  on  Lake  Ontario.  The  Niagara  peninsula. 
Fort  Erie  surrenders.  Battles  of  Chippewa  and  Lundy'i 
Lane.  Operations  in  the  West.  Attack  cm  Mackinac 
British  flotilla  destroyed  on  Lake  Champlain.  Prevost's  in- 
glorious expedition  against  Phtttsbutg.  British  M~-U^y  of 
seaboard  strengthened.  Washington  in  the  hands  of  the 
British.  Baltimore  successfully  resists.  The  Creek  Indians 
on  the  warpath.  Jackson's  defence  ^  New  Oricans.  Peace 
treaty  signed.  Its  conditions.  Effects  of  the  war  on  Canada. 
Financial  expedients.     Economic  depression. 

XIV     Lower  Canada  under  thb  Constitu- 
tional Act  or  1791 319-345 

First  general  election.  Constitution  rf  the  Assembly.  Racial 
2n>o«t>on.  The  French  Revolution.  Frendi  intrigues. 
The  McLane  episode.  The  Jesuits*  estates.  The  questioa 
of  an  established  church.  The  seignrarial  tenure  system. 
Conflict  between  the  Assembly  and  the  Ptcss.  Lt  CmuuIuh. 
Strained  relations  with  the  United  States.  Frictimi  between 
Assembly  and  executive.  Parliamentary  disqualification  of 
Jews.  Artntrary  seixure  of  Lt  Cwuutun.  aierbiaoke*s 
government.  LoyaI>/  of  the  Roman  Qttholic  popubrtion. 
The  Assembly  votes  supplies.  Renewed  fiic^ion  between 
Council  and  Assembly.  Canada  Trade  Act  Unicm  of  the 
Provinces  provided  (ta.  Revenue  control  a  source  of  protracted 
conflict  Canada  and  the  British  Reform  BilL  R^ineau's 
"  Ninety-two  Resoluti<ms."  Fipineau  in  control  of  the  As- 
sembly. Its  prorogation.  A  British  commission  appointed. 
Basis  of  conciliation.  The  Pxpineau  party  irreGonciliAle.  The 
Gosfbrd  report  An  elective  Upper  House  tcfiiied.  Cbntimied 
opposition.    Dissolution  of  Lower  Canada's  last  FuiiamcBt 


CONTENTS 


Tax 


cBwna 

XV    Upper  Canada  unoik  thi  Constitu- 
noKAt  Act  OF  1791     .    .    .    , 

SL?'S!^*r.'^r»Wy•     The  province  «ptoi« 

B»«itnre«»lA«embIyin«*ori.    Themof  therewSS; 
XVI    Thi  Winnino  of  Rssponsiiu  Govbmk- 

MIMT 

-radon  ^1:^  ssT .^i^riisrcf  a 

»««.     H«predMMdon.     The Depoti^ioB  Oidiiumce. 

TheActeTlKiemmtr.    DudMa't  Mi.Lti«r    liL 
**•  otidiee  the  fmwmiaeat't  meHon;    b 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


)l 


H  . 


Ill 
If 

m 


n 


raculcd.  Rcocwju  ot  KbcUion.  Its  tupprcmon«  DctciU 
of  refbnn  futf  in  Upper  Cuiadm.  Mackeniie'i  hoMiliw. 
Dttriuun't  leport  Dnlling  of  insuigcntt.  Phn  to  take 
Toronto.  It*  failure.  ^Muie  of  the  leader*.  Opeiationa 
on  Niagara  River.  The  amur  of  the  Carotin*.  End  of 
the  rebulion.  Lcgialative  remit*  of  Otuham'*  report.  Pro- 
pocal  for  a  union  of  the  province*.  The  Union  Act  of 
it4o.    It*  provinon*.    The  union  a  monument  to  Duriuun. 

XVII  Canada  under  the  Union  ....  401-434 
The  United  Province*  at  the  time  of  unimi.  The  kaUumt. 
Agriculture  in  Upper  Canada.  Shipbuilding.  The  fir*t 
Provincial  Parlianient.  Executive  and  Legiatoive  Coundla. 
Their  compoMtion.  Strained  relation*  with  the  United  State*. 
The ca*e  M  McLeod.  The  "underground  lailroad."  The 
Maine  and  Lowe.  Cuada  boundanr  diapute.  The  A*h- 
burton  treaty.  Political  difficultie*  of  the  new  rigime.  The 
Baldwin-Lafimtaine  coalition.  Executive  and  miiSstetial  con- 
flicts. Settlement  cS  Ottgom  boundary  di*pute.  Repeal 
of  the  Com  Law*.  Great  Irish  imrnvration.  The  second 
Lafontaine-Baldwin  minietry.  Lq;iwtion  again*t  pauper 
immigratiM).  The  <<  Movement  of  1S48."  The  RoeUion 
Losses  Bill.  Limited  to  Upper  Canada.  Violence  of  the 
opposition.  Lord  Elgin's  attitude.  Refused  to  interfere. 
The  burning  of  the  ihriiament  buildings.  Seat  of  govern- 
ment transfinred.  Movement  for  annexaticm  to  United  States. 
The  "Qear  Grit  Party."  Itt  demands.  The  Hincks- 
Morin  coalition.  The  Grand  Trunk  Railway.  Public 
worics.  The  Clergy  Reserves.  A  reciprocity  treaty  with 
the  United  States.  A  new  ministerial  coalition.  Clergy 
Reserves  ^)portioned.  Seigniorial  tenure  system  abolished. 
An  elective  Legislative  CoundL  Amwatance  of  Macdonald 
in  politics.  The  principle  of  the  double  miyori^.  Bytown 
(Ottawa)  the  new  capital.  The  accession  of  Brown  v.. 
power.  His  inability  to  hold  office.  Macdonald's  "DouUc 
Shuffle."  The  visit  of  the  Prince  of  Wale*  in  1 860.  The 
"Trent"  affair.  Military  e*tabli*hment  itrengthened.  Reci- 
procity treaty  with  United  State*  abrogated.  Confederaticm 
movement.  Maritime  Province*  finror  lepeiation.  A  con- 
ference. Bads  of  union  agreed  upon.  Tention  with  United 
Slate*  government  Raiib  on  Vemxmt.  Fenian  raids  into 
Canada.  The  British  North  America  (Confedeiation\  Act 
passed.  The  new  executive  and  legislative  systems.  Federal 
and  provincial  powers.     The  new  Dominion  established. 


CONTENTS 


ni 


XVIII    Thb  Dominion  unck  Confimration  ^^^ 

^"^we.  ComprdMMw  meuttici.  The  intercolonW 
nJwty.     Novm  Scoto  won  to  the  conftdention.     »Bma 

S-i^S*^*^.*^.?"**^**-  TheHucbon'.Bw 
Z^^  •  *«l'«««7-     Sgnifiance  of  the  punhaw  of  tfi 

AeRedRam^qr.     Tnuufcr  to  the  D<innikm  gom^ 

^eUed  bjr  the  Wobelejr  expedMon.  A  new  «teuBi««- 
tave^rrtem.  F«i«  upridng.  C«ad.  ud  the^STrf 
Wwhington.     Britkh  Columbk  nA  it.  admiSonW  the 

Cte-nic  lUilwny  diwen.     The  "P«dfic  SomdiL"     Mto- 

topower  Effect  of  I^idLome-i«xe«on  to  the  govOTor. 
^«l^p.  Qjjebec  in  conflict  with  the  genend^g^ 
m«L  Economic  progw«.  TronUei  with  4e  MetiTwei 
^^^7:!^T  ]f*'^^«V««ion.„ftheJ!l^^ 
Defat  of  the  rebel,  and  execution  of  Rid.     Ctotention  ow 

^J^T^^^t^  De.thofM«d,SdTl5S 
chMMter  md  woric  m  Bdiring  Se.  quettion.  The -«. 
«e«:hooldiflic«ltie.inl^at     TteTSd  JJ^'^^ 

^I^^T^^  C«ttd«  «d  the  So«th  AfitaSwT 
The  p»rfH«»tal  tmff.  AP»cificableetta,lCteA  ^ 
Al«k.b«md«y*ttle«ent.     The  French  Sho«Sffic£* 

t^jT^T^'^^'^  IntellectmaprogmTX 
place  of  the  Dominion  unong  the  nation.. 

XIX.      NBWrOCNDtAND ^ 

Sf'?^."^*-'^     The  French  fohemien  «.«/ 

comtorfoftheidmd.  The  beginning  if  the"  FienchS" 
Afficultiefc  A  French  KtdemwTS  Placentia.R«S7n. 
fluence  incre.*^  n«viUe'.  e»editio«^^  ^TSnt 
French  control     R««lhi.tment  WXrlS^of  R^nSfck 

GwMBntwa.  I'wgmi  after  the  tiewy  of  Utrecht  St.  John'. 


xxu 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AUERtCA 


I'  I 


optuied  hf  the  French.  Reulun  bjr  A«  BrkUL  The 
Tnatjrof  nria  and  die  «Fiaidi  Shore"  prhrilcga.  PrapMi 
to  the  doee  of  the  Napoleonic  wan.  Economic  advenitjr. 
Agiictthnnl  devctopncnt  bq;un.  Adminimativc  ■jratom. 
Itctponiihle  govcnunent*  Frendi  n^hts  denwitted  fay  Qtcat 
Britain.  Otifcction  hj  Newfiwradland.  Rdigioua  (filar, 
encch  The  iiland  gorcnunent  dccltnca  to  join  ^  eonSHi- 
eiation.  The  fatter  n^otiatioat.  Synonie  of  ^  Fkcnch 
fisheries  grievance.  Friction  with  tlM  home  fovenunent. 
A  final  settlement.  The  Blaine-Bond  treaty.  Resented  by 
the  Dominion  govenmient.  A  period  of  bitter  ftding. 
Cordial  idations  resumed. 

Chronological  Table 479-487 

List  op  iLLUirnATiom 489^94 


CANADA 
AND   BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


MUNRO 


I  ' , 


CHAPTER  I 


tNTRODVCTORr 

UK  lice  luve  been  M|y  ae  Muential,  u  me.  be^  k. 

MMMoa  Kingdom.    Her  intukr  po«ition,  rivine  her  u  it  h.. 

3 


CJNADA  JND  MMTISH  NOHTH  AMUKA 


obviating  the  necetxity  of  maintaining  a  ttanding  annjr,  hat 
been  one  of  the  most  powerful  agents  in  the  development 
of  British  liberty.  But  for  thiti  the  political  Enghuid  of 
the  Stuarts  might  not  have  diflered  so  greatly  from  the 
France  of  the  Bourbons.  There  has  been  no  more  potent 
feature  in  the  growth  of  popular  government  than  the  twenty 
miles  of  Channel  which  lie  between  England  and  her  near- 
est Continental  neighbor.  Again,  the  great  mineral  resources 
of  Great  Britain  have  almost  of  themselves  nnarked  out  the 
course  of  her  economic  history.  But  one  nuy  not  alt<^ether 
neglect,  in  tracing  British  political  development,  to  uke 
account  of  the  influence  exerted  by  that  deep  spirit  of  de- 
mocracy which  the  Anglo-Saxons  bruu^t  with  them  from 
their  Continental  homes:  that  strong  faith  in  local  self- 
government  and  that  strict  conservatism  in  political  matters 
which  have  been  their  marked  characteristics  since  the  days 
of  the  Heptarchy.  Neither  physical  nor  moral  factora  alone 
suffice  to  interpret  the  history  of  the  British  people,  nor 
will  either  by  itself  explain  the  somewhat  unique  develop- 
ment of  Canadian  history.  Hence,  it  may  be  well  at  the 
outset  to  examine  some  of  the  main  physical  features  of 
the  country  as  well  as  to  notice  the  main  sources  from 
which  the  population  of  the  colony  has  been  drawn. 

Speaking  generally,  Canada  may  be  divided  into  the  basin 
of  Hudson  Bay,  the  Basin  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the 
Great  Lakes ;  the  basin  of  the  St.  John ;  the  basin  of  Mac- 
kenzie River  and  the  two  slopes  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
Oceans.  The  first  of  these,  the  basin  of  Hudson  Bay,  is 
much  the  largest,  comprising,  as  it  does,  parts  of  Ontario, 
Quebec,  Manitoba,  and  the  Northwest  Territories.  While 
the  territory  is  for  the  most  part  level,  and  the  soil  well 
wooded  and  fertile,  the  climatic  conditions,  except  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  basin,  have  been  such  as  to  prevent 
any  considerable  settlement.  Even  at  the  present  day  there 
is  little  agriculture  throughout  the  whole  basin,  lumbering, 
fishing,  and  fur  trading  occupying  the  anention  of  the  smdl 
population. 


ntmoDucToitr 

P<»«wtm.Qrc«iuMllaii  activity.  Thig  awTvdL  i«toi 

Si  ^^!^i  '^  ""y  ~^.««'  hence  .oon  h^ 
we  centre  of  population.  The  whole  valJev.  irith  tE^ 
ceptjon  of  a  fringe  north  of  Lake  SupS  TiotL^; 

tanning,  and  the  elevation  above  the  Ma  level  ii  iiX^r* 

K?  «f ?     7J"  F"*  '*»*»»  >»"  »»««n  «  •uccewive^M. 

induwnal  and  commemal  centre  of  the  colorrT    It  Ml! 
from  thi.  region  that  the  timber  was  ^  cl«S'  Ja  k 
|*e  land,  were  fir«  „^  to  yield  S?  ciy^uCneS:^ 

M.ntr«J,«.d  before  long  the  newcomeT4,^Th^r~ 

.    The  earliest  aeitler^-for  the  mott  part  employ^  of  tr.H. 
mg  companies-were  almost  exclusive^  nSZ„.      -ST 

f^«  ^       u      v"t  ^*™'''**  '"'*  migrated  to  the  colonv 
fn,m  other  than  Norman  poru.     ATexaminatioS  S'"t2 


6         cdNjiM  JMD  amrtsH  momth  jmmcj 

ptrwh  regtftcra  of  Qutbec,  which  have  been  ibom  dUifcmhr 
ami  accurately  kept  from  the  nuttet,  thowt  that  Canattt 
began  her  hittory  with  an  almost  unmixed  inAision  of  the 
M  conquering  blood  of  Normandie."  After  1640,  a  raiall 
band  of  Angevina  settled  in  Montreal,  but  there  wcie  ap- 
parently no  women  among  them,  and  moat  of  their  number 
married  the  daughters  of  the  Norman  settlers.  Had  the 
colony  been  left  pemuuiently  in  the  hands  of  the  Rouen 
and  Dieppe  merchanu,  it  seems  certain  that  its  population 
would  have  been  thoroughly  Norman,  but  in  1663  the  con- 
trol was  taken  from  the  company.  At  once  an  influx  of 
settlers  from  other  parts  of  France  begui,  small  parties 
coming  from  Pieudy^  Poitou,  and  Gascony  to  take  up  lands 
in  New  France.  This  opened  up  a  new  phase  in  the  hi»- 
tory  of  immigration)  for,  while  the  Norman  element  in  the 
colony  was  strong,  it  was  unable  completely  to  assimilate 
the  non-Norman  settlers,  who  now  began  to  arrive  in  larger 
numbers.  Many  of  the  newcomers  were  from  niris  and 
the  surrounding  districts,  but  these  were  for  the  most  part 
government  officials,  priests,  traders,  and  others,  who  did 
not  take  up  lands.  When  the  French  regiments  of  regular 
troops  were  disbanded  in  the  cotony,  both  soldiers  and  offi- 
cers  married  either  colonials  or  women  whom  the  king  had 
sent  out  to  New  Fruice  in  considerabk  numbers  during  the 
years  1667  to  167^.  The  colonial  church  registers  show 
that  more  than  haJf  of  these  gavr  Nomundy  as  their  place 
of  birth,  so  that  Nonnan  blood  suffered  no  diminution  in 
strength  by  this  immigration.  Of  the  total  population  of 
New  France  in  1680,  estimated  at  somewhat  less  than 
ten  thousand  souls,  it  is  probable  that  at  least  four-fifths 
were  either  of  Norman  birth  or  of  Norman  descent,  or  had 
married  Norman  wives. 

During  the  next  three-quarters  of  a  century  there  was  a 
steady  influx  of  settlers  from  various  parts  of  France;  almost 
every  province  contributing  its  quou.  But  Normandy  sent 
many  more  than  its  share,  and  the  Norman  population  in 
the  colony  increased  with  striking  rapidity  owing  to  the 


omoDucrour 

hJ^Wrth  we.  Th.  Normtn  mtlcn  wtm  oo  Um  lud 
more  radUj  than  th.  other  immigiint.,  mu,  ofwSm 
took  up  mkknce  i„  the  town.  to^V««2;  tottLde.  /S 
whoith.  colony  pj^^  u„o  EngliTKl.  tlTSU^^ 

Jew  went  from  the  run!  diMrictt.  Thut  it  wm  thtt  th« 
Normtn  element  retained  »•  decuive  ptedoain«fice  down 
to  .nd  after  the  conquer.  Thu.  it  iTdtaTX  FiSS 
•peaking  communitie.  of  Canada  to  this  dav  cmdof f  Zo« 

Njrmwt  of  the  aeventeenth  century  were  a  .t^Sh^d,rift7 
«d  .nduatriflju.  «ock,  admirably  fitti  for  the  Ski  pkS 
Jfc  u,  njw  land..  Their  one' g«at  defect  SSiSn^ 
been  ihar  prochvity  for  disputing  among  themaelve^  wd 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  FieSh  rtgiL^S  J^ 
nu^  the^dals  of  the  e«iJ^iUgioS£niSS 
P««vwJ«l.  The  law  couru  were  kept  busy  scttlinir  the 
most  trivial  matters,  for  the  long  .ri^^Z  ^7 X 
«on  ample  scope  to  indulge  inlSkkering.  Sail  lS£  t 
both  the  I«dkn  and  Englid,  w^n^S^  NomJ^J^, 

S^tS^S^"  •!?^*  fighter,  daring  to  a  &X  «i 
oipsWe  of  endunng  the  most  severe  hanbWp..  BmS,  the 
■ra  Of  peace  he  was  conservative,  unambitious,  and  even 
unprtjre^ive  Thi.  w„  due.  no  doubt,  toTtSiSl  ^ 
UvJSr*' «»« , J^.^'n'Wstrwive  system  under  Xh  he 
S^  »  T  ^""^^.^^l  New.  was  not  such  as  S 
Sh.lL.  **PP«*«»^  ft"  ««on«nic  «Ivance  even 

had  he  been  progressive.    An  unswerving  loyidty  both  to 

at TtiS^rjnr  ^  ^'«f!L«»»««el.ed'S^,2 
a  aH  times,  and  the  ngorous  demands  which  both  made  on 

m  his  stniggfe  for  a  comfortable  subsistence.  ^ 

fwl  viif"*^  Md  Lake  basin  westwani  of  the 
Ottawa  Valley  was  prwsically  unsettled  at  the  time  of 
Ae  conquest.  The  Fie«A  id  established  tSr^i^ 
po«.  at  several  points,  which  were  deemed  to  poss^ 
•twegic  value  or  to  be  fcvoiably  located  for  conSg 


8  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

the  fur  traffic  with  the   Indians.     But  at  none  of  thote 
points  did  they  ever  make  serious  attempts  to  establish 
permanent  settlements.     It  was  always  the  policy  of  the 
French  authorities  to  c«  nfine  the  settled  area  in  such  way 
as  to  make  the  def-iice  o:  the  rolony  as  easy  and  as  inex- 
pensive as  possible      Hence,  with  vi  e  exception  of  a  small 
tract  of  territory  al'  ,ig  the  southen   shore  of  OtUwa  River, 
Upper  Canada,  oi   what  is  now  Ontario,  had  remained 
practically  free  froui  I^ic.ich  influence.     After  the  colony 
passed  into  British  hands,  settlers  came  opt  in  considenble 
numbers  from  Great  Britain,  and  many  of  these  pushed 
along  into  the  Upper  Province  to  carve  out  homes  in  the 
wilderness,  choosii>g  to  do  this  rather  than  to  settle  among 
strong  alien  influences.     But  the  great  influx  into  this  part 
of  the  colony  came  during  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighteenth 
century  when  the  result  of  the  Revolutionaty  War  in  the 
British    colonies   to   the   south    drove   the  Loyalists  into 
Canada.      Assisted  by  the  colonial  and  home  authorities 
these  settled  in  thousands  along  the  north  shores  of  the 
Upper  St.  Lawrence  and  Lake  Ontario  and  soon  the  vast 
wilderness  became  dotted  with  thriving  settlements.     As  a 
class  the  Loyalists  made  most  admirablt  settlers,  for  many 
of  them  were  drawn  from  the  higher  walks  of  life.     Only 
men  possessed  of  more  than  ordinary  enterprise  and  courage 
would  have  left  their  homes  along  the  Atlantic  to  endure 
the  hardships  of  pioneer   life  in  a  new  colony.     These 
were  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  Upper  Canada;  no  colony  has 
ever  commenced   its  history  with  a  more  valuable  asset. 
In  them  the  thirst  for  liberty  of  thought  and  action  was 
strong,  and  it  was  their  immediate  descendants,  inheriting 
the  qualities  of  their  fathers,  who  fought  and  won  the  battle 
for  constitutional  government  in  the  first  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.     During  this  latter  period  the  Upper  Prtv- 
ince  received  large  and  valuable  accessions  of  immigrants 
from  Scotland.     These  settled  at  various  points,  but  for 
the  most  part   in  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence  and  Ottawa 
valleys.     Some  Highhmd  regiments  were  disbanded  in  the 


tNTRODVCTORr 

was  rapidly  gaming  economic  and  political  visor      F^r! 
thw  poverty-stricken  but  virile  race  r,nl^,  k^if'  j       " 

of  her  moi  distinguished  sons      oSj^^.^"  ''"''  '"'"! 
Doets  ar»  fn  k.  r      j  ^^wors,  statesmen,  and 

"kich,  dnrine  ths  dd  ^S™     I»l«n<l,  form  ihe  «rritori« 

posits  which  have  been  considerably  utilized      Thf  „vt 
fisheries  of  the  Bav  of  F..nJ„  k   •"v.  ""f  ^'     I  ne  nch 

oas  altorded  the  provmce  an  exceUent  outlet  to  the  sea.   £ 


10 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


both  New  Brunswick  and  Nova  Scotia  the  climate,  while 
somewhat  more  moist  than  that  of  the  inland  provinces,  is 
decidedly  salubrious  and  compares  favorably  with  that  of 
most  parts  of  Great  Britain.  In  providing  abundant  wealth 
in  the  form  of  forests,  mineral  deposits  and  fisheries,  and 
in  giving  them  sou  of  the  best  harbors  on  the  whole 
Atlantic  coast.  Nature  has  done  much  for  the  Maritime 
Provinces.  Cape  Breton  possesses  unusual  facilities  for 
the  development  of  the  iron  and  steel  industry,  it  has 
large  coal  and  iron  deposits,  and  the  harbor  of  Sydney  is 
admirable.  It  is  only  of  late,  however,  that  these  natural 
facilities  have  been  utilized  to  any  considerable  extent. 
Prince  Edward  Ishind,  though  small  in  area  and  without 
important  natural  gifts,  is  not  behind  the  sister  provinces  in 
fertility  of  soil  and  favorableness  of  climate. 

Acadia  proper,  by  which  is  meant  the  Nova  Scotian  j,  nin- 
sula  alone,  was  partly  settled  during  the  French  r^ime. 
Where  the  settlers  originally  came  from  is  a  mooted  ques- 
tion, and  no  one  has  yet  satisfactorily  demonstrated  that 
they  emigrated  from  any  one  part  of  France.  Mr.  Benja- 
min Suite,  the  erudite  and  untiring  investigator  of  all  ques- 
tions relating  to  the  history  of  the  French-Canadian  race, 
judges  from  their  dialect  that  they  came  from  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Loire.  At  any  rate  they  were  not  Nor- 
mans in  origi;..  and  possessed  many  traits  which  difieremiated 
them  from  their  compatriots  of  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence 
valley.  While  the  two  were  always  on  friendly  terms,  owing 
faithful  allegiance  to  the  same  sovereign  and  church,  they 
rarely  intermarried  j  so  that  as  «Acadians  "  and  "  Canadians  " 
students  of  ethnolc^  have  usually  kept  them  distinct.  The 
Acadians  did  not  possess  either  the  courage  or  the  endur- 
ance of  the  Canadians,  nor  as  a  race  did  they  have  the  same 
vitality.  While  their  numbers  increased,  there  was  no  such 
rapidity  of  increase  as  that  which  characterized  the  Norman 
population  of  Canada  proper.  The  Acadian  was  an  in- 
triguer, but  while  he  lent  himself  readily  to  covert  sedition 
during  the  British  possession  of  Acadia,  he  rarely  allowed 


IMTRODUCrOkr 

himself  to  be  drawn  into  open  warftn  a<»in^  i.:. 

rains     Th#.  a^-j-      l      *^    wwrare  againtt  hia  new  tuze- 

because  the  profits  of  the  C^^'Jt  ^^^"^  "^^ 

from^^i^."fr',"''U*  °^  '"""ignuits  almost  exclusive^ 

Ca^  B^o„!nJ^  heen  comparatively  homogeneous.  In 
^pe  Breton  and  some  districts  of  Nova  Scotia  the  WoK 
clement  .s  predominant,  but  for  the  mo«  ^  Ae  ^.^ 
Brmsh  nices  are  quite  equally  divided.  ^  "* 

llie  fourth  geographical  division  of  Canada  the  orairi.. 

■1..  w«  toSr  R^  m""*  '?"'^  "^  i!^- »" 


la 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


other  grain,  while  Albena  possesses  special  attractions  for 
both  grain  farming  and  ranching.  Just  above  these  come 
the  Territories  of  Saskatchewan  and  Athabasca,  both  includ- 
ing thousands  of  square  miles  of  well-watered  prairie  lands. 
The  former  has  abundant  possibilities  as  a  grain  growing 
country  and  the  latter  is  as  well  endowed  by  nature  as 
many  lands  which  have  in  times  gone  by  supported  a  con- 
siderable population  in  comfort.  Still  further  toward  the 
Arctic  circle,  lie  the  Territories  of  Mackenzie  and  Yukon. 
The  former  is  to  the  present  day  an  almost  unknown  wil- 
derness, conuining  almost  no  white  population  save  a  few 
missionaries  and  traders.  The  Yukon  has  recently  been 
found  to  possess  considerable  mineral  wealth  and  the  ex- 
ploration of  this  has  during  the  last  few  years  engaged  the 
attention  of  a  growing  population.  Finally,  there  is  the  huge 
district  of  Keewatin  comprising  the  long  strip  of  territory 
which  extends  around  the  western  shore  of  Hudson  Bay 
and  south  to  the  northwestern  boundaries  of  Onurio. 

The  Territories  have  few  attractions  except  a  fertile  soil 
to  offer  the  immigrant.  The  climate  in  all  is  severe;  but 
It  possesses  a  dryness  which  minimizes  the  discomfort 
caused  by  the  extreme  cold.  There  are  reasons  for  believ- 
ing that  the  mineral  wealth  of  some  of  the  Territories  is 
considerable,  but  only  the  future  can  verify  this  belief. 
Timber  is  not  present  in  abundance  and  this  must  operate 
as  a  disadvantage  in  the  development  of  the  country.  Still 
the  influx  of  settlers  has  been  large,  especially  during  the 
last  decade.  Part  of  the  influx  into  the  Territories  has  been 
at  the  expense  of  the  older  parts  of  the  Dominion,  but  the 
new  lands  have  drawn  upon  Europe  to  no  inconsiderable 
extent.  And  while  most  of  the  European  settlers  have  been 
of  British  origin,  the  disposition  of  the  Canadian  govern- 
ment to  make  a  propaganda  of  western  resources  has  served 
to  bring  in  large  numbers  of  Galicians,  Icelanden,  Douko- 
bhora,  Finns,  and  other  non-Brirish  people,  the  assimilation 
of  whom  will  be  a  matter  of  more  or  less  difficulty.  A 
hopeful  sign,  as  far  as  Canada  is  concerned,  has  been  the 


.«4 


fA  SHORTE   AND 

otitic  narration  of  the  two 
Nau^tionsand  Difcoiicries 

to  the  >T  'rthweaftpartcjcalled 

««W1    PftAVNCSt 


don  by  RBynnefMn,  dwdlmg 

«»  rhames  ftreate,  neett  vnto 

BaymrfaCafleB. 

^«wJD«NM/.x5So. 


^S£^."rr>j--: 


INTRODUCrORT 
fecent  inflow  of  •ettlera  from  the  Uniteti  <i».»M     -ru-    •* 

w  the  CuMiiw.  .»thoriti».    But  the  hop.,  of  ^^^ 

making  hmpire    m  its  truest  sense.  ^ 

VJo,    •    v'      "**"  ''°P*  *"  *»««  exceUent  harbors  at 
Victona,  Vancouver,  and  Esquimalt.     The  hSriwaT  Van 

cany  tne  traffic  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railwav  m  »nJ 

^L'*Se'°Brid:h^"n?r^^^^^  "^"'^^  •^"''^-  ^  '''^ 
Tr^ted  at  an  It™  '''*"  «°^«™™«f  have  con- 

rlnoM      r        «no"nou*  expense,  a  splendid  navineKlock 


«4 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


British  Columbia  and  the  Yukon  are  by  ail  meant  the  fore- 
most mining  sections  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  and  it  is 
altogether  probable  that  very  little  of  their  potentialities  in 
this  direction  have  as  yet  been  exploited.  The  salmon 
fisheres  of  the  British  Columbia  rivers  have  long  been  a 
source  of  employment  to  thousands,  and  the  deep  sea  fish- 
eries of  the  coast  are  of  growing  importance.  The  climate 
of  the  province  is  well  suited  to  the  great  occupations  of 
the  people  and  leaves  little  to  be  desired  in  this  direction. 
Like  the  Teiritories,  British  Columbia  has  been  peopled 
largely  by  settlers  of  British  descent,  and  with  but  two 
exceptions  there  is  no  considerable  foreign  element  among 
its  people.  These  exceptions  are  the  Chinese  and  Japa- 
nese, who  have  flocked  into  the  province  in  large  numbers 
during  the  last  two  decades,  attracted  by  the  high  scale  of 
wages.  ^Vith  the  Chinese  the  Dominion  authorities  have 
been  able  to  deal  through  the  imposition  of  a  heavy  tax;  but 
with  the  Japanese  the  problem  has  assumed  a  more  serious 
form,  for  the  relations  between  Japan  and  Great  Britain 
have  prevented  drastic  action  being  taken  against  Japanese 
immigrants  to  British  Columbia.  With  these  exceptions 
the  population  is  quite  homogeneous. 

Surveying  Canada  as  a  whole,  one  may  say  that  she  has 
been  endowed  by  Nature  with  considerably  greater  gifts 
than  many  writers  and  historians  have  imagined.  Without 
recalling  the  declaration  of  the  French  monarch  at  the  time 
of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  that  he  had  ceded  only  "  some  arpents 
of  snow,"  or  the  reference  of  an  eminent  British  sutesman 
not  so  very  many  yeare  ago  to  "the  huge  ice-bound  deserts 
of  North  America  "  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  it  has  been 
Canada's  misfortune  to  have  had  the  reputed  severity  of  her 
climate  placed  too  often  in  the  foreground.  Even  at  the 
present  day  there  are  not  lacking  sources  of  information, 
reputed  to  be  reliable,  which  represent  the  greater  part  of 
the  Dominion  as  doomed  to  eternal  sterility;  nor  have  the 
terms  "Canadian"  and  "Siberian"  ceased  to  be  used  syn- 
onymously as  descriptive  of  climatic  conditions.     With  an 


iSTRODUCrORr 

of  importance.    Howev^  SuS  5.    ?^"  ""S"*  '"""ution 
on^.^  k    u*         "'"'*v«r  much  the  Indmn  may  have  infli. 
enced  by  his  prewure  the  history  of  the  old^m.  V  ! 
left  no  tiace  whatever  nn  »k-  ^jL  ■     •  °W  "^nie,  he  has 

only  lega^hriTn  to  1^°"!?"'!"*'°"  °^  »*«  "««'•    His 
Fir.r;7    •       r         g^^raph'cal  nomencJature. 

basin  from  the  Gulf  to  »k1  r   u    ^  .f  ^*-  Lawrence 

territoty  of  AaidU  afer!„r  ?"'  I!"  "''i'  *»  *•"=  *''°'«^ 
stem  were  knownin  d^«  Z^.  T.?"  °^  '''*  ^'8°"'l"'" 
names,  but  all  sLkc  thT^i'^"'"'^**  ^-^tTby  different 


l6  CANADA  AND  MMITtSH  NOKTH  AMERICA 

•edentarjr  stage,  m  wu  shown  by  their  spumodic  attempts 
at  cultivation}  but  the  majority  were  in  the  lowest  depths 
of  barbarism,  subsisting  precariously  by  the  chase  and  fish- 
eries. In  vigor  and  talent  for  progress  they  were  far  behind 
th-iir  numerically  weaker  .  eighbors,  the  Iroquois.  These 
latter,  a  separate  people,  speaking  a  language  distinctively 
their  own,  occupied  originally  the  territory  now  comprised 
within  the  State  of  New  York,  but  their  claims  were  grad- 
ually extended  over  the  strip  of  country  fringing  the  north 
shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Lakes  Onurio  and  Erie. 

A   branch  of  the  Iroquois,  the   Hurons,  occupied  the 
eastern  shore  of  the  lake  which  bears  their  name,  as  well 
as  the  shores  of  Georgian  Bay.     As  they  were  closely  con- 
nected and  on   friendly  terms  with  the  Algonquins,  they 
•eem  to  have  settled  in  bands  down  in  the  valley  of  the 
Ottawa  and  even  along  the  lower  St.  Lawrence.     In  fact 
there  is  reason  for  believing  that  the  ravages  whom  Cartier 
m^t  at  the  Bay  of  Chalcur  in  1534  were  Hurons.     But 
their  main  scat  of  population  was  always  in  the  Lake  regions. 
In  point  of  political  organization  and  economic  progress 
they  seem  to  have  been  quite  the  inferiors  of  the  Iroquois, 
yet  quite  the  superiors  of  the  Algonquins.     Their  agricul- 
tural pursuits  were  spasmodic  and  their  tillage  very  primi- 
tive, but  the  fertility  of  their  territory  and  the  favorableness 
of  their  climate  enabled  them  to  obtain  satisfactory  tWurns 
even  under  very  imperfect  conditions  of  cultivation.  Toward 
the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  they  incurred  the 
hostility  of  the  Iroquois,  with  bitter  results  to  themselves } 
for  in  the  wars  which  followed  they  proved  themselves  no 
match  for  the  aggressive  confederates.     Driven  from  their 
ancient  homes  to  the  islands  of  Georgian  Bay,  the  Hurons 
sought  to  recuperate  their  broken  strength,  but  to  no  avail} 
the  ferocious  Iroquois  pursued  them  thither  with  fire  and 
tomahawk.     A  small  remnant  of  the  tribe  was  eventually 
taken  in  char^  by  the  French  and  given  shelter  in  the 
securer  parts  of  the  colony  along  the  shore  of  the  Lower 
St.  Lawrence. 


//fnoDucToitr 

tun  of  Quebec  in  thTZ^S      ^^'  ^Bowing  the  cap. 
middle  point.    The  drt  ^e7u     ^?*'"*  '^3  •»  the 

ch.«cteSi^e.lS:Sr.;e  *irr«::;'^'^'i'.'«  -  ^ 

colony  thioueh  tlHs  ™Si.!!!  T      **''*"'  •"''  ***^«'oP  «»>« 

The  .econd  ei!  it  mIrE7lS!S  V" •*  1!»^"'  *■•"««• 
between  Fiince  «d  BriSnTfr  I!  '^  ''^  *^  ««"*^  ««'«i 

centuiy  from  1663  oTwnt«  2L;L^.r""  *''^«  »"* 
To  New  Fnuice  tL  ttrui^ll  «  ''  *"  8^»  "n«i«- 
to  New  EnZd,  to  the  SLTT  ""^  ""*='' «»««  «»»» 

whUe'^Iew  EngS"^5t*Sbl/l"Ti.  ^I!! 
conquer  of  New  Fm,c?^thT^r  couwUl,^  '"^ 
«cqu.re  permanently  even  a  .maTirt  St  L^*- ^^  •** 
tonet  to  the  wuth.  After  .hTJ^  ^  ^"^•*  **">- 
«en,  not  a  mSy  one  1^'  ^  ~''**"  *«•»••  will  be 
two  diwinc.  tyj^^o?  civl^tioi  "^  ""!.«^  '**^««" 
much  the  vi«o.5^f  Britr^^rLn?^*  *"**  '^  not  «, 
of  Teutonic  ovTr  LatS  mJS^S/^S  ^'""  "•  ***  ^^"•"P** 
emment.     The  Ieco„d  I^^^'^f  colonization  wd  gov- 

.uzeiimy.    T  ISc^JJlT^'^'^^.  '^  r""*  °^  Britiah 

vc^  unequal  in  l^ronu^ti^n"."-??'  C  T.^'**' 
covenng  more  than  a  ct-nt,.r«  f^  i  ""*  °^  *'*««» 
«.di.ti„V.iri.u,g^^,2j;^,£°j»  '760  to  1867,  ha.  „' 

•elf^vemmentVk  ^  SL^K    "*  ^^^  ^'"  ^^^^ 


It  CJMiOf  dHD  MUntM  MOUTH  JMMMKd 

p«bi  riMt  1I67  IM  bMn  OM  of  MUdcd  Md  woaMBie 
gytkniiiMiH  undtr  conMmiioii.  With  this  dtvtloemtat 

hM  com  cooMlt^Kkm,  wtMnufd  fnuuKMH  M4l  dM  Bvwtii 
ofaiMtionalMndaMiit.  AMMygb  b  kmj  and  mnMdwtic 
ttttthte  of  tht  motlwriaiHi,  bar  wide  ud  pomiam  bmmts 
btpn  to  give  the  Domiaioa  s^itt  to  comidnWoo  aaont 
the  nationt  of  the  world.  The  aim  of  the  succetditit 
chapter!  will  be  to  worlt  out  ia  lone  detail  the  hittorical 
•volution  of  dicae  pcrioda. 


-m 


t,iy<^  "'  '  V  '*•-'•••.•  »>i-. 


JACQUES  CARTIER 


Fnm  tht  painting  in  tht  Hotel  dt  VilU  at  St.  MaUy  France. 


CHAPTER  II 

DISCOFERr  AND  EXPLORATION 

offlu.  M^L.    r  "««"«1  by  historians  as  markine  the  end 

And  th^  ^'  ^^  ""•  '^  '''^"•"S  °^  **«  Mode™  P^ri^ 
And  this  for  many  reason..  For  one  thing  the  eraoffc«3»i 
decentnUization  in  the  countries  of  W^e™  Eu^pl  S 
hTbZ,'"  ir"  "'.!5l  *"  °^  politic  ™c3t^ 
consciousness,  and  to  pursue  what  may  be  looked  ■>»»»  .. 

we«n^!^  "         .  "*8  *°  recognize.     But  Endishmen 
were  not  promment  m  navigation  at  this  date.     iSr  ^" 

19 


ttaBaESSassaaasm 


ao 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


seafann  of  the  fifteenth  century  were  Italiana,  for  the  citiet 
of  the  Italian  peninsula  were  the  great  tnuiing  entrtpSts  of 
the  age.   Thence  had  come  Columbus  to  Spain,  and  thence 
had  come  to  England,  about  1490,  one  John  Cabot.     On 
his  arrival  he  settled  in  Bristol,  then  a  flourishing  seaport, 
and  during  his  first  years  of  residence  there  Cabot  under- 
took some  short  voyages  to  European  points.     It  was  in 
1496  that  he  approached  Henry  VII.  with  a  petition  for 
assistance  in  the  project  of  a  voyage  to  the  west.     The 
king  granted  him  permission  and  supplied  him  with  five 
vessels,  promising  him  a  monopoly  of  all  trade  with  his 
expected  new  lands.     Cabot  left  Bristol  about  the  middle 
of  May,  and  after  a  remarkably  quick  trip  sighted  land  on 
the  24th  day  of  June.     The  question  of  the  Cabot  landftiU 
has  given  writers  opportunity  for  diflferences  of  opinion,  as 
the  navigator  left  no  journal  of  his  first  voyage,  and  de- 
pendence has  to  be  placed  on  maps  alone.     The  Cabot 
Mapptmmdt^  supposed  to  have  been  drawn   by  his  son 
Sebastian  nearly  half  a  century  later,  seems  to  indicate  a 
point  on  Cape  Breton  Island,  but  a  later  map  in  Hakluyt 
distinctly  nurks  Newfoundland  as  the  spot.     At  any  rate 
Cabot  seems  to  have  coasted  about  the  Gulf  somewhat 
before  returning  to  England.     Whether  his  son  Sebastian 
accompanied  him  on  this  expedition  is  not  definitely  known  j 
the  better  opinion  is,  however,  that  he  did  not.     On  his 
return  to  England  the  navigator  nude  report  to  the  king 
who  out  of  his  niggardliness  rewarded  him  with  the  sum  of 
^50.     In  the  following  year  father  and  son  set  forth  on 
the  second  Cabot  voyage,  and  of  this  trip  more  is  known 
for  Sebastian  Cabot  was  a  prolific  if  not  always  an  accurate 
writer.    This  time  the  navigators  turned  their  vessels  north- 
ward seeking  a  northwest  passage  to  the  Indies,  and  coasted 
as  far  as  the  entrance  to  Hudson  Bay.     According  to  the 
narrations  of  Sebastian  they  reached  a  latitude  where  »» great 
icebergs  abounded  and  the  duration  of  the  day  was  con- 
tinuous,"— an  obvious  falsehood.    Turning  southward  they 
proceeded  as  far  as ''  the  latitude  of  Herculeum  "  (Gibralur). 


i 


.--^1 


I 


I 

i 


5.       ? 


M  o 


It 


c4    Z" 


<  = 


■« 


U4  Hp: 


I 


j 


DOCOrBRr  AND  BXnoHiTION 


at 


This  would  mike  Viipnia  the  southern  limit  of  tneir  e> 
plo«t»n,,  but  the  fact  may  wdl  be  doubted  m^L^^: 

»«"  •  t^offMphy  and  his  dates.    After  the  mum  ofX 
njo  to  Engl««l  nothing  more  is  heaH  of  Jo^Sii^.  ^t 

C^!^  ?""  •^'**""  "8»^*'^8  •"  ^  voyages  of  the 
Cabou  w^  however,  extremely  unLisfactoiy/ vSy  liS^ 
«  to  be  found  in  the  Bristol  Anrhive.,  and  mo«  of  wSj 
we  know  concerning  the  det«ls  of  Skr  expZJtions  Si 
come  down  to  us  from  Sebastian  Cabot  thJi^  S^^ 

;?„  i  '^  T**"**"^"-  I"vestigatorsrK»hc.m. 
vmced  that  the  voyages  were  made,%re  iot  p3e5^ 
g^  aU  the  detjU.  as  given.  Through  the'^XJ,  o? 
C^  «nd  hi.  son  SebMtian,  England  established  her  "i,^ 

to  oifer  httle  promise  and  no  settlement  followed. 

J-rance  m  the  meantime  had  been  concerning  herself 
^r.T  '^J-'^r^  «-««"««  of  her^n'iomSSc 
eS^f  t"i;'"*^  explorations  of  any  kind,  but  aboS^ 

to  awaken   to   her  opportunities.     King  Fiwds  I     rf 

forthS  "^  "^^T  ""•">^  ^'^  Charies  v.,  7lU::*nd 
for  this  reason,  if  for  none  other,  desired  to  shared  tl! 
temtonal  spoU  which  seemed  to  belli  tHL  Lt 
of  his  southern  neighbor.     "I  would  (tin  ,^»l,^u^ 

opam  and  Portugal.      Therefore,  in  1524,  he  is  said  to  have 
dispatched  Giovanni  da  Verrazano,  a  FtoUiJe  riiw 
on  a  miMionofdiscovenr  to  the  western  seas.   Oure^SlJl' 
Tl^S^  V  f  ^"^  °^  Verraxano's  explorations^ll" 

">e  king  after  his  return  and  on  a  map  said  to  have  been 

S^T'th'l'^d'"  ^'««'- -•»«  ^  ^  dl  A^c^ 
mg  to  these  documents,  Verrazano  expJored  the  whole 
A^nc  coast  of  America  fn,m  the  arohnas  eo  No^ 
Scoto,  givmg  to  the  territory  the  name   New   F«nc^ 


aa 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


H 


Down  to  about  1875  thi*  evidence  pasted  unquettioned, 
but  about  thii  time  investigators  began  to  express  their 
suspicions  that  the  letter  was  a  forgery,  and  that  the  map 
was  constructed  from  the  accounts  of  other  explorers.  At 
any  rate,  there  are  no  contemporary  references  in  French 
history  to  any  such  voyage;  little  or  nothing  is  known  of 
Verrazano  or  his  antecedents.  In  the  instructions  given 
by  the  French  government  to  Carrier  and  other  later  ex- 
plorers tnere  is  no  mention  whatever  of  any  previous 
explorations  under  royal  auspices,  and  the  whole  episode 
has  a  peculiar  isolation.  Furthermore,  the  description  of 
the  country  as  given  in  the  letter  is  very  faulty;  for  men- 
tion is  made  of  various  features  of  narive  life  which  no 
other  early  visitor  to  America  ever  noticed,  while  the  most 
striking  characteristics,  such  as  the  use  of  canoes,  wampum, 
tobacco,  and  so  on,  are  allowed  to  pass  unnoriced.  Addi- 
tional ground  for  suspicion  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the 
letter  and  map  do  not  harmonize  in  their  descriptions  of 
the  coast  line.  However,  old  historical  beliefs  are  under- 
mined slowly,  and  as  yet  the  more  prominent  historians  are 
disposed  to  give  the  navigator  the  benefit  of  the  doubt  and 
to  express  their  belief  in  the  genuineness  of  both  map 
and  letter. 

The  Verrazano  expedition  was  at  the  best  a  mere  isolated 
voyage.  Another  decade  was  to  elapse  before  France  again 
attempted  anything  in  the  way  of  exploration.  The  war 
with  Spain  was  occupying  most  of  her  attention,  but  the 
Peace  of  Cambray  ended  this  conflict  in  1529,  and  some 
few  years  later  Jacques  Carrier,  a  St.  Malo  seaman,  took  up 
the  work.  Cartier  is  described  in  the  records  of  his  time 
as  a  corsair,  which  means  that  he  made  a  business  of  roving 
the  seas  to  despoil  the  enemies  of  France.  There  is  every 
probability  that  in  this  capacity  he  had  visited  the  Spanish 
main,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  may  have  visited  the 
fishing  banks  off  Newfoundland.  At  any  rate,  Norman, 
Basque,  and  Breton  fishermen  had  frequented  these  parts 
for  many  years;  and  as  the  English  were  now  beginning  to 


DtSCOrMRT  JND  MXnOKJTIOM  ,, 

F>!Sf*  "*  '^"  filing  ground.,  a  fomud  declmtion  of 
5«W.  T!^'8"*l.*"'*'*if  Gulf  region,  wm  thought  de- 
««ble.  Ctnier  shipped  hi.  crew  in  St.  Malo  durinE  the 
•pnng  of  1534  and  with  two  .nuU  veml.  n«de  l^llyTo 
near  what  i.  now  Cape  Bonavi«a,  N^efounZfd    M^L, 

tiuT  Ict^'p^''"'  ^.'""H^i  ••'•  """«  ^'uthwmward 
tiU  he  reached  Pnnce  Edward  Ishuid.  Skirtine  northward 
ag«n,  he  entejed  and  named  the  Baie  de.  cSeurTr^ 
emeijpng,  h«ded  northward  to  Anticowi  and  outT/^S 

On  gJST'V^T*^.^*'"  *  "rP'«*  '^•'^""  °f  ^he  Gulf. 
On  Ga.pe  he  had  landed  to  take  forn»l  po.K.«on  of  the 
new  country  in  the  name  of  hit  sovereign. 

«JnH  „  ^*^°  ™"'ig«to'  wa«  full  of  enthu.ia.m  for  a 
swond  voyage  m  order  that  he  might  explore  the  great 
waterway  which  .eemed  to  lead  into  tlSculffand  .uccSS 
m  procuring  a  «cond  commiwion.  Early  in  153c  he  Kt 
I*^*^  K*^**"  *""*  'I,*  *«*  ^^^*  "d  «  crew  of  ovTr 

?^h  ri  '*T'-  ^"^  °^  *•'"«  '^^^  ^"^^"  f«"n  the 
jaU.  of  France,  for  a  voyage  of  di«:overy  Kerned  to  have 

zZnlai'^l!'  !°'  *•:  •"""«*  ^""'^  •«"»«"•  P««^g 
again  through  the  «nut.  north  of  Newfoundland,  he  prJl 

ceeded  wj^t«^,d  and  found  him.elf  in  the  channel  of  a  gLt 

nver.     As  he  ascended  it,  the  channel  began  to  nairow 

much  to  his  chagrin,  for  he  had  hoped  to  fi^in  Sis^°eT-' 

stemmed  the  current  and  m  due  course  the  explorer,  found 

tJe^^'"!;  t  '"**"  •*"^'^"*"*  °^  Stadicona,  which 
then  occupied  the  present  site  of  Quebec.  Here  Cartier 
decided  to  spend  the  winter,  «,d  widl  this  end  in  view  he 
drew  h.,  ships  up  mto  the  St.  Charles.  Using  as  inter- 
preters two  savages  whom  he  had  captured  at  Gaspe  in  the 
SraH'^^  ^""^1  '^8*"  coiJmunications  ^ith  tt 
mil  f  K^*^"v"*  ""*  ^'"^"8''  *"»  J«™««  of  settle- 
mem    further  up  the  stream.     The  French  leader  decidS 

but  the  Stadacona  Indians  vigorously  objected,  end^voring 


u 


H  i 


'i 


14  CJNMJ  M/D  tUTiSH  NORTH  dMiUCd 

to  point  out  all  manner  of  dangers  and  difficulties,  but  with- 
out avail)  for,  with  his  smallest  vessel  and  about  half  his 
men,  Cartier  made  his  way  up  the  river  during  the  last  fort- 
ni^t  in  September.  Near  the  point  where  the  greatest  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  rapids  bars  the  weMem  waterway,  Cartier 
found  the  little  Indian  village  of  Hochelaga  nestling  at  the 
foot  of  a  mountain  and  surrounded  by  a  circular  palisade. 
The  natives  received  him  cordially,  and  after  a  liberal  dis- 
tribution of  trinkets  the  French  learned  from  them  divers 
vague  snatches  of  information  about  great  lakes  and  rivers 
to  the  far  west,  as  well  as  the  existence  of  settlements  of 
white  men  away  to  the  south.  But  as  winter  was  soon  to 
close  in,  Cartier  hurried  back  to  Stadacmia,  where  he  found 
that  his  men  had,  during  his  absence,  completed  a  small  fort 
and  made  preparations  for  the  winter. 

This  first  recorded  hibernation  of  Europeans  in  Canadian 
territory  was  an  exceedingly  trying  one.  The  cold  was  un- 
usually severe;  scurvy  brok-;  out  among  the  company,  and 
many  of  their  number  died;  supplies  ran  out,  and  only  the 
generosity  of  the  sav^es  prevented  absolute  survation. 
When  spring  appeared,  the  remnant  of  the  company  gladly 
began  their  preparations  for  the  return  to  France.  The 
events  of  the  winter  had  dampened  their  enthusiasm  for  any 
further  suy  in  the  country.  As  there  were  not  enough  men 
to  man  the  three  ships,  one  of  them  was  abandoned.  Before 
leaving,  however,  Cartier  very  miserably  requited  the  savages 
for  their  kindness  during  the  winter  by  seizing  and  carrying 
off  with  him  their  chief,  Donnacona,  whom  he  wished  to 
present  to  the  king  in  France.  It  is  little  wonder  that  such 
acts  of  treachery  led  the  savages  to  treat  subsequent  Euro- 
pean visitora  with  scant  courtesy.  By  July,  the  navigator 
was  back  in  the  little  harbor  of  St.  Malo,  and  ^o^^n  was  en- 
gaged in  writing  for  the  king  a  journal  of  his  experiences. 
This  has  come  down  to  us  and  is  usually  cited  as  the  Brtf 
Ricit.  Within  its  pages  one  will  find  some  interesting  de- 
tails, but  its  contents  v  re  not  such  as  to  impress  the 
French  king  that  mu».i.  ^,rofit  could  ever  be  derived  from 


lii 


Ducorur  md  MxnounoM  ,, 

itcitti  undertook  to  dcKribe.    C«tier  wm  .  iood  iuiri«! 

tor  M  ,e^„  went  in  hi.  d.^  lH.t  l«  WM  Io*So£t'S 
h..  d«cnprion.  are  mn  intewi  compdli,^.    H,  w«Kw 

rfi;:tit«srLtt J'  '"'^^ « ^^  iS^^i^ 

oi  latitude*  and  dietancet  aie  reaMnablv  accuxwe.  Unfoiu 
tunately  the  longitude.  ««  «a,ed  in  two  S«L«  SuT 

food.  TSe  habit  of  «noking  i.  mentionlSrSSou?in, 
n«t  atjjU  cerjun  that  tob«xo  «.d  m,t  .Se^f  JLS 
w«  u.ed.     Mention  i.  n«de  of  Indi«,  gnun.  and\JS 

M«  not  indigenou.,  the  question  lie.  between  Cartier'/K- 
curacy  and  the  powibUity  of  .eed  of  the*  vegeiS«h.y£ 
been  imported  from  the  «Htth.  ThetwoX«7ftt 
cona  we,,  rou^y  fonified,  and  thi.  fi«  iuTiStrS; 

Aervmr^  rir»i^»!S2!^*  ^•'y  ««Iy.  if  ever,  f,^ 
tteir  vuiage..    On  the  other  hand,  the  deKription  given  by 

vUtage.  by  the  Jwuit  miwionarie.  later  oi.  If  one  tunuito 
the  Kant  vocabulaiy  of  native  word,  which  CwSdcS 
«P  dumg  hU  my,  it  will  be  found  th«  mo^^^SJ^tJ 
jrom  Huron  and  not  from  Algonquin  nwt..  For  ^^^ 
Doji^conj^dacona,  H^laji,  imTien  OiS^t' 
f  Z?;,  T^  ^^^  of  the  word  "C«iada^^b<S 
r„^iL?^***^ '^^'••^"' ''«  *he  better  opinion  incS 
t.on  of^tu't.  %i  "»*•  Hu«>n  «Kan«a,"Tr.  ^U^S 
bSl«„  r«..P!i?:?If'"  -r^  ««le  or  no  dl«i«:tion 
dTJT;  "«•.***•    •«»«'»«»thatthewordha.come 

down  to  u.  u.  what  i.  practically  it.  original  form/   T?! 

^SZ7JTf  """""■'"  ^y  "^  "«"•   condurivdy 
SI^^tfiL  '"^  *"•  *^*"'  <»'^  Mthority  maintain,  th^ 

the  tnbe.men  were  member,  of  the  Algonq^un  «e«. 


a6 


CM  ADM  AND  inmSH  NORTH  AMEMKA 


fi  I 


% 


Not  for  Ave  ynn  did  Cuticr  ^  fetdi  to  America.  I« 
lj«>  ,  •  Picard  Ktgmor,  Jean  fnuifois  de  la  Roque  de 
R&i-t  rval,  interested  the  king  in  a  scheme  of  cdoni  Jtion 
SMt  Mcurrd  ius  own  appuintment  a«  viceroy  of  the  country. 
The  aervice*  of  Carti  r  re  at  once  enKtted  and  die  Breton 
tailor  was  given  the  .rxtnuiat  title  of  **  Pilot  and  Capuin- 
general  of  New  France."  An  expedition  was  to  teve  been 
sent  to  the  St.  Lawrer  ce  eariy  in  1 541,  Nit  when  spring 
arrived  Rnbervst  was  not  ready.  It  .vas  decided  th  t 
Caitief  with  thref  ihi;>i  «h<«(tld  v^  o«tt  alone  and  await 
I  at  a  >  'dezv<'U!t  m  Nev  itiniiland.  But  when 
caches;  t  rende?  otts  He  watted  six  weeks  in  vain 
u  ly  (k^tued  to  push  up  to 


Roben 

Canif 
fur  hiii 


tardy  fuprrior 
Stadacon  <  alone.      -lerr 
and  prepa  ed  to  spt  nd  the 
made  to     fochdaga,  h-  ":  \ 
and  n    his  letum  to  Cap  R 
ni'    i'     >rnt    r  thar        vears 
the    a#age^  aow  bra.       o  sh 
^  f^  SPT  -ig  Car  <c!    sailed 
under     ^<i     'f  r 
he  enti  rd  i  le  ( 
and  there  f  un< 
beet)  doing  m  th 
is  mmtt  evidcn  ' 
ths  after  < 
to  ioit. 
autumn, 
set  out  i 
Rochelle 


\  ii 


post  at  Cap  Rouse 

hort  vi'  t  was  again 

r  incidents, 

>assed  with 

'  fact  that 

<  the  open- 

uiuble  to 


npor 
ccr  V 
/  despitt 
hostility.     Wi 
gain  for  France, 
tppearance  of  Roberval.    Early  in  June 
It  harbor  of  St.  John's,  Newfoundland, 
s     -lated  viceroy.     What  Roberval  had 
interval  is  not  definitely  known.     The' 
that  Roberval  sailed  from  Honfleur  a  f^  vi 
'ier  had  started,  but  failed  to  go  up  i.. 
tter,  returning  instead  to  France  in  the 
B«£  there  is    mre  evidence  that  Roberval  did  not 
Si     at  all      )d  that  he  had  come  directly  from 
he  met  Cartier  at  Newfoundland.     As  to 
w'  at   pa>sevj    iietwecn   the  two  on  the  occasion  of  their 
mr'-ting,  wi-    have   the   narrative   of  Hakluyt   that   after 
a    jirited  ir  .erview  Cartier  hoisted  sail  during  the  night 
aii     slipped  off  homeward  leaving  the  viceroy  to  his  own 
reso,..rccs. 

It  WIS  probably  in  no  pleasant  frat.'-.c  of  mind  that  Ro- 
berval    laide  his  way  on  to  Cap  Rouge,  where  he  took 


rr 


DISCOTEkr  dMD  MXHOminOM  ,- 

poMCwion  of  Cwtier*!  pon,  sowed  mm*  mm  mA  rMe- 
ubK  ««I  eade.vo«d  to  mdw  the  pbce  £^^1?  TE 
«.mp.ny  however.  hi«l  be«,  f*cn,^frTT^i^l^ 
Fnwce  «,d  proved  «,  unrulv  lot.    But  the  viecmt  C«U* 

procured  oi  Jer.     The  winter  wm  .  terriWe  one.    Scurvr 

to.  ffi»rd  wilUijg  .uccor.  When  ^Z^ZTSSU^ 
^  made  their  way  b«:k  to  Fnmce.   LeIart«,S^^ 

ot  1543  to  Kfcue  RobervjJ,  but  then  it  no  extant  evidence 
to  «.pp.rt  h..  mtement.  Of  Cartier'.  later  HfelioTS 
known  «ve  that  the  king  gnnted  him  a  .nuU  m«,or  nei2 

f.cr  w'T^w'''*'*  ^  ^'^  «  comfort^Kithl^ 
1557.  W,th  the  exception  of  the  Bn/Ridt.  n«n«rf  hS 
P^«  or  map.  haa  coae  down  to  u.."^  tK  JT^^ 

thermore,  there  u  evidence  that  aefeial  maps  wSaied^n 
preparea  by  bim.    A  fearless  and  stuniy  sea  doe  T>m.». 

u»  a  man  of  firm  features,  of  strcns  vet  cultutJl  ^^-T^ 
mtnce.     Unfonuiutely  tb^  portiait^ti^i'^^rv^n^TS; 

Francis  I  died  in  1547,  and  with  his  death  came  the  be- 
ffnnmg  of  the  civil  and  religious  dissensions  wS  «p^ 
all  the  energ.es  of  France  for  half  a  century      I^'^SS 

vms      AuT^  ^'i  ^'"^  P"'"*  °^  ^9i  in  those  fifty 
years.     A  Huguenot  colony  csttblid«d  itsdf  in  Florida 


28 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


during  1562-1565,  but  the  Spaniards  funher  south  r^arded 
ha  existence  as  a  menace  and  wiped  it  out  of  existence. 
But  peace  retunwd  to  Fiance  with  the  end  of  the  century, 
and  on  January  12,  1598,  the  Sieur  de  la  Roche,  a  noble- 
man of  Brittany,  was  appointed  lieutenant-general  of  the 
colony,  with  wide  powers  and  privileges.  (See  Ctrnmu- 
simu  det  Gtuvtnm—  tt  ImtttuUmU  dm  Ctmmb^  p.  10.)  The 
usually  accurate  V.  msor  errs  in  giving  1590  as  the  date  of 
De  la  Roche's  commission  {Ctnrtur  f  Fnntmacy  p.  76). 
In  return  De  la  Roche  was  to  transport  settlers  and  to 
superintend  the  development  of  the  colony.  The  new 
official  made  haste  to  assume  the  dutws  of  his  post,  but 
found  that  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  procure  settlers.  Resort 
was  therefore  had  to  the  jails  for  coavicts« — poor  material 
indeed  out  of  which  to  construct  the  nucleus  of  a  great 
colony.  Not  much  is  known  of  De  la  Roche's  voyage  nve 
what  we  may  glean  from  Lescarbot,  who  is  not  alwajrs 
trustworthy,  contemporary  though  he  was.  Apparently  the 
expedition  toik  a  southeriy  route  and  made  bu^  fint  at 
Sable  Island,  a  barren  crescent  of  sand  oiF  the  Nova  Scotian 
coast.  Here  he  landed  part  of  his  convict  company,  prob- 
ably because  he  would  not  venture  to  trust  them  on  the 
mainland  while  he  cast  about  for  a  suitable  site  whereon  to 
found  his  colony.  But  a  fierce  storm  swept  him  back  to 
France,  leaving  the  luckless  convicts  to  their  fate.  These 
were  not  rescued  till  1603,  when  many  of  tnem  had  died 
and  the  survivors  were  in  a  wretched  plight.  De  la  Roche, 
broken  in  health,  fortime,  and  spirit  died  soon  afterward. 

But  there  were  others  eager  to  try  their  handa  at  colo> 
nization.  Among  these  were  Pont^ve  and  Chauvin,  the 
former  a  St.  Malo  trader  who  had  already  made  trips  to 
the  St.  Lawrence,  the  l»tter  a  rich  merchant  of  Honfleur. 
Application  was  made  for  a  monopoly  of  the  trade  for  a 
period  of  ten  years,  on  condition  of  transporting  to  the 
cdony  fifty  setders  per  annum  or  five  hundred  in  ul.  The 
application  was  granted,  a  number  of  colonists  were  col- 
lected, and  onters  issued  forbidding  other  vessels  to  trade 


Jacquc*  Manincttc. 


It 


w 


DIKOrEkr  JND  MXPLOUTIOM 
t^^  e^     ^r  if**  spring  of  i6oo  (not  , . 


a9 


nav  whi«.h  h«iiLl-^      reached  the  mouth  of  the  Sague- 

~  2.S*,;s:!r"'™ "  "^  "^ "- •»•  "-^ 

veiiel  each  ftom  the  teapwti  of  &    M.U  — j  » 


30 


CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMBRICJ 


Rl 


II 


'I 


The  latter  was  a  captain  in  the  navy,  born  at  Brouage  in 
1567,  and  a  personal  friend  of  his  own.  He  had  rendered 
very  signal  service  in  recent  operations  on  the  Spanish  main, 
and  enjoyed  the  favor  of  the  king  as  a  result.  Clear  in  his 
plans  and  vigorous  in  their  execution,  Champlain  was  an 
agent  capable  of  performing  the  task  in  hand  and  his 
selection  proved  an  exceedingly  happy  one.  The  three 
vessels  sailed  in  1603,  those  from  St.  Malo  and  Rouen 
to  trade,  that  commanded  by  Pontgrav^  and  Champlain  to 
make  further  explorations;  no  colonists  were  carried.  The 
traders  remained  at  the  Saguenay,  while  the  explorers 
nude  their  way  up  the  river  to  ancient  Hochelaga,  which 
they  now  found  in  ruins;  savage  warfare  had  turned  the 
little  settlement  into  a  solitude.  The  explorers  were 
not  greatly  impressed  with  the  country,  and,  rejoining 
their  comrades  at  the  Saguenay,  returned  to  France,  ^i^wre, 
on  arrival,  they  found  that  De  Chastes  had  died  in  their 
absence. 

The  death  of  De  Chastes  gave  nutters  a  new  turn,  for  the 
monopoly  now  lapsed.  Champlain,  however,  was  enthusi- 
astic in  his  desire  to  proceed  with  the  exploiution  of  the 
new  country,  and  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  support  of 
Pierre  du  Guast  (or  Gua),  Sieur  de  Monts,  a  prominent 
Huguenot  of  Honfleur,  in  his  plans.  De  Monts  had  already 
visited  the  St.  Lawrence  with  Chauvin  in  1600;  and  if  we 
are  to  believe  Lescarbot,  he  had  made  a  couple  of  trips  at 
least  since  that  time.  That  he  had  accompanied  Champlain 
on  his  voyage  of  1 603,  as  Roberts  alleges  in  his  woric  already 
cited,  is  most  improbable.  At  all  events,  die  French  king 
allowed  De  Monu  to  succeed  to  the  trading  righu  of 
De  Chastes.  To  quell  the  clamor  of  independent  traders 
against  this  action  it  was  provided  that  De  Monts  should 
take  into  his  enterprise  as  many  of  these  as  mi^t  wish  to 
become  partners.  But  this  availed  little,  for  the  terms  of 
entrance  were  made  too  severe.  De  Moms  promised  to 
transport  one  hundred  settlers  per  year  to  the  cdony,  this 
number  being  subsequently  reduced  to  sixty. 


Oifiitt, /fi04,  fy 


m 


Autognpli  mmp  of  Bifin't  fooith  Tojrag*  to  dw  nocthwoi 


ii 


dttnorthimt,  i6i5.     Fnm  0$  tHgktml MS,  m  tk*  BrUtk  Mmumm. 


DUCOItnr  MD  EXnOtLATtOH  J, 

Aftw  aone  dela^  «  number  of  merchantt  amad  to  the 
teiTO  rf  meinl^rrfup  and  a  compuiy  wu  fona;!  De  Montt 
ttinaelfretuiunga  controUing  mteiwmhe  remaminK  ■!»«• 
being  beM  b)r  mercbants  of  St.  Malo,  Rouen,  wdRocbelle. 
Fiire  vetMb  in  all,  m  out  in  1604  for  the  colony,  under 
Ae  patronage  of  tbe  new  company,  tbiee  went  to  the 
it.  Lawrence  to  trule,  and  tbe  remaining  two  aouthward  to 

bmweJf,  Champlain,  and  Baron  Biencourt  de  Poutrincoun,  a 
young  adventurer.  The  veml.  rounded  tbe  Nova  Scotiin 
penuwuk  uito  the  bay  and  entered  what  later  became  tbe 
taven  of  Port  Royal,  now  Annapolii.  Not  latiafied  with 
this  pbce  a*  •  «te  tbe  party  coasted  along  around  the  north- 
ern sboK  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  till  they  reached  the  island 
at  the  mouth  of  a  river  which  he  called  La  Riviire  des 
ttechemmt.  This  island  he  named  Ste.  Croix  and  after 
some  hesitation  decided  to  make  this  the  site  of  their  settle- 
ment. (Ste.  Croix  was  not  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John 
as  Mr.  Bigg^  urates  in  hi.  R^fy  TruSng  CmpaJa  h, 

IT  A  ?^^  **  •"^*'^  '^  •»  *»»«*  commenced 
Md  soon  die  little  colony  was  under  roof.  Poutrincourt  was 
dMpttched  with  one  vessel  back  to  France  while  De  Monts, 
Champlam,  ud  the  rest  prepared  ro  spend  tbe  winter  at 
5te.  Croix,  pe  choice  of  a  site  was  singulariy  unfortu- 
nate,  disease  broke  out  among  the  company  and  the  miser- 
abte  ex^nces  of  Cartier  and  his  followen  at  Stadacona. 
and  of  Roberval  at  Cap  Rouge  were  repeated.  And  when 
Poumnwurt  appealed  in  the  spring  it  was  with  considerable 
relief  tittt  &e.  Croix  was  abandoned  and  the  colony  moved 

IS!!?*  ^^  *t  ****"  *"^-  Hete  the  buUdii.  wero 
re«rected  and  m  tbe  autumn  De  Monu  saUed  with  Poutrin- 
court for  France  leaving  the  colony  in  Champbin's  chanre. 
lUis  wmter  was  passed  with  some  comfort  for  tbe  weatl^r 
u!*  *!!L!7*f  "^  *•  "«"•*"«  of  ^  colony  was  now 
less  exposed.  lntbesummerofi6o6Poutrincourt  once  more 
•Ppwed  and  with  him  a  new  spirit.  Marc  Lescarbot.  The 
Wter  w«s  a  Parisian  lawyer  in  search  of  adventure,  a  man 


I*: 


3* 


CMSMDA  AND  MMtTJSH  NORTH  JMMRtCJ 


of  wit  and  witdom,  one  of  the  jdeasantett  figures  in  the 
eariy  hiitory  of  New  Fruice.  He  was  to  become  not  alone 
the  wnil  of  the  little  colony  but  the  moet  readable  chronicler 
of  iu  varying  fortunes.  The  sumner  was  spent  in  ex- 
plorations up  and  down  the  coast  and  in  cultivating  the 
cleared  lands  about  the  settlement.    Supplies  were  now 


mirth  and  good  fellowship,  saw  to  it  that  there  was  no 
dearth  of  jollity.  But  in  the  spring  of  1607  tidings  arrived 
that  the  king  had  deprived  De  Monu  of  his  charter  owing 
to  the  continued  clamors  of  excluded  traders.  As  the  colony 
could  no  longer  ho)ie  for  support  from  Dc  Monts's  company 
there  was  no  alternative  but  to  abandon  the  site  and  return 
to  France,  which  the  whole  party  reluctantly  proceeded  to 
do.  On  arrival  in  France  the  anairs  of  De  MontsN  com- 
pany were  wound  up  and  a  balance  on  the  wrong  side  was 
shown.  De  Monts  himself  had  lost  heavily  and  debated 
for  some  time  as  to  whether  he  should  not  give  up  his  fur 
trade  with  New  France  altogether.  But  Champlain  con- 
vinced him  that  profit  could  be  ma«fe  even  without  monop- 
oly, especially  if  the  trade  were  carried  on  in  the  Upper 
St.  Lawrence  regions.  Poutrincourt,  however,  remained 
faithful  to  Port  Royal,  and  decided  to  reisublish  the  settle- 
ment there  as  soon  as  an  opportunity  presented  itself.  And 
this,  some  few  years  later,  he  was  able  to  do. 

In  1 608,  Champlain  and  Pcntgrav6  set  sail  for  the  St.  Law- 
rence, having  on  board  the  materials  for  their  new  settle- 
ment. The  ktter  remained  at  the  Saguenay  to  trade  while 
the  former  pushed  on  to  the  site  of  old  Stadacona  where  at 
the  foot  of  the  towering  precipice  he  laid  the  foundations 
of  the  new  Qu^t*^*  the  first  permanent  European  settle- 
ment in  the  territory  of  New  France.  Here  the  explorer 
and  his  men  spent  the  winter  of  1 608-1 609  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing spring  with  a  portion  of  his  following,  joined  a  party 
of  Huron  and  Algonquin  Indians  who  were  on  a  foray 


ff 


t 


»«  tiding.  tJ  ^SLnniJ^i!^  •*«- 

•el^  wfctw  I»  had!  i^iin,,^  J^^^ 


34 


CAVdDA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


r 


with  tome  accuracy  during  the  fint  part  of  his  trip.  After 
the  portage  at  Muskrat  Lake,  however,  hit  entries  of  lati- 
tudes became  inaccurate  owing  to  the  loss  of  his  astrolabe. 
Some  thirty  yean  ago  a  farmer  of  this  region  turned  up 
with  a  plow  a  small  brau  astrobibe  bearing  the  date  1603 
and  of  Parisian  manufacture.  Without  doubt  this  was  the 
lost  instrument.  On  reaching  Allumene  Island,  near  the 
piesent  town  of  Pembroke,  the  party  came  upon  the  Algon> 
quins  with  whom  Vignau  had  spent  his  winter,  and  here  it 
was  at  once  made  plain  that  the  young  Frenchman  was  an 
impostor  and  had  never  visited  the  regions  which  he  had 
described.  Bitterly  disappointed,  the  explorer  returned  to 
Quebec,  where  in  his  magnanimity  he  allowed  the  lying 
Vignau  to  go  unpunished. 

In  France,  the  interest  in  the  colony  continued  and 
Champlain  found  little  difficulty  in  procuring  the  financial 
and  political  support  necessaiy  to  the  proper  carrying  on  of 
his  enterprises.  When  De  Monu  lost  his  interest  in  the 
colony,  the  good  offices  of  the  Comte  de  Soissons  were 
secured,  and  on  the  latter's  death,  the  Prince  de  Cond£  gave 
his  influential  support  to  the  colonial  schemes.  The  Bttle 
settlement  at  Quebec  was  prospering,  and  settlen  were 
coming  out  year  by  year.  The  voyage  up  the  Otuwa, 
while  it  had  accomplished  nothing  tangible,  had  filled 
Champlain  with  a  desire  to  know  more  thout  the  western 
country,  and  in  161 5  he  determined  to  spend  the  summer 
in  a  thorou^  exploration  of  the  Huron  territories.  In  the 
same  year  four  Recollet  priests  had  arrived  in  the  colony, 
and  one  of  these,  Le  Caron,  had  already  started  to  set  up 
his  altar  among  the  tribes  of  the  west.  Accompanied  by 
the  sturdy  interpreter,  £tienne  Brul^  and  a  few  compan- 
ions, Champlain  ascended  the  OtUwa,  now  &miliar  to 
hin  owing  to  his  bootless  Vignau  expedition  of  two  yean 
before,  portaged  across  to  Like  Nipining  and  followed 
French  River  to  Georgian  Bay.  Near  the  shores  of  this 
water  the  party  found  the  Huron  villi^es,  with  Le  Caron 
already  at  work  among  the  tribesmen.   Adding  some  of  the 


'^'^nnr  JMD  MXPLORJTJON 


IiMtians  to  his  tmrtv  th.  —  i 

«««  finally  ««ciS^tjS^'o?S: V**""  -^^^^^ 
of  Lake  Ontario     Arri^         '..°  "*  ^'*n». « tributarv 

«ng  tome  Iioquoit  •ettl«n«I!.     l.^  u    *"*  '^J*"  of  •ttack- 

^h'ch  they  proceeded  to^^^  SZ^^a"^  P"^*"^ 
biavejy, and  the  amiJanu^re 'fo^  "'"'f"^''  ^«?h» 
plain  lamg  beert^nd^^^Srtl'"u'^"'''<^'«^ 
•m,w^  The  party  retume?t^"u.Xr^K.''^  ««  I«H,uoi, 
wa,  dewrou.  of  re,„„,i,^  ^  ?f  «*5  »»>««ce  Champlaia 
B"«  the  HuroiM  refui«J  .TiT^       ^*'  ^'»'«»ce  to  Quebec 

"tu'ned.  M  it  caL,  to  Jh^^'^,^  J^  expedition 
B-y.  whence  Cham^laS.^coi^.i'*  ^'^^^ ''^  G«>'P«« 
Huron,  down  the  Otuwa  »  K^^  **  '"^  *•*■**« 

of  i6i6.  »wa  to  the  St.  Lawrence  in  the  .pring 

On  arrival  at  OucIim*  ikK.     t 
ri^n  from  the  ^^^pS^fi^JZTt^  -  »"« 
H  taken  a  new  tiin.     1^^?,^?  ^"'^^  "  f^nnee 
•ntodiagraccandTienJ?  J^l^'^  ^  ftUen 
P«ter  of  colonial  entoSSl^S!^  «hat  some  new  .up. 
S  France,  he  fin^ylSSjSl?  ^/°^''-  .*«"™»g 
Montmorend  to  MiunTS^     '?''•*"«  *•*  '>'«  de 
•nd  wa.  able  to  ret^To  OueJ^^I^  **^  ''*''  *"«"«. 
Champlain  found  ZlnlT.^ n'*^"*    °"  *«»  ««"» 
go'ng  badly.     The  mtl^  .»  i^fe*  '*«*•'•  '««l  been 

thing  but  their  own  profitt  ^^J^  httk  c.re  for  any- 
•««  progm.  in  the^";«ir*;r?"!r''3'  there  had  be/n 
'•epnning.of  indu^ry  ^"^l^**./^  »«  even  the 
perjuaded  that  the  merehanu  oT  S^  p  **?"*»o»««ci  wu 


r 


36 


CANADA  AMD  BUTISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


do  great  things  for  the  infmnt  wttlement.  But  against  this 
tlecision  the  merchants  protested  vigorously  and,  failing  to 
swerve  the  viceroy  from  his  purpose,  resolved  to  keep  on 
trading  in  defiance  of  the  new  order.  Champlain  found  it 
a  hard  task  to  prevent  the  rivals  from  coming  to  blows  in 
the  St.  Lawrence  country,  and  for  a  time  was  sorely  tempted 
to  throw  up  his  plans  in  disgust,  leaving  the  rival  traders  to 
fi^t  it  out  among  themselves  and  with  the  Indians.  But 
the  rivals  fortunately  soon  made  up  their  diflferenci  .  and 
agreed  to  unite  their  interestt  in  a  single  company.  For  a 
time  matters  went  on  pleasantly  enou^  save  for  threatened 
attacks  on  the  settlement  at  Quebec  by  the  hostile  Iroquois. 
Settlers  continued  to  arrive  in  small  numbers,  and  more 
priests  were  brouo;ht  out  to  minister  to  the  growing  spiritual 
needs  of  the  colony.  Among  those  who  came  in  1633 
was  the  lUcolKn  Gabriel  Saprd,  who  became  the  beim 
chronicler  of  colonial  happening,  and  the  first  hi«uriH  of 
Canada. 

Champlain  spent  the  four  years  from  1620  to  1624  at 
Quebec,  working  earnestly  for  the  upbuilding  of  the  little 
settlement,  providing  for  the  settkm  as  they  came,  and  ship- 
ping off  to  France  those  who  seemed  to  be  idle  and  twrth- 
less.  In  1624,  he  retum«i  to  France,  where  he  lanmed 
during  the  next  two  yean*  leavii^  the  cnteny  in  chvge  of 
the  younger  Caen.  Dwing  this  intoval  aatxher  chai^  in 
the  viceroyalty  occurred,  MontOMMcaci  becomii^  tked  of 
his  post  and  transferring  it  to  his  nefriiew,  the  Due  de 
Ventadour.  Unlike  his  predecessors,  the  mw  viceroy  had 
no  worldly  interesu  at  heart  in  assuming  his  new  post.  He 
was  a  young  nobleman  who  had  retired  from  the  court  to 
take  holy  onkrs,  and  the  Christianization  of  New  France 
became  his  one  inspiring  motive.  Being  a  warm  friend  of 
the  Jesuit  order,  his  first  care  was  to  dispatch  to  the  ccdony 
three  Jetuit  |mesu,  Charies  I^emant,  Enemond  Masse, 
and  that  giant  both  in  body  and  wul,  Je?n  de  Br6beuf. 
This  was  but  the  vanguard  of  the  hosts  of  Loyola,  who 
from  this  time  onward  came  to  the  colony  in  numbers,  ai^ 


oucorMMr  jmd  ExnoMjrtoM 


37 
mtmately  connected  themaeliw.  i»*k  .k 

the  Abendci,  to  the  2^  LZ^^T*!' '°  »^  »°«h,  «„ong 
and  nmong  the  HumnTI'nJT*  the  Iroquoit  to  the  .outt 

of  theco„tinen?wkh  „«  he^Sl"  "*  S"  "^  '"Wemem. 

turned,  not  .  Wte  wm  cro«*J  "  n   ^  "  **»*  *'*• 

Jciuit  Jed  the  wiF"     In  tK       \."^*   ft»ncn>ft,ubut  a 
in  the  New  World'they  ^^^^"^"'K  °^  *"«"'^''  ''"•"inion 
In  d«ie  cour«.  ni.  ^^i^^   °  P")'  "^  unimportant  oart 

that  ct'z^ci^t^t::^^":^^^^^^ 

wg  ro  force  hi  Huwc^J^ll  ""'^  **"  *'}'  """"P- 
•ettle»««i«,";jfSj««™««"  T^ 

women,  .«,  chilZ,  ^j'^^^l??;:''"  T '"^ -^^ 
extending  nearly  a  Kon  of  v^r.  b  •  ^  """^  *  *»'*«»y 
ftr  f~«  «ti.<Jto,J^  «d  te.  „?"!."•  ?~^''  1^^ 

P2«"  h«l  beenl'ainTy  dufto  tJe^::^  ^m^ 
t«de  by  the  Caen  Comiim-  M  '*«"«'«»  P««ced  on 
champiin  of  the  RoZTSurr^T;"'"' '^'"•*'«"' -"^^ 
«up«me  in  the  civil  SSrT^  fL  T  "***  ^'^^'f 
«kely  th«  he  would  iTZ^r^V'  *"^  "  *''  "«  ««" 
to  be  enjoyed  by  a  Hu^JJ^'il^r*"'^  °^ "^  "'""y 

Ventado!7;Li",r2n^  /h'  T*'  •  ^"^ '"  ^*«^ 
*ng  the  colony  of  i«  LSS^JST"*^'  'T^'^^  "^  'i*^ 
«nd  that  in  the%ri„;" /^  ^2:uiL  "".^  "**'  ^ 
«»«  that  Caen.'  Drivil«L  .J^  u^  ^^'**'  ''3'  *•»«  ««»thoiw 
over  to  a  new  and  m„.!?^  S°""  ^  withdrawn  and  handed 
F«>i«:ti"^S^rrj:;:^-'  comply  which  h^ 

•n  edict  wa.  ittuJ^JSS^t«^t"!l.!!?  °"  ^P^'  »9«li 
WM  oficialJy  c^  rW  «?•    """***'  Aiaociatet,  or,  as  H 


CASdDA  dHD  MUTttH  IfORTN  dMMUCA 


If 


pncticalljr  all  the  attributet  of  tovere^tjr,  dw  right  to  im- 
prove and  administer  the  lands,  to  bettow  tkles  of  nobility, 
to  establish  courts,  levjr  taxes,  and  |MOvide  oAcials  of  gov- 
emment.  The  Company  was  given  a  perpetual  monopoly 
of  the  fur  trade  and  a  moiM^wfy  of  all  other  trade  for  a 
period  of  fifteen  years.  In  return  it  was  agreed  that  the 
grantees  should  undertake  to  convey  to  the  cokmy  within 
one  year  from  two  to  three  hundred  settlers  and  theraaftcr 
a  like  number  year  by  year.  The  aua^  as  given  by 
Charievoix  in  Hitfirt  dt  U  NmntlU-Fnma  is  erroneously 
suted  as  sixteen  thousand.  The  Company  was  under  ob- 
ligation to  support  the  settlers  until  such  time  as  they  should 
become  self-sustaining  and  to  give  them  allotmentt  of  land. 
No  Huguenot  or  other  heretic  was  to  be  numbered  among 
the  colonisu,  every  settler  had  to  be  both  a  Frenchman 
and  a  Catholic,  and  for  every  settlement  priests  were  to 
be  provi^  and  mainuined  at  the  Company's  expense. 
After  fifteen  years,  it  was  provided,  provisimi  for  the  sup- 
port of  the;;e  might  be  niade  by  setting  apart  sufficient 
areas  of  cleared  lands.  Thus  were  the  destinies  of  New 
France  committed  to  the  charge  of  a  greirt  commercial 
company.  The  capital  stock  was  fixed  at  three  hundred 
thousand  livres,  divided  among  shardidders  drawn  from 
various  parts  of  France.  Richelieu  was  the  leading  spirit 
in  this  organization,  and  Champlatn  was  a  member,  being 
retained  in  charge  of  afikirs  at  Quebec.  It  seemed  u  if  a 
new  era  in  the  history  of  New  Fnmce  had  b^pin. 


CHAPTER  III 

conjunction  with  tome  UwETSLlL^^^  T^\  '" 

Kirke  tent  one  venel  of  hit  i«T??lk^^™«  ''■^ 
.»«  v^ounpiaui  letunied  •  iprnted  refiinl.  When 


40  CdMJUtd  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

Kirke  learned  that  the  capttire  of  Quebec  would  entail  some 
loM,  he  decided  to  awak  the  supply  veaaels  under  Roque- 
OMOt,  which  were  momentarily  expected.  Before  long  these 
■pnared  and  a  brisk  fight  ensiwd,  in  the  course  of  which 
the  French  ships  were  captured  and  put  in  chaige  of  prixe 
cm»8.  After  gathering  in  a  number  of  French  filing  ships 
in  ftim  Girif  of  St.  Lawrenix,  the  English  vessels  made  their 
way  home  laden  with  booty. 

Qtwbec  had  not  been  assaulted,  but  the  capture  of  the 
French  convoy  had  reduced  supplies  there  to  a  ftmine  point, 
ud  the  winter  of  1618-1629  was  a  weary  and  dishearten- 
ing one  for  Champlain  and  his  little  garrison.  Kirke's  suc- 
cess had  akrawd  Sir  William  Alexander,  a  Scottish  baronet, 
who,  some  little  time  pieviously,  had  received  from  the  king 
a  giant  of  Acadia,  and  a  protest  was  made  against  further 
(^rations  against  Quebec.  But  an  arrangement  was  made 
between  Kirke  and  Alexander,  by  which  the  twain  united 
their  interests  into  a  company.  The  king  readily  granted 
it  a  mmiopBly  of  the  fur  trade  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  the 
right  to  seise  any  French  vessels  or  settlements  found  in 
the  region,  and  in  the  spring  of  1629  the  company  sent  out 
two  fleets.  One  went  to  Port  Roval,  while  the  other,  again 
mder  Kirhe,  «ttered  the  St.  Lawrence  and  moved  up  once 
nmn  to  Tadettssac.  Three  of  the  vessels,  under  Lewis 
Ki^,  brother  of  the  commander,  proceeded  on  to  Quebec, 
where  Champbin  was  requested  to  surrender  his  settlement. 
As  the  place  was  on  the  verge  of  starvation,  Champlain  had 
no  alternative  but  to  accede,  and  cm  July  20, 1629,  Quebec 
passed  for  the  first  rime  into  the  hands  of  England.  The 
French  settlers  were  promised  transportation  to  France  if 
they  desived  it,  but  most  of  them  preferred  to  remain.  Lewis 
Kirke  was  left  in  charge  of  the  new  conquest,  and  the  fleet 
returned  to  England,  taking  with  them  Champlain,  who  had 
availed  himself  of  the  n/Stt  of  truisporution.  Arriving  in 
London,  Ch«nphun  sought  the  services  of  the  Fiench  am- 
bassador, and  betweoi  them  sufficient  inlhience  was  exerted 
on  Richelieu  to  induce  the  minister  to  negotiMe  for  the 


^'"'MMMJiT  Mr  COMMMMajl  COMPJNiMS       ^, 

^  SJTSTcLS  K  ^r'^'  "J  M  it  WM  chimed  tSt 
o'y  «»^  the  twdefor;  „!1,     "^granted  hin  .  monop- 

once  nw  Lk  dtt,STri.!^„P*'*"?:  ^^  ^"^  ^"««* 
•em  out  with  n^.Zl^tr^"^r?^^  ^ 
two  ye«n,  i6»7_i6a«  «*.»^1.I!^'  ^"""8  ^  next 
WM  cJ««;i  in^L  vj,^!,^*  P"8««jm  m^^^    The  l«,d 

twding  wu  aStJi  «  wiS.  ,^  •etttement, «  better  under- 
«  Q."e^«^^hr^T!i  ^  '"'^'«»^*nd  the  buiJding, 
thretuTorS^  dS  ^ire^''?^  It  w«  thu,  on  ,£ 
that  0^mpS!,,AT1^^';^^^J^!'P'-^i'-in^pl«.. 

wiTtiuci  wT"*'"^  P«^ve,«ce^«diienjy  » 
unden^^CttleTn::^  ST^^^  J^^^^Tr.^ 

of  dificStie.^;  ,uc!  ^^„.SS'e2'i°„   "".'^  ■'"  '''^  ^*« 
out  hi.  phu...     In  hi.  »2?^T       *"**«''ori«g  to  cany 

magnify  CWultiS.orreSlrh"'''"  •°"'^*  ''"'^^  «° 
cominJ*e«,  onl^ c^o^^f iet  S? ^7 e^' °T 
of  .  ««ightforw.H.  truthfulSdS  A.  .^Ir?  "  u 
«:«  Pla-n,  «d  there  .cem.  to^  e;erv  i^ JTn  ?  "  "^'^ 
htt  accuracy.     The  d^^^J^       eveiy  reawn  for  tni«ting 

•how  him  i  havTb^r  W",  '^"^''^  '"  •»"  ^W« 

Phenomen..    M^' Kln'g.7,:;  ^fei.^^rl'^ 
the  ,u.«K«  a.  to  wlSher  ci:!:^^^  J'*  ^''^E': 


4« 


CdM/IDA  dND  BlUnm  NORTH  dMUUCd 


Hufiwnoc  In  the  bapdsinal  reconb  at  Brouage  thcfr  is  no 
record  of  Samuel  de  Champlainf  and  thk  it  a  ntther  curioua 
fact  since  tlw  names  of  all  Ronuui  Catholic  in&nts  seem  to 
have  been  recorded  with  extreme  care  and  piccision.  To  be 
sure,  we  majr  find  record  that  both  his  fiither  and  modier 
were  bapdccd  in  the  ancient  church,  but  this  proves  little 
regarding  Champfaun  himself.  Otherwise  it  wouM  be  easy 
to  prove  the  orthodoxy  of  Luther.  The  name  ** Samuel" 
was  at  this  date  rarely  bestowed  on  other  than  Hi^uenoc 
children,  and,  as  is  well  known,  Rochellc  and  its  environs, 
including  Brouage,  were  hotbeds  of  French  Protrstantism 
at  this  time.  The  close  association  of  the  explorer  with 
De  Monts  and  the  De  Cacns,aU  of  whom  were  Huguenou, 
would  seem  to  riiow  that  at  least  he  was  not  an  intolerant 
Romanist.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  Champlun  appean  to  have  sou^t  the  ministrKions  of 
the  Jesuit  Lalemant  in  his  last  hour!,  that  the  Jesuit  Le 
Jeune  conducted  his  funeral  services,  and  that  by  will  he 
left  his  meagre  fortune  to  the  Jesuit  Seminary  at  Quebec, 
which  had  been  founded  just  before  his  death.  Whatever 
the  creed  of  his  nativity,  the  founder  of  Quebec  was  un- 
doubtedly a  loyal  frwnd  of  the  Roman  Church  in  his  hter 
days.  Champhun's  portrait,  painted  by  Moncomet,  shows 
us  a  sturdy,  broad-shooldered  frame  with  features  in  keep- 
ing. There  is  every  reason  to  believe  it  to  be  an  excellent 
likeness,  and  it  has  been  utilized  by  the  sculptor  in  the 
creation  of  che  handsome  monument  which  now  graces 
the  DuSerm  Terrace  at  Quebec. 

To  the  post  of  governor  of  the  colony,  thus  rendered 
vacant  by  the  death  of  Champlain,  the  Company  of  New 
France  appointed  Charies  Huauk  de  Montma^y,  who 
arrived  in  Quebec  eariy  in  1636.  In  the  meantime  the 
commandant  of  the  trading  post  at  Three  Riven,  Chas- 
teaufort,  had  administered  the  affiun  of  the  colony.  The 
new  governor  was  an  ardent  sympathizer  with  the  Jesuit 
order;  in  fact,  there  seems  to  be  smne  reason  for  believing 
that  even  at  this  early  date  these  busy  clerics  were  be^nning 


A 


^^«^M^  Mr  COMMMRCUl  COM,JJfiM» 
to  oterciM  mom  biiMiiM  Ja  Am   -'     »     ^     . 

number  ,«m.TST5«^52-^T^  Thi. 

»•  time  M»  ti.dm^^:Sr^  «  ^  **"  *^ 
ch. V  the  life  of  theSSetSSr  JH^  Montmap,^  in 

«  C«ttd.  St  be^JSTl^llf  '*^"  »»  hope  that 
were  now  -i»irituyiy^SS.  i?!  "'•^'^  "  '^  "'""r 
«»UectinJfi,„d,X  4 1^!^^     home  and  aided  tho« 

■ccountt  of  i\-  v:  .  tie.  of  a. -•  .'*•***"•  The*  W9n 
of  the  a,un:h  u..  .-^ibtotSTT^  "  2f  ~*P°«« 
"eariFaaididaadlmiZr^"'^'*^-    They  hean 

latter  year  SehMtS  S^  ^!!l  ""*^  **3a.    In  this 
r'^  »T^^if^^2i^  the  Ion, 

ligiout  Frenchmen  with  theTiS^i     •  ''"^  "^  '*' 
heroiam  in  the  wUd/of  ^k  a      *    J*^'*  *»«Ky  "id 

umei  appeared,  and  their  Li.L«  •  ^  <'.»«'ecimo  vol- 

"•e«l  tpproval  of  the  Jwuit  d2^?-l         **  '~*'  ">«' 

icattered  themadveaXvS  di^' Jt*  >'*^i  "*«•" 
e«  peril,  and  enduri^  Tt^  m^^^'^J"!:^  ^f^' 
""•tinted  endeavor,  to  wXSi't^'"  '"  ^' 


"SLji 


44 


CdMlDJI  JIMD  BUrUM  MOUTH  dMtUCd 


crucifix  wiMBvc  tiwir  bMt  jmn  to  tiM  cwMt  of  dviUsitka 
in  the  New  World.  Not  even  tlw  moec  ttnconpromiMi^ 
enemiet  i^  RoaiMi«a  will  dcnv  to  them  a  high  pbicc  among 
the  niaken  of  early  Canadian  hiatofy. 

It  waa  amid  due  dow  of  id^ioua  fervor  that  Montnal 
came  into  being,    llie  modem  mctropolia  of  Caiiada  waa 
the  oApring  of  a  aomewhat  groteaque  devotional  enthu- 
■iasm,  as  one  may  dean  from  the  pMes  of  the  rather 
viMonary  Faillon.     Here  we  are  tdd  of  the  ecstatic  aed 
which  impelled  two  devout  Frenchmen  to  obtain  the  grant 
of  the  island  at  the  junction  of  St.  Lawrence  and  Otttwa 
Rivers.     This  was  to  be  made  the  centre  of  religious  phi- 
lanthropy, for  the  plans  invdved  the  establishment  of  a 
seminary,  a  college,  and  a  hospitd.     The  Society  of  Notiv 
Dame  de  Montied  was  organised,  and  a  beginning  was 
made  by  selecting  as  the  ornniao'  of  the  new  settlement 
Pkd  de  Cbomedey,Sieur  de  Maisonneuve,  a  gallant  soldier 
from  his  boyhood  and  a  fast  friend  of  the  Church.     It  was 
found  that  funds  did  not  permit  the  establishment,  for  the 
time  being,  of  the  proposed  seminary  and  collrae,  so  it  was 
resolved  to  let  these  remain  in  abeyance.     But  the  hos- 
piul  was  urgently  needed,  and  to  superintend  it*  er tabJish- 
ment  the  promoters  chose  Mile.  Jeanne  Mance,  an  anient 
young  religionist  of  high  character  and  motives.     Some 
wedthy  persons  in  France  sun>lied  the  necessary  funds, 
and  in  1641  Maisonneuve,  Mile.  Mance,  and  a  few  score 
senlers  sailed  for  their  new  home.     When  they  reached 
Quebec  the  season  was  far  advanced  and  Governor  Mont- 
magny  induced  them  to  spend  the  winter  there,  hiding  that 
before  spring  he  would  be  able  to  induce  the  enthusiasu  to 
abandon  their  original  pbns  and,  tnttead,  to  settle  on  the 
isbnd  of  Orleans  fronting  Quebec.    For  he  was  a  firm  be- 
liever in  consolidating  the  scttlemenu  in  order  to  minimise 
the  danger  from  the  Iroquois.     But  Maisonneuve  declared 
that  he  wodd  fdfil  his  mission  even  though  every  tree 
on  the  island  of  Montred  were  a  hostile  savage,  and  when 
the  sfHring  of  1642  arrived  he  beg»n  his  trip  up  the  river. 


OOnMMMltT  Mr  COmUMCUl  COMP4MIU 


45 


Fottwat  fcvowd  the  m»mim.tmdmhiu  ^  hrfyiM,  „.._ 


About  thh  ri«,  MoeSttTLT^l?  !^T^ 


very  "piiliilrr-iilS^^C^fSr^ 
|^jw««  or  i»e  fomBor,  tbs  btshep  or  wpaJoT^dM 

iT^.^  Sr^  of  Mo^  JXZJ;^ 

wWck  wu  cSedin  ,66?  wLST^^T^)  ^^^^^^^ 


MKMCOPV  MSOUJTION  TBT  CHAIT 

(ANSI  and  ISC  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


jk 


/APPLIED  IM/OE    Inc 

1653  Eqll  Uoin  SIrMt 

RochnUr.  N»  Yorti        14609       USA 

(716)  «a2  -  0300  -  Phon* 

(716)  286  -  5»8«  -  Fin 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


'r 


n 


in  both  directions,  there  was  opportunity  for  Urge  profits. 
Very  unfortunately,  many  of  the  officials  of  the  company  in 
the  colony  were  diorou^ly  dishonest  and  us^-d  their  posi- 
tions to  their  own  personal  gain.  Furthermore,  as  there 
was  more  profit  for  the  inhabitants  in  the  fur  traffic  than  in 
the  cultivation  of  land,  most  of  them  took  regularly  to  the 
woods,  entirely  neglecting  their  land  grants. 

The  opening  year  of  D'Ailleboust's  governorship  was 
marked  by  an  important  event  in  the  annids  of  Indian  war- 
fare, the  destruction  of  the  Hurons.  During  the  few  years 
preceding  1648  the  Iroquois,  who  had  been  devoting  much 
of  their  attention  to  the  French  settlement  at  Montreal,  had 
left  the  Hurons  in  peace.  And  this  seems  for  the  time 
being  to  have  lulled  the  latter  into  a  fidse  sense  of  security. 
A  party  of  Iroquois  warriors  proceeded  during  the  summer  of 
1648  to  the  Huron  country,  where  they  destroyed  the  village 
of  St.  Joseph,  murdering  P&re  Daniel,  the  Jesuit  priest  who 
was  sutioned  there,  and  taking  a  large  number  of  Huron 
prisoners.  In  the  following  year  a  larger  number  of  tribes- 
men returned  to  complete  their  bloody  work.  A  dozen  or 
more  Huron  settlements  were  attacked  and  laid  waste  with 
appalling  slaughter.  The  Jesuits  Lalemant  and  Br£beuf 
were  taken  and,  after  atrocious  tortures,  burned  at  the  stake. 
The  remnants  of  the  Huron  tribe  were  utterly  demoralized 
and  scattered  in  every  direction.  A  few  found  refuge  on 
Manitoulin  Island  in  the  Georgian  Bay;  some  made  their 
way  to  the  remote  west  where  they  found  shelter  with  the 
small  tribes  there;  some  offered  to  unite  with  their  con- 
querors, who,  in  accordance  with  their  fixed  policy,  gladly 
accepted  this  addition  to  their  fighting  strength,  while  a 
miserable  remnant  of  a  few  hundred  survivors  were  brought 
down  to  Quebec  and  s.  Jed  near  the  town  at  Sillery.  Their 
land  became  a  separate  waste  and  the  missions  there  came 
to  a  disastrous  end.  In  more  ways  than  one  this  extermi- 
nation of  the  Hurons  was  a  severe  blow  to  the  French.  It 
deprived  them  of  their  most  &ithful  Indian  allies;  it  taught 
the  western  tribes  the  impotency  of  French  protection;  it 


^'^'^'^'^^MENT  Br  COMMBRCUL  COMPJNIES       47 
gave  the  Iroquoii  an  unwholewme  conceit  in  th«r  «-. 

new  governor  found  the  colonvT.  «  T  *•*""•  The 
than  he  had  antidpated  EvXk  "  ^"^"'"'  «™» 
the  settlement,  a^JT^Io  .i^TtirdSe"  '^'","* 
»'*k«<l  umfcr  tbe  xnun.  .cVk    i  "^T"-     Tk«  colony 

tappoiod  to  veniore  ouaidc  the  paliiafe^Sf.        *" 

stt  sre"s^or-S^r:^^-hr  p"^^ 


CAHADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


peacemaker  lus  given  ut  in  his  diaiy  a  veiy  readable  account 
of  hi*  trip  and  of  the  events  which  followed  hi*  arrival  at  his 
destination.  Apparently  the  Onondagas  received  the  mis- 
rion  with  cordiality,  and  a  council  was  held  at  which  depu- 
ties from  the  Senecas,  Oneidas,  and  Cayugas  attended. 
Only  the  surly  Mohawks  held  aloof.  The  council  termi- 
nat«i  very  satisfactorily,  and  Le  Moyne  left  for  Quebec  to 
convey  to  Lauzon  the  desire  of  the  tribesmen  that  peace  be 
proclaimed  and  that  some  French  missionaries  and  artisans 
should  be  sent  among  them. 

Lauzon  might  have  judged  that  these  newborn  pro- 
fessions of  amity  were  at  best  made  with  scant  sincerity, 
and  oug^t  to  have  hesiuted  before  detaching  from  Quebec 
a  number  of  his  best  settlers  to  send  them  to  a  perilous 
abode  among  the  savages.  But  the  governor  was  a  man 
of  poor  judgment,  always  pliant  and  never  equal  to  an 
emei^ncy.  So  he  at  once  agreed  to  the  request  of  the 
Onondagas  and  selected  a  company  of  about  fifty  men  of 
all  trades  to  proceed  amongst  them.  The  party  was  to  be 
commanded  by  a  courageous  young  officer  of  the  Montreal 
nrrison  named  Dupuy,  and  with  him  went  the  two  Jesuits, 
Dablon  and  Chaumonot.  Le  Moyne  was  not  sent  back 
with  the  party,  as  he  was  needed  for  a  peace  mission  to  the 
Mohawks.  The  patty  started  from  Quebec,  but  had  not 
proceeded  far  before  it  was  attacked  by  several  hundred 
Mohawks  who  had  been  apprised  of  the  French  plans. 
The  assailants  were  beaten  off  and  the  party  went  on  safely 
to  Montreal  while  the  Mohawks  skirted  around  to  the  Isle 
of  Orleans  and  fell  upon  some  Hurons  who  had  been 
settled  there.  In  due  course  Dupuy  and  his  party  reached 
the  Onondaga  country  and  began  preparations  for  their 
permanent  abode. 

The  folly  of  the  whole  proceeding  soon  became  apparent 
through  the  attitude  of  the  Mohawks.  These  now  began 
to  show  an  unbearable  insolence,  complaining  that  the 
French  had  discriminated  against  them  and  making  auda- 
cious demands.     For  one  thing   they  insisted  tlut  the 


SAVVAGES, 

VOYAGE  DE  SAMVEL 
Champlain,de  Brovagk, 

faic  en  la  France  nouuelle  - 
I'an  mil  fix  cens  crois: 


contenant 


ftliab^ 


ttuomdesSauaagcsdeCaiudM. 

D«  la  dercowtem  <le  pin  4e  qoafav  ceas  anquaote 

bitea^  d^aiuiiiaiu<iiu  «>  nonoSt.Tei  riwetet. 


Cfcw  CtAVDi  Bi  MoMtta'cBii.  teoamfc 
bomiqaecn  hCout  JttPalaii.iai>om  de  lefiu. 

AriC~PlllviLBGE  DY   ROY. 

T,tle-p,ge  of  ChampJain-.  «xount  of  the  nvan.  of 
Can»<U    />,»  M,  origiMo/  in  the  N*^  York  Public  Library 


1*' 


m 


OOFMRNMMNT  MT  COMMMMCUL  COMfJUOMS       ^^ 
•uMive  power.,     iff  «S*of^\SJ!r '*"'' P"" 

^^^^«^  • «-!-« r«»,  «*««  .m«.  j;:s: 

Onondaga,  had  it  in  mS7^  '^^^^  ""*  ""''«'» *»» 
join  ^t^<l.^^^ofZ^ZS^  «^'  ""^  '• 
attack  upon  aU  th.  U^:^  ^^^^^^  l^T" 

wriiett  potttble  moment,  but  eKape  mTZt  7^  ^ 
the  entire  abaence  of  LioeT^rJSl  ^  "7^  ** 

tnm.port.     It  »»  .LzI^l       *'*'^'  """•  o^  water 


ii  r 


JO  C4NJDJ  JND  MUnSH  NORTH  AMERiCA 

r/T;«  "  ?"  '"'*  •*•"  ^•"Pltt^l^ewiy  in  the  spring 

of  1658  .  great  fettt  WM  p«p.,td  by  the  Frenchmen;  and 

o  .t  the  Mvage.  were  dl  invited.    The  feast  developed 

w  h  fo«d  and  dnnk  tdl  they  were  helplesd/intoxicated  or 

vln^lZ^'  ^5r  »^>»?'«  '^  l«unched,  and  the 
J<renchmen  rapidly  made  their  way  down  the  Oswen 
toward  Ljke  Ontario.  When  the  Indian,  aroused  the^ 
•elves  and  found  the  huts  of  the  Frenchmen  vacant,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  foUow  the  refugees;  but  the  ice  had 
not  completely  broken  up,  and  the  frail  bark  canoes  of  the 
OnondagM  were  so  buffed  about  that  no  progress  could 
be  made.  After  a  very  perilous  journey  of  fifteen  days, 
Dupuy  conducted  his  command  safely  into  Montr«il. 
The  success  of  the  stratagem  and  the  way  in  which  he 
pUoted  his  men  down  the  St.  Lawrence  mark  the  young 
leader  as  a  man  of  remarkable  resource  and  abiUty. 

The  discomfiture  of  the  Onondagas  was  complete  and 
tliere  was  no  hope  of  any  continuance  of  the  peace.  Further- 
more, the  Iroquois  had  conducted  their  war  against  the 
Enes  with  signal  success;  in  fact,  the  latter  had  been  ac 
corded  much  the  same  treatment  as  that  given  the  wretched 
Hurons  a  decade  before.  The  confederates  were  therefore 
^n  ir  a  position  to  turn  their  united  forces  against  the 
tnr.  , .  Heir  doing  so  was  not  long  delayed.  To  the 
creo  •  'orageous  Mohawks  it  must  be  said,  however, 
that  .dy  conducted  Le  Moyne  back  to  Montreal 

before  wstilities  commenced.  The  next  few  years  were 
years  of  anguish  for  the  little  colony,  whose  total  popuk- 
tion  as  yet  did  not  exceed  two  thousand.  The  Iroquois, 
through  their  practice  of  adopting  prisoners  into  theirVribes, 
had  managed  to  increase  their  fighting  strength  and  could 
now  muster  a  force  more  than  equal  to  the  total  French 
population.  And  their  possession  of  firearms,  together  with 
their  skdl  m  using  them  rendered  them  no  mean  foes.   The 


OOrMMNMBNT  Mr  COMMMMCUl  COMPJNIMS       3, 

strong,  J  s^/u';xis:^  T  ■  ^r*' 

encamped  to  await  the  JriJil  «f  ?:     '**'•  *"»«  ^"'W 

ordered  to  join  the  nwinfo.1!  iV  ""'.»'»  ^^  been 
of  the  IroJ^i.  rS^hS^  French  idX*'- "  °^  ^*  P^' 
critical.  b'Aiwnwn  had  ml5!  I^  **  •"""'»''  ■*«'»«' 
to  the  home  I^SoH^'t  S^  TuTnrtL.""*^' 

ofdlJl'T^lL-rth*^.*''-'*^/^^^ 

theXnt,iirri'.i„*s.cr:  S"  a  pii"t  offiSr;; 

Ottawa  foree.     wS  ^^.  I  ^^^  **  "^''•'  of  the 

moved  out  to  the  3,^rf  tSfe^t"'  '"  '^<^» 
River,  and  took  uo  a  ^Jll  •  ?*  ^"^^  °"  Otuwa 

down  to  KMn  their  fi>Iln»  »«-k_:  "^  "••'  progrwa 
a  few  dayCvt  h.^]S  -t^ri!!;  *^?«««!^ 
to  ruth  the  p««.  WofnlT.'n^""''""*"!*^' 
for«K,k  himfbut  wkhAe  LSSi£  'i"?^.'  '"«*««««  "d 

place  a  T>™opyT.^?L"^tJSd'"^rS^^ 
dunng  the  next  few  davt  we  «».  ««!  •'  •  *  '»*PPen«* 
counu  which  have  com?  wH,  Ar^*^-  *^"  -*=" 
•eem  to  be  w  paloablv  o^J^i!^  v  *?  **"*""  ""«« 
doe.  not  pos!^.  a  Skh  in  Z^*^  ?"  **  '»^«*»'^  who 

before  heTTd:;  t^fo iTo^c"  ^2;""!??^ '°"« 

death  .truggle  of  the«he«,e.  o?5,e  iS'sal^ii"^*''^ 
Parkman  a  bam  for  what  i.  JjI  ?  *  "•  P''" 
picture  in  the^ofenZ  of  hftSdff '  "^  "^^''  P" 
C«udian,choolboyKS£.»i'^'^    ^'^ 

^doi.  of  hi.  youthfj;  -.inrti^i^t;?  siricT'C 


58  CdMMDd  MUD  BRITtSH  ttOMTH  dMBUCd 

The  defendm  wen  in  aU  probabUitx  •huglwered  at  tiMir 
hMtily  improviaed  poKi  we  have  no  Kcoid  thtt  anv  of 
them  returned  to  Montreal.     Charieroix,  in  fact,  does  not 
mention  the  epiMde  at  all,  and  what  we  know  of  it  dribbled 
Za^,  ™  »»»f«cital  of  lome  of  thoee  Huron,  who  de> 
•erted  Dauiac  before  the  attack  commenced  and  who  after, 
ward  escaped  from  the  Iroquois.     One  thing,  however, 
DauUc  and  »»•  «»enceitainly  accompHdiednTie  capture 
of  the  po«  and  probablv  the  torture  of  the  few  priMnert 
delayed  the  progren  of  the  Iroquois,  and  this  delay  exasper- 
ated the  restless  savag^  who  waited  on  the  Ricfelieu,  and 
the  project  of  a  general  attack  was  abandoned.  After  some 
desultoiy  skirmishes  the  Indians  made  their  way  homeward, 
end  the  colony  was  saft  for  the  time  being,    fhe  governor 
penned  a  despatch  to  the  French  minister  crediting  Dauiac 
with  having  saved  the  cotony,  while  a  general  Te  Deum 
was  sung  m  the  chapels  of  Montreal  and  Quebec.     The 
?~IlS*'*J'£~u'!S^  °'"  '^"^'=  -culpture,  prepared  by  the 
^Mde  "*e«»  commemonwes  vividly  the  dramatic 

But  the  dangers  without  were  not  the  only  burdens  which 
the  stnigghng  little  colony  had  to  bear  at  this  time:  there 
were  dissensions  within.  The  settlement  at  Montreal  had 
n»de  little  progress,  and  in  1658  the  Society  of  Notre 
Uame  had  handed  it  over  to  the  wealthy  Seminair  of  Saint- 
Sulpice  in  Francr.  The  latter  order  forthwith  sent  out  an 
energetic  prelate,  the  Abb<  de  Queylus,  to  supervise  the 
spiritual  aiEurs  of  the  new  chaive.  They  retained  Makon- 
neuve  in  charge  of  temporal  a&irs.  The  appointment  of 
Queylus  boded  no  good  to  the  Jesuits,  and  these  latter  were 
not  slow  in  showing  their  resentment.  It  seems  to  have 
been  intended  that  Queylus  should  in  the  course  of  time  be 
made  bishop  of  the  colony,  but  for  the  present  he  was  eiven 

?Ak  !  °K J'^'^i'n"'  ""*•"  **  «P'«°P^  juri«U«ion 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen.  It  was  soon  apparent,  how- 
ever, that  he  would  never  be  acceptable  to  the  Jesuits,  and, 
as  these  were  mfluential  at  the  Papal  See,  the  pren^otion 


i 


t 


OOnMHMMNT  BY  COMMKHadL  COMfdHIU       ,3 

rfthtfiylpitiMvicw^^ 

»«VTI«  b«cli  b«w«n  SdpkkM,.  «d  jLt.'^SS 

wideiwd,  and  tlmr  uaMmljr  i|ii.uTdi  toon  •CMdalSdrii 

£'!:sLLT/i  "T^L^*^  lonrnSrtS^t 

me  uitemtt  of  peace  and  order. 

W.Sp.%S^^  d>e  order,  no  Jeaoi,  could  become  . 
M^     But  there  waa  nodiuif  to  prerent  tbeir  aecuring 

r  «      f~P*' ■«»*«»«'«•  to  giTe  Mich  a  one  the  ap- 

t-      .u.    And  thui  it  came  to  pa...    The  Jetuita  to 

I«ett  of  thirty-aeven  yeara  of  age,  who  bad  Sn  eduoS 

jl^Xn?' ,J]L"J5T*  i  ?!^  Anne.  nSSSTS 
c^nfcli  ::J^  ^^  ^'^^^  *•*  »«««'""  of  her  Jeauit 
confea«»r,  and  Laval  waa  duly  nominated  Biabop  of  New 

P^**;,  ^  ^  nominadon'bad  to  be  conSSd^S 

lia^uT^^^J^^'^^^'  When  the  nomination 
SSy  wSrbl£n'^^'^»i'^  «i^ijed  by  the  ultnuno^ 
ptrty.  Which  then  had  the  car  of  Rome,  that  the  aoDoint. 
ment  dwjuld  be  arr«,ged  in  aome  J^tS  ST^ 
t"^'^  "«  ««  -t  all  dependent  on  LlLTh^ 

to.t«^iJSL"*'*"1"'!?**P'^«^~-  Co^uen^; 
uittead  of  bemg  confinned  Bishop  of  New  FranS  Lawd 

w«  made  titular  Biahop  of  Pet«  in  Arabkand  W 

of'ZSSSl^r'*"^^^'"-  TheA^JbiEJ 
Of  Kouen  regarded  thia  aa  an  infiringement  on  hit  iuriadic- 

ioThul'' V^'i*"  *•  •ovenrfgnrbTneithrr  r£ 

SrSLT-  !  ^'*.  /*'""  ''f  »PI>oiiitment  so  long  aa 

the  appomtee  waa  mtiafied,  and  they  gave  their  con«m 

^  ,«LtllS!gtr"  "  "^  ^8»-Wch,of  c^urache 


t^ 


i 


'♦ 


54  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

..ni!"?  T^-*^  at  auebec  in  1659  and  at  once  entered 
upon  hif  duties.     Queylu.,  the  SuJpitian  vicar^nenU  at 
Montreal,  was  at  first  disposed  to  accept  the  newTrelate  as 
his  supenor,  but  inHuenced  by  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen, 
he  soon  assumed  a  hostile  attitude,  and  a  bitter  quarrel  en- 
sued between  the  vicars-general.    In  the  end,  ojeylus  was 
ordered  home  to  France,  and  Laval,  now  supremi  in  the 
ecclesMstical  afEurs  of  the  colony,  prtxreeded  to  reoianize 
the  priesthood  on  a  missionary  basis.     Under  this  plan  he 
retained  the  power  of  appointment  and  removal  in  his  own 
hands,  and  guarded  himself  against  the  estoblishment  of  anv 
prescriptive  claims  to  parishes  which  colonial  priests  miEht 
venture  to  set  up;  a  practice  which  might  in  New  France 

«mrd"  "  *'*'  ^"  ^°'''''  *°  ''«^""  *«  'P^^ 

1  aS'T^  *»»«n«ons  were  not  merely  inter-ecdesiastical. 

found  himself  directly  at  vanance  with  Governor  D'Arwnson 
on  several  poinu  of  etiquette.  FoUowing  the  ultram^tane 
pretensions,  the  bishop  claimed  precedence  on  all  pubHc 
occasions  over  the  governor,  on  the  ground  that  the  repre- 

Tf  I^mi*'  ^"""^  "^^  "^""ked  the  represenurive 
of  any  earthly  potenute.  The  force  of  this  point  did  not, 
apparendy,  apped  to  D'Ai^nson,  who  promptly  vetS 
the  ambitious  prelate's  claim,  whereupon  L  latter  th«S 
ened  him  with  excommunication.     The  quarrel  was  soon 

^i^t  i!rT?  ^>™P'°"»-  The  outcome  TL 
squabble  would  undoubtedly  have  been  disastrous  to  the  go^ 
emor,  for  the  Jesuit  influence  was  very  powerful  at  the 
French  coun,  and  D'Argenson  had  scant  baSing  iS  F«nce! 
Moreover,  his  work  in  the  colony  had  been  none  toTsuc- 
Xl"h  *"'*  *t  »"*?«,"  would  not  probably  have  exerted 
^  .f 'L*°k'''?  '^'"  "  °®«-  *'"«»'«'  »«>"We,  however 
^  Tn^-  L'*"'  *lP'"*r  °f  '^  governor's  three-year 
nTi:-^?*'"  ^P**"**"-'  '661,  his  successor,  the  Baron 
Dubois  d'Avaugour,  arrived.   We  have  the  testUnony  Sf  S 


GOriRNMBNT  Br  COMMBRCUL  COMFANtBS        55 

dSJIZ?"  *'"*  n '  ^^^^y^>  tlut  Laval  Ittd  a.ked  for 
DAigenwni  recaU,  but  we  have  no  other  evidence  of 

constant  fnction  with  the  head  of  the  Church  in  the  clny 
and  very  probably  would  have  refused  a  aecond  term  eveJ 
^d  .uch  been  ofFe«d  him.     Some  time  previo^y  S 

^l„r"T  i°T  P'**^*"^^  to  tl>i.  effect.    "I  se^  no 
r^jon      he  declared,  «for  remaining  here  any  longer. 
When  I  came  to  this  country,  I  hoped  to  enj/y  a  lilde 
«po«,  but  I  am  doubly  deprived  of  it^^lon  thi  L  Cj 
by  enemiei  without  and  mceswuit  petty  bickerings  within; 
and,  on  the  other,  by  the  difficulty  I  find  in  livinf  I  have 
only  two  diousand  crowns  a  year  for  all  my  expenses,  and  I 
have  found  It  necessary  to  incur  debu  to  an  eqiS  amJ»unt." 
Later  on,  he  wrote  to  the  president  of  the  Company  asking 
h.m  to  chco«  wmeone  else  for  the  post.    «Iam  deter! 
mmed,"  he  declared,  "to  suy  her*  !k,  longer. 
My  horror  of  dissension,  and   the  manifest  certainty  of 
becoming  involved  in  disputes  with  certain  persons  with 
tleTtiu*!?..""''? '"«  to  quarrel,  oblige  me  to  anticipate 

On  the  whole,  D'Argenson  seems  to  have  been  5  rea*M«ib  e 
and  tempeme  official,  who  found  himself  involved  in  diffi! 
cultitt  which  were  not  at  aU  of  his  own  seeking. 

The  new  governor,  D'Avaugour,  last  of  the  Company 
governor,  of  New  France,  was  a  sturdy  old  soldier,^J 

to  L^^  *f»nst  the  Jesuits,  and  on  his  arrival  refused 
tr^«m?  '''lu**  ««««o'^  which  Laval  had 
h^o^rr"-     ^*  f  *«">«"••««««  it  clear  that  whUe 

not  disposed  to  brook  any  of  their  domination.  As  his 
temper  was  easily  roused  a  quarrel  was  not  long  dekyed. 

but  It  had  not  up  to  this  time  aaumed  arfacute  phase.  It 
^  the  question  of  the  liquor  traffic  which  now  made  its 
^Y  onto  the  politiad  stage  of  the  colony  to  proveasoLS 


if 


J6  CASADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  strife  and  tumult  for  generations  to  come.  No  other 
quettion  m  early  Canadian  hittaiy  gave  rise  to  such  un- 
compromiMng  bitterness  or  caused  the  undoing  of  so  many 

^t^u  °?*"?*'  ^  ***  ^"  *"«*«  developed  it  was  found 
that  brandy  formed  the  most  efiective  purelosing  agent 
which  the  French  possessed,  and  in  consequence  W 
quantiues  of  ,t  were  brought  over  annuaUy  from  Fianw. 
1  he  Indians  soon  developed  an  inordinate  passion  for  the 
mtoxicant,  and,  when  necessary,  parted  with  laige  quantities 
of  valuable  furs  for  a  few  gaUon.  of  it.  TheTvie  d«S 
UU  he  was  drunk,  and  when  drunk  acted  like  a  being  pos- 
jewed  of  the  devU.  Every  visit  of  the  tribesmen  to  a 
French  settlement  and  every  arrival  of  French  traders  in 

which  some  violence  was  certain  to  be  committed.  N<5 
mfrequently  the  Jesuit  missionaries  found  their  very  lives 
endangered  by  the  tumultuous  revellers  who  when  sober 
were  docile  enou^.  Laval  convinced  himself  that  the 
Chureh  could  make  little  progress  so  long  as  the  liquor 

»u  t*'u"*T^»."?*''  *^"  *^"  •»••  *^^*1  in  the  colony, 
the  bishop  had  induced  the  governor  and  Council  to  pro- 
hibit  the  trade  under  penalty  of  deaths  the  spiritual  weapon 
ot  excommunication  was  not  considered  sufficiently  effective 
iJnV^  "^  ****  *****  °'"  **^  ""^^  D'Avaugour 

The  new  governor,  as  has  been  said,  did  not  wish  to 
openly  aiitagonize  the  Jesuits,  so,  for  the  time  being,  he 
reluctantly  pennitted  the  decree  to  remain  in  foree,  and 
consented  to  the  execution,  a  few  weeks  after  his  ai^val, 
of  two  traders  convicted  of  the  offence.  But  it  was  not 
long  before  D  Avaugour  had  occasion  to  change  his  attitude. 
A  woman  of  Quebec  who  had  been  placed  under  arrest  for 
having  given  brandy  to  some  Huron  Indians  was  in  dannr 
of  suffering  the  prescribed  penalty.  It  was  felt  by  the 
Jesuiu  that  public  opinion  in  France  would  strongly  con- 
demn such  execution  and  their  superior,  Lalemant,  went  to 
the  governor  to  mtercede  for  the  woman.     This  was  too 


GOFBRNMENT  BY  COMMBRCUL  COMPJNIBS        57 

much  for  the  iiawrible  lyAvaugour.  He  wai  not  in  fiivor 
of  the  dmtic  «pil.tion.,  bu7if  the  Jesuit,  demiSde?  k 
rtey  mu,t  ««,d  by  it.  logiaU  con^^uence.:  he  wtld 
make  no  dutuiction  of  mx  before  the  law.  uSince."  he 
«jd  "you  do  not  wi.h  it  to  be  a  crime  for  thi.  woSn,  k 
o^Za       *  *=""V°' ""ybody."    The  result  wa.  a  re^ 

JnAf  -K  "^i^u**  *•  '^"^"^  "P*"  °^  the  tiade  once  mSre^ 
and  forthwith  the  carnival  of  drunkenne..  recommencS 
Even  .„  Quebec  and  Montreal  the  ungodly  reveUed  toS: 
ously  under  the  very  eye.  of  the  bi.hop  in  celebration  of 
then- renored  l.cen«.  Laval  wa.  fiantk  with  an^n  He 
^tliT'""!""?'"""".'  **"*  ^°""<*  that  his  clerical  blow. 
««,ed  harmle«riy  on  the  .houlder.  of  the  lu«y  trader.. To 
whom  a  depnvation  of  the  office,  of  religion  WTS^ 

SL  ZtST'n  T'^"«'!~-  The  hau^ty  bidiop  couS 
bear  matter,  no  longer:  in  the  autumn  of  1662  he  Kt  ofF 
for  France,  there  to  lay  the  whole  quewion  before  the  kine 
The  outcome  wa.  as  might  have  been  foremen.  The 
whole  mfluence  of  the  host,  of  Loyok  in  France  wa.  at 
a  n'r  H'Kv"^*i*"^  Ae  king  w..  prevailed  uportr^.«" 
Jlt^Tu  °"'"-  £^Avaugour  wa.  .umm^ed  ho  J* 
and  the  b..hop  wa.  a,ked  to  name  a  .uitable  .ucce.«,r. 

IT  JIIk  •  •  ''"P*"""  ^'  deposed  governor  .ent  to  the 
French  minitter  a  memorial  in  which  he  m  forth  the  out- 
line of  a  plan  for  the  tnui.formation  of  New  France  into  a 
powerful  military  colony  under  the  direct  control  of  the 
crown.  Thi.  plan  ^em.  to  have  impressed  Colbert,  who 
n  nT  1  ''^'^  or  "1°"^*'  «^",  with  the  result  that 
wt^  u    n       •"^"'°"'  "^^'^^  «  contained  were   won 

were  l^'^ZA  ^'^"^  °i  *•  governor  the  colonists 
were  teiTonzed  by  a  series  of  severe  eanhquakes.  The 
Jesuits  Journal  relat«  that  the  shocks  were  w  violent  that 

fro,  the  chapel  bell,  pealed,  and  darkne..  came^ver  the 

l1l?f/  /*"?:  "'^^  "°*'°"»"  ''"t"  Lalemant,  "was 
like  that  of  a  ship  at  «a,  »  much  m  that  diver,  persons 


lii 


s« 


CAHADA  AMD  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


i 


i,^ 


felt  the  same  disorders  of  the  stomach  that  they  are  accus- 
tomed to  feel  on  the  water."  The  superstitious  beheld 
visions  in  profusion.  "We  beheld,"  narrates  the  !i»aie 
chronicler,  "blazing  serpents  which  flew  through  the  a.r 
borne  on  wings  of  fire.  We  saw  above  Quebec  a  great 
globe  of  flame  which  lighted  up  the  darkness  and  threw 
out  sparks  on  all  sides."  It  is  not  recorded,  however,  that 
any  one  was  injured  nor  that  any  building  was  damaged,  so 
that  one  may  be  pardoned  for  imagining  that  Lalemant's 
account  of  the  phenomenon  somewhat  oversteps  the  do- 
mains of  actuality.  A  few  severe  shocks  such  as  have 
several  times  occurred  on  the  continent  together  with  a 
more  than  ordinarily  brilliant  meteonc  shower  probably 
gave  basis  for  the  whole  portrayal.  It  may  not  have  been  the 
severity,  but  the  novelty  of  the  phenomenon  which  terrified 
the  superstitious  folk. 

The  recall  of  D'Avingour  marks  the  close  of  the  Com- 
pany r^me  in  New  France.  The  colonists  were  them- 
selves discontented  with  the  existing  system,  and  some  two 
years  before,  had  despatched  a  commissioner,  Pierre  Boucher, 
to  represent  to  the  king  the  tardy  progress  which  the  colony 
was  making  owing  to  the  nigganlliness  of  the  Company  and 
the  corrupt  character  of  the  oflicials  whom  it  employed  to 
look  after  its  interests  in  Canada.  The  Company  seems  to 
have  been  stirred  to  momentary  activity,  for  it  sent  to  Canada, 
as  its  agent,  Peronne  Dumesnil,  with  the  powers  of  con- 
troUer-genenl,  intendant,  and  supreme  judge.  Dumesnil's 
inquiries  in  i66o  soon  produced  a  number  of  serious  charges 
against  the  colonial  Council.  So  bitter  was  the  state  of  feel- 
ing, that  Dumesnil's  life  was  threatened.  Boucher's  repre- 
sentations and  the  disturbed  state  of  aflairs  due  to  Dumesnil's 
charges,  together  with  D'Avaugour's  memorial,  seem  to  have 
had  their  effect  on  Colbert.  In  Februaiy,  1663,  the  stock- 
holders of  the  Company  thought  it  well  to  anticipate  royal 
intervention  by  surrendering  its  rights  and  privileges  to  the 
crown.  This  they  were  the  more  willing  to  do  since 
the  profits  of  the  trade  had  been  steadily  declining  owing 


M 


GOriMNMMNT  Mr  COMMMRCUL  COMPANIES       59 

to  the  Indkn  trouble,  and  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor 
trade.  The  turrender  wm  accepted  by  the  king  in  the 
foUowmg  month.  «Intte«l  of  finding/  recite,  the  E^ 
announcing  the  wceptance,  "that  thi.  country  i.  .ettled  a. 
.t  ou^t  to  be  after  u>  long  an  occupation  thereof  by  oS 

;"te^  r  ^r  J**™***  ''''^  *•»«  '^'  «o'  only  U  Z 
number  of  .t.  mhabitant.  very  limited,  but  that  even  tW  are 
«veiy  day  «cpo.ed  to  be  expelled  by  the  Iroquoi," 
We  have,  therefore,  rewlved  to  withdraw  i.  from  the  hand, 
of  the  uid  company  and  to  declare  and  order  that  all  risht.  of 
property,  ju.tice  and  Kigneurie  .  .  .  and  all  and  every 
other  nght.  gninted  by  Our  Mo«  Honored  p,e«kcS 
-nd  fa  her  by  the  Edict  of  April  a,,  1627,  be  and  the  ^e 
are  hereby  reunited  to  our  crown,  to  be  hereafter  exerciaed 
m  our  name  by  the  officer,  whom  we  duOl  appoint  in  S 


Ill 


i 


v, 


1  i 


E  \    ) 

r 


CHAPTER  IV 
UNDER  LOUIS  ^JTORZM 

Tmi  Compuiy  of  New  France  having  turrendered  ht 
powers,  rights,  gnd  privileges,  the  colony  became  a  royal 
province.  The  company's  administration  had  been  equally 
disastrous  to  itt  own  stockholders  and  to  the  wide  expanse  of 
territories  under  its  control.  The  few  score  of  seigniories, 
scattered  along  tne  northern  slope  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  most 
of  them  still  uncleared,  many  of  them  quite  uninhabited, 
bore  ample  testimony  to  the  absence  of  zeal  manifested  by 
a  commercial  company  for  any  permanent  agricultural  de- 
velopment. The  tedious  succession  of  brdls  and  dissen- 
sions, both  civil  a..d  ecclesiastical,  as  amply  testified  to  its 
administrative  incapacity;  while  the  marked  decrease  in  the 
fur  traffic  during  the  final  decade  of  its  existence  had  served 
abundantly  to  show  iu  inability  even  to  maintain  its  position 
as  an  exploiter  of  colonial  resources.  A  dispirited  and 
almost  defenceless  colony,  a  legacy  of  Indian  enmity,  an 
emi^y  exchequer,  were  meagre  returns  indeed  for  the  princely 
privileges  which  the  king  had  phced  in  the  company's  hands 
nearly  forty  years  before. 

It  was  not  difficult,  therefore,  for  Colbert  to  convince  his 
sovereign  that  it  was  time  for  a  change.  Accordingly  it 
was  decided  to  provide  the  colony  with  a  civil  administra- 
tion modelled  more  or  less  roughly  upon  the  system  which 
had  long  been  in  existence  in  the  provinces  at  homej  a 
system,  the  main  features  of  which  had  been  worked  out 

6i 


if'" 


6a  CMNJDJ  AMD  BUTttH  NOMTH  4MMMK4 

STJJ^TJ^    i:!^^»  «l»itmd  to  the  miniMer  during 

fc«w4  the  colon,  tfthe'lixL*d?^?r"c::t' 

m«je«y  •  orders,  were  given  u  reaMoa  in  Mipport  of  the  m«^ 
jeiugn  to  cr«e  .  cokmid  «lmin»trMion  .JS  „  Jj^^ 
able  to  de«l  directly  with  .U  merely  locd  maJin^^ 
v.«on  w«,  therefore,  n«Mle  for  the  /re«S,  ShTSveiS^ 

"«•«»  power.,  the  «ln,i„iw«ive  body  of  dS  cJZT; 
new  Dody  was  to  have  its  headquarters  at  Ou^luJ  ..«i^ 

S^^TS^k"^  «  "tomey^neid  (fru,^)^  but  aTt^ 
Uers  of  the  CouncU  might  be  continued  in  officeor  chanZi 

As  for  its  powers,  the  new  CouncU  was  iriv«n  u,ri.Au 
tion  over  aU  criminal  and  civil  offe^es^uS^;  r^^^" 
*nd  ordmances  of  the  kingdom",  its  p^K^Tte^,^* 


VMDU  lOVtt  ^JTOUi 


*l 


to  follow  that  in  voBiM  in  tbt  PariiaiMiit  of  Fkrit.   Nevcfw 
thdeM,  the  king  took  occasion  to  expresaly  ntttv*  the  r^ 
to  rattrict  the  application  of  French  bws  and  onUnancet  to 
the  cokmx  or  to  enact  new  laws  and  ordinances  for  the 
colony  alone  if  occasion  should  so  demand.    The  Council 
was  to  have  the  supervision  of  police  and  judicial  ornnisa- 
tion,  being  given  power  to   cMablish  mumr  royal  courts 
equipped  with  the  necessary  oficials  and  charged  to  take 
cognisance  ions  chitmu  tt  bmttumr  ii  pncubtn  of  all  oflctMres 
committed  within  their  respective  jurisdictions,  saving  afcrs 
the  right  of  a^teal  to  the  Council.    To  the  Council,  I 
wise,  was  committed  the  duty  of  roistering  royal  edict* 
their  receipt  in  the  colony,  and  of  arranging  tot  the  i 
communicatim  of  their  contents  to  the  people.     Wl 
necessary,  the  Council  was  empowered  to  carry  out 
main  principles  enunciated  in  these  edicts  and  to  vary  th 
application  to  specific  cases  by  the  issue  of  ordinances 
itt  own  authority. 

Tlie  first  governor  under  the  new  r^me  wu  M.  Sal^ 
de  M<sy,  whose  cmnmisnon  of  animntment  bears  dMr 
1st  of  May,  1663,  although  the  mention  of  his  na* 
the  edict  of  the  preceding  month  shows  that  the  ^- 
ment  had  him  in  mind  some  weeks  previously.  De  &  ,r^ 
vn»  a  fellow  townsman  and  prot^  of  Lavali  a  *^vout 
fnend  of  the  Church}  an  official  whose  character  and  t*^. 
"J?  •««««J  to  promise  cheerful  acquiescence  in  th  oBcy 
of  the  bishop.  Rumor  had  it  in  the  colony  that  L  M&y 
had  refused  the  first  tender  of  the  post,  pleading  his  poverty 
and  absolute  inability  to  satisfy  his  creditors,  but  that  the 
king  had  advanced  sufficient  funds  to  remove  all  objections 
to  acceptance  on  this  score.  At  any  rate,  the  appointment 
was  accqKed,  and  the  governor  and  the  bishop  reached  the 
colony  in  September,  1663.  With  them  they  took  bhmk 
commissions  to  be  filled  in  with  the  names  of  the  five  new 
counaUors  v^om  it  was  their  duty  to  select.  Immediately 
the  work  of  selection  began,  and  within  three  days  after  their 
arrival,  the  five  appointments  were  announced.    De  iAHy 


in 


,i  ' 


I 


6^  CJNJDJ  JMD  BUTUH  MOItTM  JMMUCJ 

WM  >  eomplMe  ttnuinr  to  tiit  cdonv,  ami  wm.  in  tldi 

Wfut,  M  thu  Laval  became,  for  the  moaieiit,  the  tni* 

sLJ.  vfii  ^"  WM  girwi  tke  po«  of  Keeper  of  the 
Scata.  ViUeray  according  to  a  contemporaiy  wSer.  fim 
came  to  New  France  in  1651  aa  the  vSeTof  SJ™ 

U«««.,  who  had  taken  him  <it  of  alUKlS.Wl.^S 
the  doaing  ye.,,  of  the  co«p«,y',  ft^m,,  Vikr^^ 

pec:Sr?'^r;j\-"  ^^-^  ^^^  con^dijs: 

lucbereau  de  la  Fert*.  a  prominent  citisen  of  Quebec,  and 
&fa;w.,e  an  oficid  of  the  defunct  Co«p«,y,  oSTaSI 
who  WM  cunenthr  reputed  to  have  had  wii  hand  in^ 
•hnnkjge  of  pU.  which  chai.cteri.ed  it.  dySg  1« 
?Sf  '^A  ^."^  *"«*«  ''•Auteuil.  Le  bSi^ 
TiUy,  and  Matthieu  d'Amour^     Of  th.;,.  the^*S  of 
Laval  venture  no  more  .eriou,  charge  than  tSt  tCim 
"mcapable  pe«o„..»     At  «,y  rat^  ^"^^^j^SJ 
fiuth  truwworthy  .upporter.  of  the  Je.uit.  in  gSSd^^J 
of  the  bwhop  in  p«ticular:  of  thiadwy  had  K^m^ 
proof  m  the  courie  of  Laval'.  diificultSwS  BTvau^ 

painter,  baker,  gunner,  an  engineer,  and  a  collector  of  nvZ 
nue.  for  the  Company  of  N^  Fr^lnce.  SXktttr^ 
he  had  not  been  wholly  above  .u.picion  of  di.hon^  ^ 

«  .  illVl  **"  "^"^"^  "^  '^^«1-  I"  hi.  nJ^le, 
a.  a  man  of  law,  hi.  staunch  perMnal  allestance  to  »!,- 

.^'^iss^i!:'"^^' "  '"A^  obts"Sci7„i* 

in  legal  tr«ning.  Laval  was  for  the  moment  triumphant; 
the  spimual  and  political  dicutor  of  the  colonv. 

th^ol/Z^iat  '^'  PT!"  "^^  '•"'y  constituted  than 
IntJ  TK  h^*f"  *«  Wshop  and  DumesnU  broke  out 
anew.     The  latter  had  never  ceased  to  demand  a  thoro^ 


i 


II 


ili. 


t 


lil 


Copyright,  igo^,  hy  G 


Map  of  Canada,  iir  New  Franco,  hy  N.  Sanson,  ciatrd  i' 

Hitlorical  Socitly » 


Utinit  &  Sons. 


■•i' 


f ! 


w 


n  '1' 


^ju 


,gi__gi, 


4 


UNDER  LOUIS  ^JTORZB 


65 


investigation  of  those  charges  which  he  had,  some  time  be- 
fore, made  against  Villeray,  Bourdon,  and  others.  So,  on 
the  morrow  after  De  M^y's  arrival,  Dumesnil  had  waited 
upon  him  to  ask  his  cooperation.  With  the  governor  at 
this  moment  was  M.  Gaudais,  who  had  been  sent  out  to  the 
colony  by  the  king  with  instructions  to  gather  such  sutis> 
tical  and  other  materials  regarding  colonial  conditions  as 
might  be  of  service  to  the  home  government.  Gaudais  was 
likewise  instructed  to  note  the  capabilities  of  the  new  coun- 
cillors and  the  general  prospects  of  the  new  administration. 
Secret  directions  had  been  given  him  to  note  carefully  the 
bishop's  conduct  and,  if  possible,  to  find  out  why  Laval  had 
been  so  anxious  for  the  recall  of  D'Avaugour.  This  policy 
of  assuming  to  give  an  official  full  confidence,  while  at  the 
same  time  subjecting  him  to  the  cynosure  of  an  administra- 
tive spy,  was  abundantly  characteristic  of  French  colonial 
policy  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  Du- 
mesnil directed  the  attention  of  both  De  Mesy  and  Gaudais 
to  royal  edicts  issued  some  years  previously,  making  provi- 
sion that  all  receivers  of  public  moneys  were  to  be  excluded 
from  office  until  they  had  made  satisfactory  account  of  all 
funds  passing  through  their  hands.  Villeray  and  Bourdon 
he  instanced  as  being  ineligible  under  the  terms  of  these 
edicts.  De  Mesy  and  Gaudais  promised  to  give  the  objec- 
tions due  consideration,  with  what  sincerity  may  be  judged 
from  the  fact  that  the  appointments  of  the  two  were  an- 
nounced on  the  following  day. 

The  difficulties  with  Dumesnil  had  just  begun,  and  Gau- 
dais was  soon  given  ample  opportunity  to  observe  the 
vindictiveness  of  the  bishop  and  his  friendsl  In  his  later 
report  to  the  king  the  details  of  the  whole  quarrel  are  recited 
in  full,  and  it  is  from  this  document  that  one  may  hope  to 
draw  a  fair  narrative.  On  the  20th  of  September,  only 
two  days  after  the  appointments  had  been  announced,  the 
Council  met  to  hear  the  recommendation  of  the  attorney- 
general  that  Dumesnil's  papers  should  be  seized  and  searched. 
The  ostensible  reason  given  was  that  Dumesnil  had  retained 


iiiii 


1 


66 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


it; 


some  papers  which  should  have  been  deposited  with  the 
public  records}  the  real  reason  was  a  desire  to  get  hold  of 
some  documents  in  his  possession  which  were  known  to  in- 
criminate certain  members  of  the  Council  and  their  friends. 
This  recommendation  was  at  once  adopted,  and  Villeray 
and  Bourdon  were  commissioned  to  make  the  search  and 
srizure.  Taking  a  squad  of  soldiers,  they  proceeded  to 
Dumesnil's  home.  Here,  the  soldiers  held  him  in  a  chair, 
while  the  two  councillors  gathered  together  all  the  papers 
in  the  house.  As  time  did  not  permit  any  examination  of 
these  on  the  spot,  the  whole,  both  official  and  private,  were 
carried  off.  In  spite  of  his  vigorous  protests,  Dumesnil  was 
neither  ^ven  an  inventory  of  his  documents  nor  allowed  to 
call  in  witnesses  to  the  proceedings.  The  documentary 
booty  was  securely  placed  under  seal  in  Villeiay's  house, 
and  on  the  following  day  the  Council  ordered  that  for  his 
violent  oral  abuse  of  the  searchers  Dumesnil  should  be 
placed  under  arrest.  But  before  this  arrest  could  be  ef- 
fected, Dumesnil  sought  the  intervention  of  Gaudais,  who 
persuaded  the  councillors  to  suspend  any  drastic  proceedings 
until  the  whole  matter  could  be  submitted  to  the  home  au- 
thorities. In  the  meantime,  he  asked  Dumesnil  to  set  forth 
his  side  of  the  case.  This  the  latter  did  in  a  ponderous 
dusier  of  thirty-eight  manuscript  pages,  replete  with  charges 
of  dishonesty,  malversation,  and  violence  against  Bourdon, 
Villeray,  Ferte,  and  Tilly.  The  records  of  the  Council 
contain  no  intimation  of  the  high-handed  seizure  of  Du- 
mesnil's papers}  they  do  contain  record  that  his  petition 
was  received  on  the  22d  of  the  month.  But  Dumesnil 
would  not  let  the  matter  lie;  his  attacks  on  the  repuUtion 
of  the  councillors  and  his  demands  for  the  return  of  his 
papers  became  such  an  unbearable  nuisance  that  the  Coun- 
cil was  deterred  from  insisting  on  his  arrest  only  by  the 
fear  that  such  action  would  strengthen  Dumesnil's  case  with 
the  king;  for  Louis  XIV.,  arbitrary  as  he  could  be  himself, 
had  little  sympathy  with  high-handedness  on  the  part  of  his 
subordinates.     So  recourse  was  had  to  a  ruse  which,  in  its 


■^A 


UNDER  LOUIS  StJ/JTORU  ^j 

concqMion^wu  quite  chancterittic  of  the  men  frjin  whom 
it  emanated.     The  last  ships  of  the  year  wer;  to  leave 
Quebec  for  France  toward  the  end  of  October,  and  it  was 
planned  to  uke  Dumesnil  into  custody  the  moment  these 
were  out  of  sight.     News  of  the  arrest  could  not,  then, 
reach  France  for  almost  a  year;  in  the  meantime,  the  case 
would  have  been  decided  on  iu  other  merits.    But  Dumeknil 
learned  of  the  plan  through  a  friend}  and  the  day  before 
the  vessels  sailed,  he  went  on  board  one  of  them,  engaging 
passage  to  France.     The  Council,  in  its  chagrin,  tried  to 
hold  the  vessel  in  port,  even  ordering  the  guns  of  the  lower 
fort  to  be  trained  on  her  to  enforce  compliance;  but  the 
ship  passed  defiantly  out  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  in  due 
course  landed  Dumesnil  at  Rouen.    Proceeding  to  Paris,  he 
made  haste  to  lay  his  accusations  before  Colbert,  who  re- 
ceived them  with  no  little  surprise,  for  he  had  jutt  received 
despatches  from  Gaudais  in  which  no  mention  of  the  aifiur 
had  been  nude.     The  minister  was  satisfied,  however,  that 
Dumesnil's  accusations  were  not  wholly  without  founda- 
tion, and  at  once  turned  the  whole  matter  over  to  the 
Department  of  Marine  and  Colonies  for  a  thorough  bves- 
tigation.    How  far  this  investigation  was  pursued,  or  if,  as  is 
most  likely  in  view  of  the  traditions  of  the  department,  the 
whole  cahier  was  promptly  pigeon-holed,  cannot  be  ascer- 
uined:  no  further  report  on  the  case  can  be  found  among 
the  departmental  archives. 

That  the  charges  contained  a  liberal  admixturo  of  truth 
is  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt,  but  that  the  peculations 
were  as  extensive  as  Dumesnil  claimed  is  hardly  probable. 
The  financial  afiairs  of  the  Company  had  been  conduaed 
in  a  loose  and  unbusinesslike  manner,  so  that  much  that 
was  attributed  to  wilful  malversation  was,  in  all  likelihood, 
due  to  wUful  negligence.  At  any  rate,  Dumesnil  remained 
in  France,  and  the  colony  henceforth  heard  little  either  of 
his  charges  or  himself. 

But  the  disappearance  of  Dumesnil  from  the  stage  of  colo- 
nial intriguery, — it  can  scarcely  be  called  "politics," by 


If       ' 


,'  f 


I 

=1! 


I' 


68 


CANADA  AND  BRinSH  NORTH  AMERICA 


no  means  put  an  end  to  colonial  broils.  Quebec  remained 
much  as  it  had  been,  in  the  words  of  Laval,  **  a  little  hell 
of  discord."  And  to  discord  within  was  added  danger 
without.  The  Iroquois,  who  had  given  the  colony  a  short 
respite  during  the  summer  of  1663,  waited  only  till  autumn 
to  recommence  their  forays.  At  Three  Rivers  a  raid  re- 
sulted in  the  capture  of  a  small  party  of  soldiers  who  were 
unfortunate  enough  to  be  surrounded  outside  the  walls.  At 
Montreal  a  party  of  Mohawks  appeared  to  ask  an  exchange 
of  prisoners,  but  before  the  negotiations  had  been  completed 
the  savages  treacherously  massacred  the  friendly  Huron 
families  with  whom  they  had  been  quartered  during  their 
stay  and  took  to  the  woods.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  was 
only  the  more  western  tribes  of  the  confederacy, — the  Sen- 
ecas,  Onondagas,  and  Cayugas, — ^who  desired  peace;  the 
eastern  tribes,  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  desired  a  con- 
tinuance of  hostilities,  for  the  weakness  of  the  French  during 
the  closing  years  of  the  Company  regime  had  inspired  them 
with  lordly  notions  of  their  own  prowess.  The  western 
tribes  had  their  hands  full  with  their  own  enemies  still 
further  westward,  and  one  war  at  a  rime  was  now  their 
policy.  So  that  the  latter  determined,  since  the  Mohawks 
had  treacherously  broken  ofF  negotiations,  to  treat  for  them- 
selves, and  an  embassy  from  the  Senecas  and  Onondagas 
was  despatched  to  Quebec  with  this  end  in  view.  This 
embassy  was  ambushed  and  almost  annihilated  by  a  party 
of  Algonquins,  but  the  desire  for  peace  was  sincere  and  a 
second  delegation  took  its  pkce.  At  Quebec  an  interview 
with  De  Mesy  took  place  at  which  the  Indians  were  plainly 
told  that  if  the  conduct  of  their  fellow  tribesmen  warranted 
peace  they  should  have  it:  the  French  would  make  no  defi- 
nite promises  except  that  if  Iroquois  forays  did  not  cease 
the  governor  would  carry  hostilities  into  their  own  country. 
For  a  time  the  Senecas  and  Onondagas  desisted  from  hos- 
tile operations  against  the  colonists,  but  the  Mohawks  and 
Oneidas  continued  their  depredations.  At  regular  intervals 
they  raided  the  settlemenu  upon  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the 


^ 


m'i 


ij| 


g 

<«:£           I 

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9 

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Sccoi 

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— > 

r< 

UMDMR  LOVtt  ^JTOUM  ^ 

Riclidieu,and  unbiuhed  nndl  puties  orFrenchmeiii  then 
they  wouM  vuuth  into  the  fbcots  where  purauit  wu  hope- 
le«t.  No  luge  openuiom  were  attempted,  but  their  per- 
•utrat  fttitts  iMtmt  made  the  life  of  the  colonic  well-nirt 
intolenble.  ^^ 

Meanwhile,  within  the  palindet  of  Quebec  all  was  not 
going  smoothly.     De  M&y.  it  will  be  remembered,  had 
been  placed  m  office  at  the  denre  of  Laval,  and  for  a  time 
Lit  wbtennence  had  been  complete.    There  were  no  longer 
duputes  u  to  who  should  firjt  receive  the  sacred  bread,  nor 
M  to  whether  the  troops  should  uncover  at  the  elevation  of 
the  Host.     Neither  was  the  traffic  in  taiMlfme  any  longer 
a  matter  to  cause  discord,  for  within  a  fortni|^t  after  the 
pvemor's  arrival  an  ordinance  had  totally  pndiibited  all 
liquor  trade  with  the  Indians,  threatening  dire  visitations 
of  the  vice-regal  wrath  to  thoee  who  disolwyed.    Likewise 
when  the  bishop  desired  a  change  in  the  official  sutus  of 
Maisonneuve,  governor  of  Montreal,  De  M%  proved  thor- 
oughly compliant.   Maisonneuve  held  his  anwintment  from 
the  Sulpitian^  who  were  seignion  of  the  island  -it  Montreal. 
Laval,  sharing  the  antipttthy  of  tlw  colonial  Jesuits  toward 
the  sister  order,  now  insisted  that  Maisonneuve  should  uke 
his  commission  direct  from  the  crown.    The  change  was 
recommended  and  met  with  the  approval  of  the  minister. 
But  the  governor's  patience  soon  b^ut  to  chafe  under  the 
overbearing  dictation  of  his  ecclesiastical  colleague.    In  his 
CouncU  he  found  that  Vilkray  and  Bouidon  were  begin- 
ning to  show  a  disregard  (ot  his  ofHnions,  which  betokened 
reliance  on  a  power  more  elective  than  his  own.     It  did 
not  take  De  M^  many  months  to  discover  that  his  coun- 
cillors w«e  acting  the  pwtt  of  Jesuit  agents  rather  than  that 
of  vice-regal  advisers,  for  on  eveiy  sli^t  difierence  of 
opinion  which  chanced  to  arise  between  himself  and  Laval, 
he  found  that  the  ktter  could  count  on  the  councillors  to  a 
man.     His  proud  temper,  bent  but  not  broken  hf  his  long 
walks  in  the  straight  and  narrow  path  at  Caen,  now  sprang 
once  more  erect.     Quickly  maUng  up  his  m"  4  that  the 


k:\ 


if 


11^ 


,1/ 


70  CJMJDJ  4ND  iUmtH  NORTH  JMilUC4 

powidl  wottU  h«vt  to  be  raconstitutwl*  be  mu  word  to 
Uv«l  tbat  tbe  lervicet  of  VUleiiy,  D'Auteuil,  and  Bounloii 
u  nemben  of  the  Soveidgn  CouncU  wouM  be  no  longer 
required,  thejr  baving,  m  tbe  notice  read, « conducted  tbem- 
•elvw  in  various  ways  against  tbe  king  for  tbe  promotion 
of  tbeir  private  and  personal  ends."    As  tbe  edict  creating 
the  CouncU  bad  vested  the  power  of  anminting  and  i». 
moving  councillors  in  the  hands  of  governor  and  bishop 
jomtly,  Laval  was  asked  to  acquiesce  in  this  move.     Fuiw 
thermore,  it  was  suggested  tbat  a  mass  meeting  of  tbe 
inhabitantt  be  called  in  order  that  tbeir  successors  midit  be 
elected.     Here  it  was  that  De  MHy  erred.     A  governor 
of  greater  political  experience  would  have  raalised  bow  little 
support  tbe  introduction  of  the  principle  of  representative 
government  into  the  colonial  system  would  be  likely  to 
receive  from  Louis  Quatorxe.    The  suggestion  gave  Laval 
an  opportunity  which  be  was  not  slow  to  seise.     His  reply 
did  not  undertake  any  defence  of  tbe  councillors  nor  did  it 
even  deny  the  right  of  tbe  governor  to  dismiss  them,  but 
L«yal  did  make  it  dear  that  he  would  neither  be  a  party  to 
their  dismissal  without  a  prior  invettigatioi.  .lor  to  the  selec- 
tion of  their  succesiors  by  popular  vote.     Uval  asked  that 
his  reply  be  placed  upon  the  CouncU  records.     Undaunted 
by  the  bishop's  attitude,  De  M€$y  determined  to  carry  his 
plan  through,  and  at  once  ordered  his  decree  to  be  promul- 
gated to  tbe  inhabitants  by  "  beat  of  drum."     But  the  very 
isolation  of  his  position  soon  caused  the  governor  to  feel 
l«s  sure  of  his  ground.     He  wavered  sufficiently  to  ask 
advice  from  his  confessor,  who,  like  a  good  Jesuit,  told  him 
that  It  was  not  for  a  cleric  to  decide  poinu  of  temporal 
policy.     But  whUe  he  did  not  proceed  with  the  election  of 
new  councUlors,  he  refused  firmly  to  reinstate  those  whom 

w  V  TfJ""''*  *"**  ™e«'ng»  of  the  Council  continued 
to  be  held  by  the  remaining  members,  and  these  meetinn 
Laval  regularly  attended.  As  the  post  of  attomey-geneill 
was  vacant  and  judicial  matters  were  being  delayed,  the 
governor  named  Chartier  de  Lotbiniire  to  the  office.    A 


VMDMH  LOUtt  nyjTOUM 


7« 


month  lattr  Lotbtni^  wu  mM  to  nai|ii  aod  Bomdon 
rettortd,  whilt  D'Autmul  and  VUknir  wnc  likswtot  niiw 
ttattd  u  mcmben  of  tbt  Couocil.  Wlutt  brouriit  about 
the  foveroM'a  chai^  of  mind  wtU  atircr  be  definitc^known. 
PoMiblx  he  waa  overcome  bjr  ftar  of  the  Cbuich,  for  he  was 
before  all  thingi  a  re%ou«  devotee.  Or  it  may  have  been 
that  the  Jctuit  tuperior,  Lalemant,  a  man  of  uncommon 
■enw  and  judgment,  had  succeeded  in  hit  exertiona  to  bring 
about  a  compromiw.  At  anv  rate,  the  councillora  suddenly 
found  themselves  back  in  oOm  and  all  went  smoothly  for 
a  time. 

It  was  not  long  before  troubles  again  occurred.  When 
the  new  regime  had  been  inaugurated  in  1663,  it  had  been 
arranged  that  Quebec  riiould  be  raised  to  the  deputy  of  a 
city,  and  that  its  local  affiurs  should  be  placed  in  the  hands 
of  a  maywr  and  alderman  (kbemm).  The  citisens  were 
summoned  to  meet  in  the  presence  of  the  Council  and  to 
proceed  to  an  election,  and  as  a  result  one  Repentigny,  a 
prominent  citizen,  was  selected  u  mayor,  with  Jean  Madry 
and  Claude  Charron  as  aldermen.  The  concUiar  records 
testify  as  to  their  election,  but  the  officials  do  not  seem  to 
have  entered  flilly  on  their  duties,  for,  tome  time  later,  the 
Council  decide  that  in  place  of  a  mayor  the  inhabitants 
should  elect  a  syndic.  To  this  post  Charron  was,  accmd- 
ingly,  elected,  only  twenty-one  votes  being  cast.  But  this 
choice  did  not  satisfy  the  bishop  and  his  friends,  so  the 
quarrel  i^gain  b^an  over  a  question  as  to  the  validity  of 
the  election.  At  this  point  the  commissions  of  the  five 
councillors,  whose  appointment  had  been  for  one  year,  ex- 
pired. De  M£sy  proposed  the  selection  of  new  memben, 
while  Laval  insisted  upon  retaining  the  old.  To  break  the 
deadlock  the  governor  proposed  that  the  bishop  should  draw 
up  a  list  of  any  twelve  colonists  from  which  the  govem«r 
mif^t  make  his  selection,  but  this  proposal  Laval  flatly  re- 
fused. The  governor  had  his  choice  between  another  quarrel 
and  another  backdown;  he  chose  the  former  without  hesi- 
ution.    Villeny,  Bounim,  D'Auteuil,  and  La  Feni  were 


■/ 


I 


I, 
1 


> 


( 

#: 


7»  C4MMJ  JMD  BUTttH  NOKTH  JMMUCd 

^tiSr"^  chcen  f««  .«on,  th.  ^^, 
Immcdittily,  Laval  turnad  tlw  thmulan  of  tha  Cliiircli 
»muthutm.pJ'H0t.   From  the  Hpitt  of  tha  town  ««. 


denunciattont  of  the  govamor  and  hii  policv  But  tki. 
rime  Da  M^  „f«.cd  SyiaR  ««I  JboS^'^J^^^ 
Jedmed  to  rdrnquiah  their  poat^  thay  war.  dapom^J 
Fiwce.    Kinpford  dadaret  that  Vfcy  left  t£^r 

^weT.JTr'^'  "f  ^^A'^PPO"  of  thi.  mtamant  I 
minute  of  the  Council  in  which  it  was  stated  that  Villatav 
WM  allowed  to  tiansfer  certain  money,  then  in  hi.  handL 
he  having  exprtaaed  tha  intention  of  leaving  for  ftma.  rS- 

Tv^srAii^iin/'"  ^^"«^  ^  «»-*- 

Da  Miay  WM  a  loyd  ton  of  the  Church,  although  hi. 

SL^«r^j  ***  *?»*"  "i- policy,  bSr  thi.  s;ipni.„* 

WMd«plyp.mfdtohim.    The  whole  matter.  moK»ver. 
l^^^      "Tf  ."^^  of  juwification  from  loui.  in 

of  Veruilto.  De  M^  wai  without  inauential  fnend.  in 
J-rance,  while  hi.  opponent  haj  the  .upport  of  hi.  powerful 

at  »  .me  wa.  pving  attention  to  the  military  need,  of  the 

mW?i^f'^'*".  L°  "»!*  ***  Newiince  a  clS! 
eraWe  mihtary  force  with  a  view  to  inflicting  exemplarv 
chawwment  upon  the  Iroquoi..  To  the  command  of  S 
force  the  king  had  appointed  M.  Prouville  de^.  SS 

^uT1;E^  '^  ^'7."f*y  '^""  »»«  empSSidto 
report  upon  the  conduct  of  civil  adminirtration  inVhe  colony. 

wi  h'Trrf  ""*"/.  *e  kina  h«l  tired  of  the  «,«*: 
hie.,  h^  decided  to  lecaU  either  Lval  or  De  M&y  from 
4e  colony  a.  De  T«cey  .hould  recommend.  But  befo" 
the  commiMioner  had  reached  the  colony  De  M&y  wa. 
uken  dl  «d  died  in  a  few  week..  Before  hi.  ^^ 
h»d  Mught  a  reconciliation  with  hi.  ecdewutical  advemiy 


UNDMM  LOUtt  ^JTOMU 


73 


tiKl  ^utioa.    Hhe  went  to  rm  among  the  pMaen." 

«7i.Pkri»Hii,  •*aiMi  the  priem,  mni^^SiumttZtiZg 

reoiMim  over  hie  pnve."  *        '  ^ 

J>t  M%  ceminlj  eem  home  memoriab  to  the  king 

'ji*^ '^j!!^'^ '^ '•"■''^  "^^  «*•  •M»«' «»«»w  trs 

extant.  Charirrou  made  lue  of  them,  and  Colheit  in  hia 
uiMniettona  to  Tracejr  gave  the  subatance  of  the  govemor'a 
clrnrgw  agamat  Uie  Wahop.  But  Pkrfcmaa  aeilkrhed  for 
tnem  in  vam,  and  Kuigtferd  ventyica  the  Mwgeation  that 
thejr  were  dettrojred  in  the  vandalism  of  the  fTeneh  Revo- 
Jutton.  Their  km  is  ttnfemin8te,for  onlv  bv  knowing  both 
Mdea  of  the  nse  can  its  merits  be  properly  judged.  As  it 
IS,  we  have  the  clerical  side  akmc.  "^   *^  '  '^^^    "•  " 

H.?fJlfftJ^  ''**'i*^  "f«~**J'»  *^'  '^  ««p«rienc«. 
His  appeal  to  the  people  to  choose  their  representatives  at 
tte  councU  board,  Md  his  ariHtreiy  deportatkm  of  Bourdon 
and  mray  are  suficient  to  show  this.  As  Colbert  wrote: 
"Such  violrat  conduct  could  never  be  approved  by  the  king." 
Whatever  the  menu  of  the  original  <|uarrel,  De  MdsvTIc- 
tt<M^ui  these  two  instances  at  least,  wat  illnidvised  in  the 
extreme. 

The  dying  governor  left  an  order  appointing  M.  de  h 
rotbene  to  act  m  hia  stead  untU  a  successor  shodd  be 
named.  But  the  edfct  of  1663  had  given  the  governor  no 
such  power  and  the  Council  at  once  dechrel  this  oitier 

'  w^'  An  mterregnum  was  fortunately  avoided  bv  the 
amval  of  De  Trsccy  on  the  last  ^y  (^  Tune.  l66c  He 
was  followed  by  M^de  Coureelfcs,  iho  i!^^  S 
post  of  governor,  ud  Jean  Talon,  who  had  been  appointed 

of  Ae  cohmy  m  1663,  but  seems  never  to  have  come  out 
tothecotony.  The  instructions  given  to  Tahm  show  that 
Colbert  was  mchned  to  bdieve  some  of  De  lilt's  accusa- 
tions, for  the  new  intendant  waa  warned  to  keep  an  open 

eye  on  the  Jesuits,  who,  the  minister  wrote,  •»  had  apparendv 
assumed  an  authority  quite  beyond  their  legitimate  ailing  " 


J 


\ 


1 
ij 


?  ■  / 

;    I 


74  CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

De  Tracey't  investigation  of  the  political  difficulties  was 
not  an  extended  one.  The  death  of  Dc  M^sy  had  closed  the 
case  as  far  as  the  colonists  w  r<-  concerned,  -o  De  Tracer 
contented  himself  with  the  i  xommendarion  »'f«t  the  gov- 
ernor's "fault  be  buried  witl  his  memorj."  It  has  been 
left  for  history,— grim  exhum:i  of  the  Jnter.ed  truth,— to 
rehabdiute  the  memory  of  a  man,  who,  hardened  with  a 
weak  superstition,  devoid  of  friends  and  influence,  yet  soufdit 
to  walk  in  the  phun  but  painful  path  of  vice-regal  duty 

The  arrival  of  De  Trace/  was  a  notable  event  in  colo- 
nial circles  for  he  brought  out  with  him  four  companies  of 
the  Regiment  de  Carignan-Salieres,  the  first  regular  troops 
sent  to  New  France.     With  these  came  a  brilliant  staff 
both  of  officers  and  civilians.     New  France  was  now 
attractmg  some  attention  at  home,  and  many  scions  of 
good  French   families  had  caught  the  spirit  of  the  new 
imperialism.     The  new  viceroy,  his  suff,  and  his  troops, 
landed  with  such  gorgeous  display  that  the  contemporary 
chroniclers  of  events  could  scarcely  find  words  adequately  to 
portray  the  glittering  profusion  of  feathers,  gold  lace,  haniine 
banners,  and  glittering  steel.     Succeeding  vessels  brought 
more  troops,  and  social  Quebec  assumed  an  aspea  of  un- 
wonted importance.     But  dress  parades  soon  gave  way  to 
less  showy  yet  more  serious  business.     The  expedition 
which  was  to  give  z  e»up  dt  grSa  to  Iroquois  power  in 
Amenca  had  to  be  equipped  and  bases  of  supply  esublished. 
Men  were  set  to  work  at  several  points  along  Richelieu 
Kiver;  a  number  of  bateaux  were  buik}   supplies  were 
got  together,  and  by  New  Year,  all  was  prepared.      It 
seems  to  have  been  De  Tracey's  desire  to  have  all  in  readi- 
ness early,  but  to  delay  his  march  until  the  opening  of 
•pnng.     Not  so  Courcelles,  who,  in  the  words  of  a  Jesuit 
chronicler,  "breathed  nothing  but  war."     The  bellicose 
governor  urged  that  the  expedition  set  out  in  the  midst  of 
wmter,  and  De  Tracey,  with  some  reluctance,  consented 
to  this  change  of  plan.     Early  in  January,  1666,  a  start 
was  made,  and  the  force  of  about  seven  hundred  men 


UNDER  LOUIS  ^ATORZB  -, 

moved  up  the  bank  of  the  RicheUeu  along  Lakes  Cham- 
plam  and  Geoige,  and  across  to  the  headwaters  of  the 
Hudson.     All  were  mounted  on  snow  shoes  and  each  man 
carried  his  own  bhwkett  and  provisions.     Knowing  that 
the  Mohawk  villages  ky  on  a  tributary  of  the  Hudson,  the 
expedition   moved   southward,  and   then    striking  across 
SamoM  Lake  and  Long  Lake,  found  itself  close  to  the 
little   Dutch    settlement  of  Corlaer  (now  Schenectady), 
which  had  lately  passed  with  the  rest  of  New  Netherlaiid, 
into  the  hands  of  the  English.     The  cession  of  this  tern- 
toiy  from  HoUand  to  England,  which  had  taken  place  in 
1664,  was  now  for  the  first  time  made  known  to  the 
French  colonial  authorities  by  the  appearance  of  a  delega- 
tion from  the  village  demanding  to  know  what  had  «  brouriit 
such  a  body  of  armed  men  into  the  dominions  of  His 
Majesty."     Courcelles  explained  the  object  of  the  expedi- 
tion, expressing  his  regret  at  the  transfer  and  delivering 
himself  of  the  opinion  that  •«  the  English  king  hath  a  mind 
to  gnsp  all  America."   The  Dutch  settlers  oSered  to  place 
the  French  on  the  right  road  to  the  Mohawk  villages,  but 
ttey  had  already  warned  the  tribesmen  to  be  prepared. 
Courcelles  saw  that  the  chance  of  surprising  the  Indians 
was  now  gone  and  fearing  thit  an  early  thaw  might  cut  off 
his  retreat,  decided  to  return  home  as  quickly  as  ponible. 
Harassed  by  bands  of  savages,  poorly  cbd  and  more  poorly 
fed,  the  French  straggled  back  to  the  RkheUeu. 

In  a  sense  the  expedition  had  been  a  failure:  it  had  failed 
to  reach,  much  less  destroy,  the  Mohawk  villages.  But 
the  attempt  was  not  wholly  barren  of  resulu.  Up  to  this 
time  the  Iroquois  had  deemed  their  settlements  unassailable 
at  any  season  of  the  year.  CourceUes's  expedition  showed 
them  that  the  arm  of  the  French  was  long  enough  to  strike 
thenj  m  their  homes.  Hence,  as  soon  as  spring  appeared, 
a  delegation  was  sent  to  Quebec  to  make  terms.  These 
were  proceeding  quietly  when  a  party  of  the  tribesmen  en- 
countered and  treacherously  attacked  a  body  of  Frenchmen  in 
the  Richebeu  district.   The  Mohawk  leaden  were  doubtless 


J..  J 


) 

I  I 


"  ■  f 
•  I 


76  CANADA  .ND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

anxious  for  ^ce  and  wiUing  to  negotiate  honestly,  but  it 

nors.  The  parleys  were  broken  off  and  De  Tracey  decided 
LT2  •r^"  "P^Ji^io"  °  th«  Mohawk  setdements, 
»«  fT  !l"*  *e  command  in  person.  The  usual  route 
was  fo^llowed,  and  m  September,  1666,  the  villages  were 
reached  without  mishap  On  the  apprclach  of  the^^iTch 
the  tribesmen  fled,  and  their  pali«ided  strongholds  w"  re 

^AiTa^  7*"  ^T'^  ^^  ''"*"»«»«  »''  «"**.  beans, 
and  Indian  fruits,  all  stored  securely  in  subterran«n  bur- 
rows or  cacba.  One  writer  says  that  there  was  enoueh 
food  to  mainum  the  whole  population  of  New  France  for 
a  year,  had  its  removal  been  possible.     De  Tiacey  and  his 

rii  '.K  ?';*'  "  ""*=•!.  °^  "  "  ~""  ^  conveniently  ca^! 
ned;  the  balance  was  destroyed.  Palisades,  dwelling,  and 
Jtorehouse,  went  into  ashes  in  a  single  night,  afd  the 
French  moved  leisurely  homeward.  This  entir^  tn^c- 
uonof  ^eirfood  «,d  shelter  at  the  outset  of  a  severe^mer 
was  a  stunnmg  blow  to  the  tribe.  On  their  own  later 
Jn^r^^-^i.  uf^''''*^  of  survation  before  the  foUowing 
spnng.  The  blow  was  a  cruel  one  in  that  it  fell  hardest 
upon  the  women  and  children,  but  its  justification  ^ed 

l^n^^^^o^,  °'  "^-^  ""^^'"  ^°'  -''^^  «  -"  ^ 

Nifor'^ArF^'S-T  '"''  '"^"^  "/ '"°"  *•""  '^'^  Mohawks, 
rhl  F^ni  ^  f  'u  ^''.'"""  °^  ^^  York,  fearing  that 
^ZZ  "'^^  ^'"'  '"  "'^  '^  Pennanent  occuLion 
of  the  devawated  territory,  exerted  himself  to  unite  the  New 
England  colonies  with  New  York  in  opposition  to  Frend^ 
affirtMion.  But  these  fiiiled  to  respondfand  Nicolls^ 
forced  to  content  himself  with  a  protest  to  De  Tracey,  which 

at^d^;.~""~-  ""'-^^  "-  ^  -«^- 

The  Mohawks  were  now  sincere  suppliants,  and  the 
deputation  of  their  tribesmen  which  apjSiS  Jt  ^ueteJ 
eariy  m  1667  came  not  to  negotiate,  bulVb^  for  re™! 


i) 


i-i ' 


'<  i 


^am 


UNDER  LOUIS  ^ATORZS 


77 


Amid  profuse  expreniont  of  humility  they  asked  that  some 
Jesuit  priests  should  be  sent  to  reside  among  them.  Antici- 
pating French  suspicions  they  offered  to  leave  a  number  of 
their  young  men  as  hostages  in  Quebec.  Courcelles  took 
them  at  their  word,  and  Peres  Fremin,  Pierron,  and  Bruyas 
volunteered  to  accompany  the  deputation  home.  That 
De  Tracey's  policy  of  revenge  before  peace  h./J  been  highly 
successful  needs  no  more  ample  proof  than  tiie  fact  that  the 
armistice  now  concluded  lasted  without  serious  interruption 
for  a  score  of  years.  The  sending  of  the  Jesuits  was  also 
a  masterstroke  of  French  diplomacy,  for  the  Jesuit  was  no 
less  a  political  than  a  spiritual  emissary.  To  no  feature  of 
their  colonial  policy  did  the  French  owe  so  largely  their 
hold  on  the  savages  as  to  their  practice  of  placing  mission- 
aries among  the  tribes  whenever  the  slightest  opportunity 
afforded.  For  while  never  foi^etting  that  the  cure  of  souls 
was  his  first  care,  the  disciple  of  Loyola  kept  a  watchful 
eye  on  everything  which  might  be  turned  to  the  temporal 
advantage  of  his  compatriots. 

De  Tracey  had  performed  his  work,  and  in  the  following 
year  (1668)  returned  to  France.  Many  members  of  his 
staff'  accompanied  him,  but  the  major  portion  of  hir  troops 
were  left  behind  in  pursuance  of  a  plan  which  :  lion,  the 
energetic  intendant  had  evolved  for  the  establishment  of 
military  seigniories  along  the  exposed  frontiers  of  the  colony. 
Freed  from  external  dangers.  New  France  took  on  an  air 
of  confidence  and  prosperity.  Recent  events  had  shown 
that  the  king  was  taking  a  deep  interest  in  its  welfare ;  the 
troops  had  been  well  paid  and  their  expenditure  in  the  colony 
was  making  trade  lively.  With  prosperity  came  the  begin- 
nings of  social  gayety,  the  first  important  social  function  in 
Canada  being  a  ball  given  by  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere,  at 
Quebec,  in  February,  1667.  The  Jesuits  looked  askance 
at  the  innovation,  but  the  fact  that  they  did  not  venture  to 
place  the  leading  participants  under  the  stigma  of  ecclesias- 
tical disfavor  betokens  a  waning  of  their  influence  since  the 
days  of  De  M£sy. 


', 


il 


; 


U| 


78 


CANADA  AMD  BUTISM  NORTH  AMERICA 


The  powen  entnutnl  to  Courcelles  and  Talon  as  gov- 
ernor and  intendant,  mpecttvely,  were  not  clearly  defined. 
Subject  to  the  approval  of  the  king  they  might,  when  they 
could  agree,  take  almost  any  steps  which  the  situation  in 
the  colony  midit  seem  to  demand.     To  **caiMe  Justice  to 
reign,  to  establish  a  good  po'xe,  to  protect  the  inhabitants, 
to  discipline  them  against  their  enemies,  and  to  procure  for 
them  peace,  repose,  and  plenty,"  were  the  general  ideals 
which  the  ever  energetic  Colbert  set  before  the  eyes  of  his 
colonial  subordinates.     It  seemed  to  be  absolutely  essential 
that  the  two  officials  should  work  in  harmony,  for  their 
respective  spheres  of  jurisdiction  were  not  sharply  delimited. 
The  governor  was  the  executive  head  of  the  colony,  the 
representative  of  the  king,  the  commander  of  the  forces, 
the  presiding  officer  of  the  Council.   The  intendant,  on  the 
other  hand,  though  inferior  in  rank  to  the  governor,  was  to 
be  supreme  in  all  matters  of  » justice,  police,  and  finance." 
One  seemed  to  have  all  the  precedence;  the  other  almost 
all  the   power.      With  such  ;U>undant  opport;uiities  for 
jealousy  and  friction  it  is  to  the  credit  of  both  Courcelles 
and  Talon  that,  while  they  had  their  difierences,  they  never 
allowed  these  to  develop  into  open  quarrels  nor  to  clog  the 
machinery  of  colonial  administration.    With  the  thiid  mem- 
ber of  the  colonial  triumvirate,  the  still  ambitious  Laval, 
cordial  cooperation  was  not  so  easily  ensured.     The  out- 
come of  the  squabble  with  De  M£sy  had  been  accounted  a 
Jesuit  victory,  but  it  was  a  hollow  one  at  best.     For  it  had 
served  to  make  the  home  authorities  suspicious,  as  was 
shown  by  Colbert's  instructions  to  both  De  Tracey  and 
Talon.     Outwsrdly  circunupect  in  his  attitude  toward  the 
hierarchy,  Talon  closely  observed  the  Jesuit  manoeuvres, 
but  apparently  without  discovering  at  the  outset  any  serious 
basis  for  criticism,  for  after  he  had  been  several  months  in 
the  colony,  he  was  able  to  write  to  Colbert  that  if  in  times 
gone  by  die  Jesuits  had  caused  trouble,  they  had  apparently 
mended  their  ways  of  late,  and  that  he  expected  no  diffi- 
culties with  them.    But  before  a  couple  of  yean  had  passed. 


iMita 


UNDBR  LOUIS  ^JTOKtM 


79 


Talon  hid  ample  cause  to  amend  his  opinions,  for  we  find 
him  in  his  hur  despatches  vigorously  protesting  against 
hierarchical  meddling  in  purely  civil  affiurs,  aiM  recom- 
mending to  the  minister  that  he  be  given  power  to  depwt 
the  more  obstrepr  ous  Jesuits  from  iSe  colony,  a  request,  it 
need  hardly  be  added,  which  was  not  granted.  But  Talon 
was  able  to  see,  what  former  civU  officials  in  the  colony  had 
not  seen,  that  the  most  effective  way  to  prevent  Jesuit 
dominance  in  civil  matter  was  to  *7eaken  them  in  their  own 
spiritual  sphere  by  giving  to  otka  relwious  orders  a  share 
in  the  missionary  exploitation  of  tSe  cwMiy.  He  therefore 
asked  that  some  Ricollet  priesti  be  sent  to  New  France, 
and  in  response  to  this  request  four  friars  came  out  in 
i669i  others  followed  hter.  The  ostensible  ground  taken 
by  the  intendant  was  that  one  order  could  not  properly 
gamer  the  rich  harvest  of  savage  souls}  the  real  reason  was 
his  expectation  that  a  quarrel  between  the  rival  religious 
enthusiasts  would  be  only  a  matter  of  time.  And  as  a 
house  divided  against  itself  could  not  ttand,  there  would  be 
an  end  to  cletioilism  as  a  dominant  factor  in  colonial  poli- 
tics. Laval  was,  however,  not  so  easily  entrapped.  The 
shrewd  ecclesiastic,  while  a  titular  bisht^,  was  still  merely 
vicar  apostolic  in  New  France,  and  hence  subject  to  imme- 
diate removal  by  the  Papacy.  And  he  knew  well  that  the 
Pope  would  not  countenance  any  conduct  which  would 
tend  to  weakm  the  Church  throurii  internal  Mrife.  So  he 
treated  the  members  of  the  RfcoUet  order  with  a  strict  if 
reluctant  courtesy,  determined  that  if  quarrels  should  arise 
tlM^  should  not  be  of  his  making.  Nor  did  the  return  to 
Montreal  of  M.  de  Queylus,  his  old  enemy,  move  Laval 
to  any  show  of  resentment.  The  bishop's  welcome  to  him 
was  as  hearty  as  it  must  have  been  insincere,  and  he  went 
so  &r  as  to  record  in  his  only  contribution  to  the  ytsmt 
RtlatuHs  that  the  arrival  of  De  Queylus  had  given  him 
**  intense  joy."  Hence,  Talon's  expectations  that  the  civil 
power  would  gain  influence  through  dissensions  in  the 
Church  were  doomed  to  tempcHBiy  disappointment. 


^  t 


f 


.. 


if 


80 


CJNJDJ  AND  MRtnSH  NORTH  JMERiCJ 


That  there  wm  ever  entire  harmony  between  the  three, 
i  ourceUe^  Talon,  and  Laval,  no  one  wUl  aswrt.     But  in 
view  of  the  tempestuous  course  of  colonial  politics  up  to 
this  time,  the  working  of  the  administration  wu  giving  good 
ground  for  congratulation.     Courcelles  was  a  gruff  old 
•oldier,  energetic  and  impulsive.     LitUe  provocation  was 
needed  to  draw  him  into  hostilities  in  any  quarter.     He 
f^  as  ready  to  fight  tiie  Jesuit),  as  the  Troquois,  if  the  neces- 
sity arose.     That  the  necessity  did  not  appear  was  due 
largely  to  the  moderating  hand  which  Talon  laid  on  bodi 
governor  and  bishop,  and  to  the  repeated  injunctions  of 
Colbert  that  there  were  to  be  no  more  interofficial  squab- 
bles.    So  matters  ran  along  with  little  unevenness  down  to 
1672,  when  Courcelles  solicited  and  received  his  recall  to 
France  on  the  ground  of  failing  health.   Little  is  known  of 
U»e  governor's  personal  history,  but  die  estimate  of  Charle- 
voix may  be  taken  as  impartial  enough.     ««If  he  did  not 
potsess  the  eminent  qualities  of  his  successor,"  writes  that 
historian,  ««he  had  but  the  least  of  his  fiiults,  and  his  pas- 
sions were  much  less  violent.    He  aimed  sincerely  at  good  j 
hi»  prejudice  against  the  ecclesiastics  and  missionaries  never 
prevented  his  showing  them  confidence  on  occasions  when 
he  deemed  them  necessary  or  useful,  or  his  supporting  diem 
m  all  the  functions  of  their  ministry.     In  fine,  his  experi- 
ence, his  finnness,  and  die  wisdom  widi  w*ich  he  governed, 
endeared  him  to  die  French  and  won  the  respect  of  the 
Indians." 

Just  about  die  same  time  Talon  simifauly  solicited  and 
received  his  recall.  Various  reasons  have  been  given  for 
the  latter's  action,  the  most  plausible  being  diat  from  what 
he  knew  of  the  coming  governor,  he  was  led  to  fear  disa- 
greements. Sincerely  interested  in  every  sphere  of  colonial 
development.  Talon  accomplished  much  for  the  colony 
during  his  brief  sojourn  especially  in  the  promotion  of  in- 
dustry. In  an  era  when  repuutions  were  hard  to  make 
and  easy  to  lose,  he  quickly  made  himself  a  deservedly 
honored  name  for  probity,  eneiigy,  and  sagacity.     On  die 


M 


J 


s 


WDM  I  ova  HydTOME 


It 


roll  of  illustriout  and  public-tpuritcd  Frenchmen  who  pvt 
the  best  yean  of  their  lives  in  the  cttablishment  of  a  Bout- 
bon  empre  bejrond  the  teu,  there  i«  no  name  more  honored 
by  Canadians  than  that  of  Jean  Tabn,  the  ^  Colbert  <^ 
New  France."  Laval  still  remained  in  the  colonvt  he  had 
been  definitely  elevated  to  the  post  of  Biriwp  of  Quebec  in 
1670,  a  promotion  he  had  long  earnestly  desired. 

The  closing  years  of  the  Courcelles-Talon  administra- 
tion had  witnessed  a  striking  increase  in  both  the  popula> 
tion  and  general  prosperity  of  the  colony.  This  condition 
was  in  no  small  measure  due  to  the  policy  advocated  by 
Talon  of  sending  marriageable  giris  from  France  to  the 
colony.  Louis  XIV.  had  furnished  the  colony  with  con- 
stant accessions  to  iu  nule  population,  but  there  were  few 
wives  for  the  men,  and  so  the  king,  yielding  to  Talon's  solici- 
utions,  adopted  the  policy  of  sending  out  young  women, 
demoiselles  and  peasant  girls,  who  were  speedily  made  wives. 
The  king  dowered  each  of  the  girls  »eut  over  by  his  orders  1 
moreover,  early  marriage  was  encouraged  by  a  royal  gift, 
and  fines  were  imposed  on  celibacy,  while  bounties  were 
granted  to  couples  who  possessed  Urge  families.  With 
the  increase  of  population  and  growing  prosperity  came 
renewed  enthusiasm  for  exploration  and  the  exploiution  of 
the  fur  trade  in  new  parts.  It  remained  for  this  spirit 
to  manifest  itself  in  tangible  results  durins  the  opening 
years  of  the  next  governorship.  Courcelfes's  successor 
was  Louis  de  Buade,  Count  Frontenac,  a  lieutenant-general 
in  the  army,  who  had  served  with  much  distinction  in  the 
wars  at  home.  Fifty-two  years  old  when  he  landed  at 
Quebec,  Frontenac  had  a  mature,  active,  penetrating  mind, 
a  body  stored  with  all  but  inexhaustible  energy.  These, 
during  his  two  terms,  1673-1682,  1689-1698,  he  was 
destined  to  devote  ungrudgingly  to  the  interests  of  French 
power  in  America.  No  intenduit  was  sent  out  along  widi 
the  new  governor,  for  the  reason  that  Talon  had  not  yet 
left  the  colony,  although  his  request  for  recall  had  been 
granted.   Some  matters  requiring  his  personal  attention  had 


i 


_^ 


1 


ta  CdS4D4  AMD  BUTttM  NOKTH  JMiMKA 

delmd  hia  deptrtiire.  Some  littk  dme  before,  he  had  madt 
up  htt  miDd  to  endeavor  to  verify  the  report  that  in  the  &r 
we«a  mat  river  led  southward  to  a  tak  tea,  and  had  ea- 
trutted  thia  tatk  to  Father  Jacques  Marquette  and  M.  Joliet. 
a  ct^  of  Quebec.    Their  enterpriae  he  warmly  com- 
mended to  the  new  governor.     Marquette  had  served  as 
a  missionarv  at  Mackinac,  and,  hence,  knew  the  western 
cjjuntry  weU.    Joliet  was  a  man  of  good  education,  especi- 
ally m  the  realm  of  mathenutics,  having  received  bis  tnio- 
ing  in  the  Jesuit  seminary.     There  it  some  doubt  as  to 
which  of  the  two  was  the  chief  spirit  in  the  enterprise. 
The  Jesuit  records  attribute  to  Marquette  the  origin  and 
Jeadmg  share  in  the  affiur,  but  Parkman,  winnowing  his 
•wrces  with  his  usual  acumen,  prefers  to  follow  the  evi- 
dence of  secular  contempocBr><r«  tliat  Joliet  was  the  main 
mover.     At  any  rate,  a  start  was  made  from  Marquettf  « 
misMon,  at  Mackinac,  in  the  spring  of  1673,  and  aft^- 
making  their  way  along  Fox  River  to  its  headwaters,  and 
thence  portaging  across  to  the  Wisconsin,  the  Miuissippi 
was  reached  somewhere  near  Prairie  du  Chien.   Descendtiv 
the  nver  day  after  day  for  several  weeks  the  voyagen 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  where,  on  the  trnre- 
sentatwn  of  some  Indians  that  a  (wriher  descent  would  be 
attended  widi  great  dai^er  ftom  the  soitthem  tribes  f^irho 
wore  doth  and  carried  guns,"  doubtless  procured  ftom  the 
bpannrds,  the  explmers  determined  to  return  homeward. 
Provisions  and  ammunition  had  begun  to  ftul,  and  as  there 
was  now  no  doubt  from  the  general  direction  of  the  river, 
that  It  flowed  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  they  had  little 
nmher  to  learn  throu^  a  cmtinuation  of  their  voyage. 
Kftuming  to  Lake  Michigan,  Marquette  went  back  to  hi» 
nuiMon,  while  Joliet,  having  spent  the  winter  there,  con- 
tinued on  to  Quebec  to  make  report.     Charlevoix  statea 
that  Joliet  expected  to  make  report  to  Talon,  but  found  the 
ktter  dready  gone.    This  could  hardly  have  been  possible, 
for  TaJon  had  already  sailed  before  JoUet  left  Quebec  for 
the  Mississippi    But  Frontenac  was  much  interested  and 


VMDU  LOUtt  H^JTOMU  fj 

wait  a  dhttikd  report  of  the  cxplontiona  to  tin  home  gov- 
•mmeiit.  Maiquette  never  fuUr  recovered  from  the  fitttguc 
of  the  enterpriae,  ami  died  in  the  autumn  of  the  ftiUomng 
year.  Some  of  the  more  ardoit  champima  of  La  Salte  en- 
deavored, jreara  later,  to  support  the  claim  thtt  Marquette 
and  Jdiet  had  never  made  the  journey  as  represented,  but 
iiad  wo^ed  off  a  pkusihk  fiction  upon  their  contempora- 
riea.  But  no  ftct  of  cariv  colonial  hittory  ia  more  amply 
authenticated.  The  opinion  of  the  erudite  Shea,  who  haa 
made  the  period  particularly  hia  own,  ou|^  to  be  decinve 
on  thia  point. 

The  mentimi  of  La  Salle  auggeata  aome  conaideration  of 
the  part  which  he  waa  taking  m  cokmial  mattera  at  thia 
time.  Robot  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  waa  a  native  of 
Rouen,  that  rugged  old  Norman  aeaport  which  hu  given  to 
Canada  ao  many  of  her  virile  aona.  We  have  the  testi- 
mony of  Hennepin  that  La  Salle  was  a  member  of  the 
Jeauit  order,  but  there  aeema  no  other  foundation  for  diis 
aaaertion  than  that  he  received  a  pert  of  hia  education  in  a 
Jeauit  achod.  Coming  out  to  New  France  about  1666, 
he  proceeded  to  Montreal,  where  an  elder  brother,  a  Sulpi- 
tian  prieat,  waa  then  atationed.  Shortly  afterward  he  re- 
ceived from  the  Seminarv  of  St.  Sulpke,  the  grant  of  a 
ae^nimy  above  the  mpicb  aome  ei^  or  ten  miles  from 
Montreal.  Kingafbrd  ukea  thia  aa  evidence  diat  the  young 
Norman  •*muat  have  inherited  money,"  htA  a  reference  to 
the  title  deeda  ahow  that  the  grant  was  made  without  frijt 
d'mtrit  and  with  the  nominal  pavment  of  *^oat  nlver  mark 
at  each  mutation  oS  owiwrriiip.^'  To  the  new  se^niory 
was  given  the  name  La  Chine,  it  is  sud,  because  die  nant 
wu  iougjht  to  lie  on  the  road  to  Oiina.  For  some  iktie 
time  the  young  seignior  devoted  hiiiMelfinduattiou^  to  the 
taak  of  devek^ing  hn  grant.  But  hk  restless  spirit  took 
fire  at  the  reports  broi^ht  down  by  Indians  rMU^i^  die 
existence  of  *  r«tt  river  in  dM  west,  and  die  Ml  ^  1669 
found  him  at  Quebec  a^ii^  permission  of  the  audMiities 
to  conduct  an  eiqiedttion  to  verify  these  rqports.   Pe 


if.?.^$inpjr: 


; 

•I 

I '  - 

'*! 

.if. 


I 


If 


84  CAJfJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

WM  granted,  and  L*  Salle  at  once  told  out  hit  seigniorr 
for  thirty-eight  hundred  livret.  Early  in  the  followingjuly 
he  commenced  hi*  trip  accompmied  by  Dollier  de  Casson, 
<jalw&,  and  a  score  of  others.  Passing  up  the  St.  Law- 
rence they  skirted  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Ontario  to  near 
where  HamUton  now  stands,  and  then  struck  overland 
toward  the  lower  end  of  Lake  Huron.  At  this  stage  La 
SaUe  was  uken  ill  and  declared  that  he  would  proceed  no 
further.  Dollier,  Galinfc,  and  a  part  of  the  expedition 
proceeded  to  Grand  River,  which  they  foUowed  to  Lake 
Ene,  and  thence  canoed  through  to  Mackinac,  where  they 
found  the  Jesuits  Marquette  and  Dablon.  The  newcomers, 
being  SiUpitians,  apparently  received  neither  welcome  nor 
information  from  the  Jesuits,  and  after  .  short  delay  made 
the  tnp  back  to  Montreal  by  way  of  Lake  Nipisstne  and 
Ottawa  River.  * 

What  La  SaUe  actuaUy  did  after  this  splitting  up  of  hit 
party  IS  not  easy  to  say;  his  own  journals  have  not  been 
preserved.   Apparently  with  some  gain  in  strength  he  pushed 
on  westward,  crossed  Lake  Erie,  and  journeyed  southwest- 
ward  to  the  Ohio,  which  he  foUowed  for  some  distance, 
and  then  rMumed  to  Montreal.    Historians  have,  however, 
?*T  ..***??*?  *«"»eJves  on  this  point,  nor  as  to  what 
L*  balle  did  during  the  year  foUowing  (1670-1671).    The 
Histttrt  dt  Mmsuur  it  la  &&,  written  about  1678,  by  a 
fnend  of  the  explorer  in  Paris,  and  claiming  to  be  bated 
on  the  voyageur-s  own  sutementt,  rehtes  that  during  this 
interval  La  Salle  made  a  trip  to  Mackinac,  down  Lake 
Michigan,  across  to  lUinois,  and  down  to  the  Mississippi. 
But  we  have  no  mention  of  any  such  trip  in  any  other 
writing  of  the  period.     In  the  meanume,  the  expedition 
of  Marquette  and  Joliet  had  been  made.     La  Salle^in  aU 
probabUity,  had  spent  the  interval  in  Montreal.     But  his 
pUns  were  by  no  means  out  of  his  mind,  and  the  arrival 
of  Frontenac  filled  him  with  new  enthusiasm.    At  any  rate. 
La  Salle  at  once  approached  the  new  governor  with  hu 
projects.     One  of  these  appears  to  have  been  the  enction 


"f 


ii:.  I 


I 


I 


SI 

i| 

1 1 

I  ^ 
I 


■2 


USDER  LOUIS  I^JTORZB 


of  a  fan  tt  or  near  the  junctton  of  Lake  Ontario  with  the 
St.  Lawrence.  The  proposal  had  been  coranien<kd  by 
Courcelles  tome  time  before  as  a  means  of  checkiog  the 
diversion  of  the  fur  traffic  to  the  English  at  AUwny;  but 
for  some  reason  the  project  found  no  hvfX  at  Versailles. 
But  Frontenac  soon  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  earljr 
in  1675  an  expedition  to  the  spot  was  organked.  The 
governor  had  neither  money  nor  troop*  at  his  disposal  for 
this  purpose,  but  he  iuued  orden  that  the  inhdbkants  of 
Quebec,  Montreal,  and  Three  Riven  should  each  furnish 
him  with  a  specified  number  of  armed  men,  equipped  and 
provisioned,  to  be  in  readiness  to  leave  Montreal  as  soon 
as  seed  time  had  passed.  Meanwhile,  La  Salle  was  sent  to 
the  nei^boring  Onondagas  to  apprise  them  of  the  French 
design  to  establish  a  tra£ng  post  in  their  vicinity,  but  the 
idea  that  it  was  to  be  fortified  was  carefully  concealed. 
Not  even  to  the  colonial  population  did  Frontenac  disclose 
the  true  purpose  of  the  e]q)edition,  and  the  general  opinion 
seems  to  have  been  that  it*  object  was  meivly  to  esublish 
some  tnuling  arrangement  with  the  Indians  of  the  Upper 
St.  Lawrence  valley.  The  party  numbered  about  four  hun- 
dred, and  on  July  12th  a  landing  wu  made  at  or  near  the 
spot  where  the  Tfte  du  Pont  banacks  in  the  city  of  King- 
ston now  stand.  La  Salle's  mission  had  been  succeufiil,  and 
a  numerous  delegati<Hi  of  Iroquois  was  already  on  hand. 

Of  all  Frantenac's  qualities,  none  was  more  |Nrorainatt 
than  his  versatility.  He  was  equally  at  home  in  the  coun> 
cils  of  the  Gnmd  Monarch  or  in  an  Indian  powwow.  On 
this  occasion,  a  tactful  harai^ue,  translated  for  hun  by  Le 
Moyne  de  Lmigueuil,  together  wkh  his  patronizing  manner 
and  his  libend  distribution  of  tobacco  and  trinkets,  seems 
to  have  captivated  the  savages,  who  forthwith  promised  to 
make  the  new  spot  their  trading  headquarters.  Wurk  on 
the  buildings  proceeded  rapidly  and  was  soon  completed, 
whereupon  Frcmtenac  left  a  small  nrrison  in  charge  and 
proceeded  to  Montreal.  The  whcMe  affiur  had  occupied 
less  Uuui  two  months,  and  had  been  a  coa^iatous  siKcess. 


mtmimmtmMi^Ilm, 


li 


86  CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMERICd 

This  must  be  attributed  partly  to  the  nrnterful  ene»v  of 
the  governor  himtelf,  but  partly  alto  to  the  ftct  that  a  larw 
pirt  of  the  force  was  made  up  of  former  soldiers  from  the 
disbanded  Carignan  regiment,  a  feature  which  permitted  the 
best  of  organization  and  discipline. 

Fort  Cataraqui  having  been  completed,  provision  had 
now  to  be  made  for  its  maintenance.  Very  probably  the 
new  fort  would  prove  a  source  of  expense,  and  to  this  the 
kmg  would  probably  object.  Hence,  some  understanding 
was  reached  between  Frontenac  and  La  SaUe  in  this  reganL 
for  the  latter  soon  received  a  grant  of  the  post  on  condition 
that  he  would  bear  the  expense  of  maintenance  and  repair. 
The  pant  mduded  four  square  leagues  of  land,  together 
with  the  islands  fronting  the  post,  the  whole  being  gi^en  to 

,nn  w  Ji  "'■  *^T'c1-  ^'  *"  "°«  "■»«'  La  Sdle  was 
eniwbled,  as  a  mark  of  the  royal  appreciation  of  his  services. 
1  hese  matters  having  been  arranged,  the  new  owner  pro- 
ceeded  to  Cataraqui,  where  considerable  alterations  to  the 
buUdmgs  were  at  once  made  and  a  substantial  stone  struc- 
ture wu  erected  and  flanked  with  four  loopholed  bastions 

fi^TT^'    T^  P°«  no''  ««»««  to  present  an 
impregnable  front  agawst  any  Indian  assault,  and  La  Salle 
was  m  an  excellent  position  to  exploit  a  lucrative  trade 
to  his  own  profit.     The  enemies  of  Frontenac— and  they 
were  by  no  m«n,  few— openly  declared  that  in  his  ardent 
support  of  La  Salle's  enterprise  the  governor  had  no  motive 
™. Jj?"  .»  •?*?*  «n  t»»e  profit*.     And  there  was  some 
plausibility  m  dieir  charges.     Frontenac  was  not  a  man  of 
means;  his  salary  was  less  than  six  hundred  dollars  per 
year,  and  his  habits  required  huge  expenditures.     Further- 
more, while  private  commercial  enterprise  on  the  part  of 
royal  officials  was  never  countenanced  by  the  home  authori- 
ties. It  was  weU  known  that  many  of  them  engaged  in  the 
fiir  trade  whenever  opportunity  of  profit  presented  itself. 
I'errot,  the  governor  of  Montreal  at  this  time,  made  open 
b«st  of  his  success  as  a  trader.     People,  therefore,  coidd 
not  explain  the  governor's  inordinate  zeal  for  the  success 


VSDMIL  LOUIS  ^JTORU 


of  La  Salle's  undeitaking  on  any  public  grounds.  The  new 
intendant,  Duchesneau,  who  arrived  in  me  cdony  in  1675, 
wu  impressed  with  this  popular  view.  Whik  we  have  no 
conclusive  proof  whatever  that  Frontenac  ever  participated 
in  the  earnings  of  the  post,  it  may  not  be  unfair  to  suggest 
that  **  where  there  was  so  much  smoke,  there  must  have 
been  some  fire." 

La  Salle  commenced  his  operations,  and  soon  Cataraqui 
became  a  thriving  little  settlement.  Even  during  the  first 
two  years,  the  owner  estimated  his  profiu  at  over  fifbr 
thousand  Uvres — a  very  substantial  sum  in  thoK  days.  It 
was  not  long,  however,  before  his  success  brought  down 
upon  him  the  envious  opposition  of  many  Montreal  mer- 
chants, some  of  them  quondam  friends  of  his  own.  These 
set  up  the  hue  and  cry  that  the  new  post  was  diverting 
trade  from  the  colony  proper  and  was  injuring  the  older 
settlements  to  the  profit  of  the  new.  Not  less  vigorous  in 
their  opposition  were  the  Jesuits,  for  the  rupture  between 
Laval  and  Frontenac  had  now  become  an  open  one,  and 
La  Salle  had  identified  himself  with  the  latter.  To  explain 
how  this  new  quarrel  between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
departments  of  adminittration  arose,  one  must  recall  the 
circumstances  under  which  Frontenac  had  been  sent  out  to 
the  colony.  It  wiU  be  remembered  that  during  the  adminis- 
tration of  Coufcelles  and  Talon  affiurs  had  run  with  unusual 
smoothness,  and  that  tlus  had  been  due,  in  no  small  degree, 
to  the  tact  of  die  latter.  But  Colbert  knew  very  well  the 
imperious  temper  of  Frontenac,  and  seems  to  have  doubted 
whether  any  intendant  would  find  it  easy  to  work  harmo- 
niously with  the  count  and  ttill  retain  any  independence. 
At  any  rate,  he  decided  not  to  ajqwint  an  intendant  for  the 
rime  being,  especially  as  Talon  had  not  yet  left  the  colony. 
Laval  was  in  France  at  the  time,  so  that  the  governor,  at 
the  outset  of  his  administration,  had  absolute  freedom  in 
his  administrative  acts.  Under  such  circumstances,  the;c 
seemed  to  be  no  reason  why  cdonial  afiairs  diould  not  run 
along  with  the  utmoM  soMothness.    But  this  they  certainly 


Hi 


h 


1-  I 


M  CANdDd  JND  MUTJSH  NORTH  JMMUCJ 

dWnotdo.  There  WM,  to  be  fuie,  neither  bithop  nor  In- 
tembnt  to  of^  the  govemor,  but  at  MontiwlSere  wu 
S^T^i**  P*«»«.."^with  him  Fmntemu:  «H>n  mlLS 

L'^^nTr"'"- .  V^  "^^  •••S"  over  uToK 
ZSi*  "^  »«««.«cently  been  iwued,  forttdding  tnule  with 

TiT^k^  r  r  "  ^'^^  o«'«*nce  WM  especiaUr  directed. 
The  objectof  the  newreguktion  wm  to  induce  ilS. 
to  come  to  the  French  aettlemenu  to  truie:  bttTtSoSJ 
^P^r,'^tk»  were  thre«ened,  mow  ofX  ^^^.^TS 
PJ^httle  ^tention  to  it.     Thi.  defiance  wT^^lj 

ity,  and  ttray  rumors  reached  him  that  Parrot  was  uninc 
d.e  tnder,  n«  to  tdte  the  prehibition  too  .eriouSyr^ 
knowmg  that  large  pjutie.  of  the  «^«^  *  SSdoJS 
^ontj^at  ce««n  reaton.  to  market  their  STaS  to 
S?»rlr'?'^'  Fronten«:  detpttched  two  oflicen 
^^to  efiect  the  ai««  of  the  more  prominent  ofS 

Ptenot  regarded  thii  a*  an  bftingement  on  hit  iuriMlic- 

XJ^  JC"^^  '^^  *•=  ofEceref^on  .econd^ZSt 
•Mowed  them  to  return  to  Quebec.    To  FrontewcX 
pioceedmg  jeemed  a  grott  i«^t  to  the  royal  aiSrity  „ 
repreaenredbyhimrelf.    Had  he  been  po.«J«d  Jf^lS 
mJitary  foree,  uem  toldier  that  he  wSH^S^nSS 
^e  reen  h.«  on  hi.  ^y  to  Mont.«i7o  bring  Tr^ 
««nt  commandant  to  hi.  knee..     But  fortoSrely  foTS 
pe^of  the  colony  he  could  do  little  but  «.mmi.  Pen« 
before  him.    Periot  appeared.    When  two  wch  men  mS 
compromise  >•  not  the  mott  probable  outcome.     So  aftoTa 
^7«<«^y  conference  Frontenac  h«l  the  M;«tSa^! 
J««d«t  t^  „to  cu.tody^«d  with  the  returning  .S. 
deponed  him  to  France.     The  home  .uthoiitie^u.uS 
bewildered  by  the  wildly  contradictory  Korie.  rf  each  .ide 
de^^uned  to  reprim«,d  both.    Fronimu:  wu  «ir^'SS 
conduct  tomewhat  le..  arbitreiy  would  be  more  ajH  «! 
»fy  the  kmg.  whde  Perrot,  having  purged  hi.  conLpt  by 


UMDMR  LOUIS  ^JTORU  ^ 

•  diort  term  in  die  Budlle,  wu  wat  back  to  his  poet  at 

But  the  incident  Mrved  to  convince  the  Fnach  ■■{■Vt 
that  Fnmtenac  waa  too  apt  to  mwiae  his  power  when  left 
alone  in  its  enjojrment,  and  it  wu  decided  to  appoint  some- 
one to  the  vacant  intendancjr.  To  this  end  Colbert  selected 
Jacques  Duchcsneau*  fermerij  rojral  treasurer  at  Tours,  and 
a  man  of  enemr  and  firmness.  Laval,  «^  had  been  for 
some  time  in  Fnuice,  likewise  hastened  hraie,  the  bishop 
and  the  new  intendant  kNitaejrii^  in  the  same  vessel     On 

the  vojrage  out  the  two  became  good  ftiends  and  their  friend- 
ship boded  no  good  to  dM  governor,  as  Frontenac  wcU 
understood.  And  to  fiudier  weaken  his  gubenntorial  hands 
an  edict  was  issued  by  the  king  decreeing  dutt  hencefordi 
the  appointment  of  councillors  should  rest  widi  the  home 
and  not  widi  die  colonial  authorities.  At  the  same  time 
die  number  of  councillors  was  in:  .rcMed  fnm  five  to  seven. 
Undoubtedly  die  change  was  Ufcdy  to  make  for  harmonv, 
but  die  governor  reg^uded  it  at  once  xf  the  result  of  Laval's 
intriguerjr  and  was  consequend/  not  in  dw  best  of  humor 
when  the  btthop  and  die  intendant  reached  dwcdony.  The 
first  cdlmon  came  m  a  matter  of  precedence  at  mass  and 
at  council  meetings.  In  both  cases  diere  is  some  pound 
for  believii^  thtt  Laval  instated  Dochesneau  to  make 
extnvagant  daims  to  precedence  of  the  governor.  When 
the  matter  was  referred  to  the  mmister,  Colbert  upheld 
Frontenac  in  his  daims  to  precedence  in  the  church  ser- 
vices, bitt  tfenied  him  die  ru^t  to  pmide  in  Council  Both 
oficials  w«e  advised,  at  &  same  time,  dutt  the  cdlony 
«*Mded  better  opportunides  for  die  expenditure  of  their 
respective  ener^  thui  the  stirring  iq»  of  trival  deputes. 

The  occasMHi  of  the  ^tcat  atj  fiml  quarrel,  however, 
was  die  old  question  of  die  liquor  trade,  whkh  had  alre^Uy 
brou^t  D'Avaugour  and  D'Aigenson  to  pief.  Despite  the 
eneigy  of  the  Jesuits,  the  trade  had  never  been  co^ietdj 
eliminated,  and  durii^  Lavd's  absence  in  France  k  had  re- 
vived remaikably.    Brandy  ww  imported  in  large  quaittities. 


i 


90  CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMMRICJ 

libenlfy  diluted,  and  taken  in  ouioet  to  the  western  wttle. 
amiM.     So  extensive  had  the  trade  become  that  thow 
who  engaged  in  it  might  be  numbered  by  hundred^  and  the 
enormity  of  the  traffic  appalled  Laval  on  his  return.     Pro- 
tests to  the  governor  proved  futile,  and  in  1677  the  hitbop 
despatched  an  agent  to  France  to  seek  the  personal  inter- 
vention of  Colbert  in  the  matter.    For  this  mission  he  chose 
M.  de  Dudouyt,  one  of  his  grand  vicara,  and  intrusted  him 
with  a  formidable  dusitr  of  documentary  pioofs.     In  due 
course  De  Dudouyt  had  an  interview  with  Colbert  in  which 
he  emphasized  in  vigorous  language  the  disorden  which 
liquor  had  been  causing  among  the  savages  and  the  difficul- 
tiei  which  its  use  pbced  in  the  way  of  missionary  work. 
That  die  Church  had  a  right  to  excommunicate  those  en- 
g»ged  in  the  traffic  he  sought  to  prove  by  submitting  the 
opinions  of  several  Sorbonne  professon,  but  thU  to  a  man 
of  Colbert's  temperament  was  far  from  conclusive  proof. 
To  g^ve  support  to  De  Dudouyt's  representttions,  came  a 
long  despatch  from  Duchesneau,  while  Frontenac  and  his 
friends  made  equally  vigorous  pleas  ir  defence  of  the  traffic 
<m  the  ground  that  it  was  the  ^nly  means  of  saving  the  fur 
ttade  from  the  English.    Very  properiy  Colbert  dekyed  his 
decision  untU  he  could  make  investigation,  and  for  further 
infonnation  on  the  matter,  he  turned,  naturally  enough,  to 
Talon,  the  ex-intendant,  who  was  now  in  Paris.    Talon,  as 
usual,  gave  his  opinions  with  frankness  and  honesty.   He  ad- 
mitted that  the  consumption  of  liquor  debauched  the  Indian 
and  produced  disorden,  but  he  insisted  that  if  the  Indian  did 
not  get  It  from  the  French  he  would  find  means  of  procuring 
it  from  the  English  at  Albany.    The  liquor  traffic,  in  othir 
words,  was  the  key  to  the  fur  traffic,  and  the  French  in 
Canada  would  have   to  choose  between  debauching  the 
Mvage  and  losing  his  peltry.    In  vain  De  Dudouyt  pleaded 
urn  the  continuance  of  the  trade  meant  the  ruin  of  the 
Church  m  New  France.     But  Colbert's  practical  turn  of 
mind  led  him  only  to  suggest  that  the  ancient  Church  had 
not  been  ruined  by  the  liquor  traffic  in  European  lands. 


UNDHt  lOUtt  ifyjTOUM 


9« 


The  moM  Chrittiu  king  had  alwajn  iamgttd  thtt  the  tme 
ends  of  colonial  devdopamit  wen  ^the  gtoiy  of  God  and 
the  enrif^ment  of  hi*  peopiei"  in  the  eyes  of  ColbeR  the 
second  of  these  ends  was  apparently  not  the  lesser.  The 
minister,  therefore,  informed  De  Dudouvt  that  colonial 
commerce  could  not  be  made  so  cmnpletety  subservient  to 
spiritual  (mpi^^anda,  and  that  if  Laval  persisted  in  excom- 
municating those  who  engaged  in  the  trade,  such  action 
would  incur  the  rojral  displnsure.  De  Dudouyt  hastened 
to  recommend  to  Laval  that  all  such  excommunications  be 
suspended  for  the  present,  and  this  course  the  ^ibop,  much 
to  his  own  chugrin,  was  constnuned  to  folktw. 

But  Colbert  did  not  let  the  matter  dr^  for  we  find  him 
making  a  request  of  Duchesneau  to  send  along  all  the 
authenticated  factt  at  his  dispose  while,  at  the  same  time, 
he  wrote  to  Frontenac  askit^  that  a  special  commission 
of  twentjr  prominent  colonists  should  be  appointed  to  in- 
vestigare  the  wiuk  matter  and  report.  Accoidin^y,  in 
October,  1678,  the  governor  and  Council  appointed  the 
Commission  of  Twentjr  as  desired,  ^to  enquire  into  the 
divers  murders  and  other  crimes  allegied  to  arise  frcMn  die  use 
Of  liquor  bjr  the  savages  during  the  past  six  yeark"  Itisof 
interest  to  note  that  La  Salk  was  one  of  diose  selected. 
The  inquiries  were  pursued  at  some  leiwth,  and  in  the 
course  of  a  month  the  report  was  ready.  Moat  of  the  mem- 
bers were,  like  La  Salle,  friends  of  die  govonor,  and  the 
general  tenor  of  the  repoR  was,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
stron^y  in  fiivor  of  the  continuance  of  the  tnffic.  The 
commissioners  reported  that  the  dtsmders  reputed  to  have 
been  due  to  the  trade,  had  been  gready  exaggerated  by  the 
Jesuits,  and  that  the  advantages  gained  throu^  a  pmhibi- 
tion  of  the  traffic  would  in  no  measure  cmnmenrarKe  widi 
the  loss  of  the  for  trade  «^iich  would  undoubtedly  ensue. 
The  report  was  s%ned  by  sevmteen  members  out  of  die 
twentyt  the  remaining  three  submitted  a  minority  repwt 
advising  entire  prtdtOiition.  Both  repwts  were  sem  4^  to 
France  in  the  hands  of  a  fecial  emissary. 


1;* 


■ 


M 


9a  CdMAD4  JND  BUrUH  NOHTH  JMIiUOl 

^leuiwhUe,  Ural  had  not  been  Mile.  Knowing  full  weO, 
ftom  the  compoeition  of  the  comnituon,  what  its  repoR 
wu  likely  to  be,  he  let  off  for  France  with  the  intention  of 
layuiK  the  whole  matter  before  the  king.  Without  approach- 
ing the  miniMen  at  all,  he  tecured  the  aniMance  of  the 
Archbnhop  of  Paris  and  of  the  king's  private  spiritual  ad- 
visor, Pere  la  Chaise,  and  with  these  obtained  an  interview 
as  desired.     The  outcome  of  the  whde  natter  was  that  a 
compromise  was  ordered.    The  governor  was  instructed 
that  the  sale  of  liquor  might  be  permitted  only  at  the  trading 
posts  J  but  that  in  no  case  m^t  brandy  be  carried  by 
enrmrt  dt  Ms  into  the  Indian  countries.    Ostensibly  this 
was  a  great  concession  to  the  JesuiU}  in  reality  it  left 
matters  much  as  they  had  been.     For  trading  potts  m^t 
be  established  temporarily  wherever  the  vendws  of  liquor 
found  it  expedient.     And,  in  fiwa,  with  liquor  once  got  as 
ftr  west  as  Cataraqui  it  would  be  absolutely  impracticable 
to  prevent  its  distribution  to  all  points  in  the  western  wil- 
demess.    On  the  main  question  Frontenac  had  gained  his 
point!  the  necessity  of  recognizing  brandy  as  the  chief  pur- 
chasuig  power  in  Indian  commerce  had  been  conceded. 

Laval  returned  to  Canada  in  1680.  but  he  was  far  from 
accepting  this  compromise  as  final.  From  time  to  time, 
both  he  and  his  successors  made  renewed  demands  for  a 
reopening  of  the  question,  but  none  of  diem  was  able  to 
persuade  the  minister  that  the  exigencies  of  colonial  trade 
should  be  subordinated  to  ecclesiastical  interests. 

But  the  question  of  the  eam-Jt^,,  while  the  most  im- 
portant, was  not  the  only  point  at  issue  between  Frontenac 
on  the  ont  hand  and  the  intendant,  abetted  by  the  bishoi>,  on 

*L*  .^J^'  .^"  "'""^  **"y  P°'"*  °^  administi«ive  policy 
they  differed  most  decidedly.  Hardly  a  Council  meeting 
I»ssed  without  fnction  of  some  kind  or  other.  The  coun- 
ciUors  sometimes  supported  one  .  etimes  the  other,  with 
ttie  result  that  the  meetings  wert  usuaUy  stormy  ones. 
Every  autumn  the  returning  ships  carried  home  the  inevita- 
ble eabim  det  Mianea  to  tax  the  rapidly  exhausting  patience 


Deed  of  grant  to  Midte!  Di»y,  written  utd  t^ned  by  Csrcficr  de 
la  Salle,  original  in  the  Greffe  d'Adhemar,  November  t,  16(3.  im 
tbi  Cbattau  dt  Ramezay,  Mtntrtal. 


f 
! 


iU 


VKMit  uovtt  nyjmutMB 


•3 


of  kuig  mi  tBktimt.    Th*  Itttcr  wwnmi^  Mpwvai,  uA 
tkvHMMrf  bod^blK  tolittl?  wammtt  nnki  dM  MdMriMi 


coBtiiHML  Tbt  iaMbi^Ue  Cdbttt  nad  dw  long  4*. 
•pMdMt  ilM  witli  clui|H  Mtf  fecrimiiiatiom,aii4  ntefSMd 
hk  wirafai|i  to  aU  coacwiMd.  Bw  tkt  mkcncM  of  tkt 
gmt  HiiBimr  ftwB  die*  ia  iMi,  ud  tkt  ■ccwiiw  of  Mi 
•OB,  gilgihy,  ia  Mi  <wrf,  pw»  BMtHn  a  mw  aipm^ 

a  MiH  nHtmi 


tbt  oMPlMaa  of  aftinwMgMM  Willi  b« , 

ofhit  fittlMr'a  patkact,  nor  iMdht  BMdi  coactptian  of  tkt 
dtCcokitt  of  wtintainiBg  btraMor  in  aa 
«lenc]r.     Botk  FroatwMc  aad  OuchcsacMi 
vSk*  \im  Adr  coHyatahtJow, 
wttk  dM  waal  aiaiwi  oaota  o 


other. 


^uota  of 


oacMagdtp 

aM^lMMt 


Mtiiwt  tadi 


wract  tkt  imtnrfaat,  ^rdtt  tvwyw 


where.    Uaimwl  caafinioa  pnvaOt  ia  tmy  biaack 
activitTt    .    .    .    aadjattlwMoptahrBtnftwtdi  vkJt 


jattiMMoptalf  ptnrtntd)  violiaoi 


■appoittdbjraMtkofkjaloBtdtcidtttvtiTtkmg.'*    Fraott- 
bm:  iatttawfiilhrMttnncwrait  of  tkt  diAcukiet  which 


he 


^Aoiltiet  whidi 


had  to  aHrmoiuit  owing  to  the  dithonettjr,  imr^-ue,  and 
obMinacy  of  the  iattmiaat.    Appalled  bjr  tht  htwOdtriag 


cootrndictioM,  Stigndy  Mok  dM 


10  tht  kugaad 


Louit  XIV.  dettnaiiMd  to  ttnd  aa  nttognpk  ktw  to  tadi 
o^dtL  Bodi  w««  idtMieal  to  ofdna^  dw  govomor  nd 
intendaat  to  aukt  praoipt  end  of  dmr  penoad  UdEnii^ 


coadttdtag  wick  dw  iigaifiauit  wamiag:  '*^uaiam  7011 

mouse  better  ia  tkt  Attun  tkan  ia  the  past,  anr  onlj 
akemrtive  will  be  to  recall  jrou  both."  Bm  p^^eiMdtt  to 
conteatira  had  becooie  chionic  lad  even  tW  thrttt  wm 
inadequate.  Tlie  very  next  veneb  brai^  mirtual  com- 
plaint* and  die  king,  at  good  as  his  word,  iccalltd  bodi 
officials  to  Fnuice.  Never  wu  a  stimmaiy  dinaissal  firom 
office  more  richly  deserved.  As  tt>  aHbich  of  the  two  wu 
at  fiiuh  is  not  within  our  provioGe  to  determine.  The 
pn^ttbility  is  diat  the  shares  to  be  pn^ofy  cast  on  each 
would  not  be  noticeably  unequal,  akhoi^  the  hter  testi- 
mcmy  even  of  Frontenw's  "«— ™-  wovU  aoMB  ta  dMv 
that  the  governor  was  intoitiaMe  '  ^^myo  -<? 


94 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


it  sufficient  that  neither  had  been  willing  to  sacrifice  personal 
animosities  for  the  public  good.  In  the  broad  domain  of 
political  action,  Frontenac  was  incomparably  the  abler  man} 
in  the  narrower  fields  of  petty  strife  Duchesneau,  the  man 
of  meaner  atuinments,  provt '  'limself,  as  is  usually  the  case, 
a  not  unequal  match.  The  oeparture  of  both  was  regarded 
as  a  blessing  by  the  great  majority  of  the  colonists  to  whom 
official  squabbles  had  long  been  wearisome.  But  there  was 
not  lacking  in  the  minds  of  many,  the  feeling  that  if  ever 
the  colony  found  itself  in  critical  straitt;  if  ever  there  were 
uijgent  need  of  an  iron  hand  to  rule  within  and  to  guard 
without,  there  was  still  one  man  to  whom  New  France 
would  instinctively  turn  and  that  man  was  Louis  de  Buade, 
Comte  Frontenac. 


(I 


CHAPTER  V 

UNDER  LOUIS  I^ArORZB—(Cmitmu*d) 

During  the  few  ycwn  preceding  the  recall  of  Frontenac, 
much  progreu  had  been  made  in  the  Way  of  western  ex- 
plorationf  this  beine  due,  in  the  main,  to  the  exploits  of 
the  energetic  La  Swe.  It  will  be  remembered  that,  a  few 
years  previously,  the  explorer  had  visited  France,  and  there 
had  procured  ciq>ital  wherewith  to  make  very  substantial 
improvements  to  his  trading  post  at  Catanu]ui.  During 
his  visits  to  Paris  he  had  likewise  been  successful  in  enlist- 
ing in  his  service  a  &ring  spirit  who  was  to  become  his 
chief  lieutenant  and  fiuthftd  companioi  both  in  success  and 
adversity — Henri  de  Tonti,  better  known  as  <*Tonti  of  the 
Iron  Hand."  De  Tonti  had  lost  a  hand  in  battle  and  wore 
in  iu  fdace  an  artificial  one  of  iron,  which  on  severd  occa- 
sions he  used  with  wholesome  eflfect  on  the  heads  of  con- 
tumacious Indians,  ins|Mring  them  with  a  dire  dread  of  him. 
It  wu  La  Salle's  purpose  to  establish  a  poM  at  Niag^ura, 
and  to  put  his  new  lieutenant  in  charge^  hy  the  autumn  of 
1678,  be  was  ready  to  put  this  plan  into  tSkxt.  Besides 
De  Tonti  he  had  had  at  his  disposal  a  Franciscan  priest, 
Pire  Hennq^,  mho  had  arrived  in  the  cdony  some  years 
before,  and  had  been  assigiied  temporuily  to  duty  at  Cata- 
raqui.  Of  Hennepin's  earlier  life,  venr  little  is  known 
except  such  as  may  be  ^eaned  from  his  own  writings. 
According  to  these  be  was  born  in  Flanders  in  1640,  was 
educated  for  the  church,  and  had  come  to  Canada  with  a 
hungning  both  for  advcmwrc  and  dw  cure  of  souls.    So  in 

95 


t 


/\ 


96  CJNJPd  AND  BRITISH  MOUTH  AMBRtCA 

the  eariy  winter  of  1678,  La  Salle,  De  Tonti,  and  Henne- 
pin, accompanied  by  sevenl  companions  of  leaser  note,  but 
among  whom  were  Lamotte-Cadillac  and  La  Fortt,  set 
forth  for  Niagara.     A  couple  of  small  vessels  had  been 
constructed  for  the  enterprise,  and  these  bore  the  voyageurs 
i"  ^°  I*""***-     The  opening  days  of  December  found 
Lake  Ontario  m  a  turbulent  mood,  and  it  was  only  with 
the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  r^n  of  the  great  cataract 
was  finally  reached.    Here  a  difficulty,  not  altogether  unex- 
pected, aroae.    The  neighboring  Senecas,  always  suspicious 
of  New  French  undertakings,  learned  with  iU-«oncealed 
dupleasure  of  the  phm  to  build  a  trading  post  in  their 
vicimty.     That  the  post  would  be  of  great  service  in  en- 
abling lu  occupanu  to  control  the  western  traffic  was  as 
well  known  to  the  Indians  as  to  the  Frenchmen,  and  in 
consequence,  the  former  demanded  a  substantial  payment 
before  giving  their  consent  to  iu  erection.     But  a  visit  by 
La  Salle  and  his  aides  to  the  head  village  of  the  tribe, 
situated  then  near  the  present  site  of  Rochester,  foUowed 
by  the  usual  grave  deliberations,  resulted  in  a  dubious  con- 
•e"^  The  •'uUding  of  the  post  was  begun,  and  in  a  re- 
markably short  space  of  time  the  unpretentious  structure 
was  completed.    As  La  Salle's  pbns  did  not  end  with  the 
erection  of  this  post  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  set  to  work 
on  a  small  vessel  which  might  be  used  in  navigating  the 
lakes   further  westward.     Late   in  January  the  keel  of 
the  little  craft  was  hid,  the  place  choaen  for  itt  construe- 
tion  being  immediately  above  the  faUs.    The  work,  con- 
sidenng  lu  difficulties,  proceeded  with  expedition,  and  by 
spring  the  vessel  was  ready  for  huinching.   Of  about  forty- 
five  tons  burden,  it  was  the  most  ambitious  craft  yet  built 
for  the  inland  trade,  and  iu  dimensions  filled  the  savages 
with  awe;   the  voyageurs  no  less  with  pwidonaUe  pride. 
Several  small  cannon  frowned  from  its  portholes,  while 
from  Its  prow  stood  out  a  carved  "Griffon,"  taken  from 
the  armor  i    he'riiq;*  of  Frontenac,  and  giving  suggestion 
of  the  v««,  5  ;  ,  ,a».     Before  the  launching.  La  &Se,  wkb 


OtMHotram,  beUcvtd  to  Imm«  beta  thM  of  Nieoiai  Pmot.     fHrn  tkt 
•r^imml  in  pttuukm  tftkt  WUtttuin  Huttri:mJ  Sacittf, 


f^i 


UMDiM  LOUIS  l^dTORIM 


n 


afewcoaipwiions  had  KtufiMd  to  Cktanqui  to  gpve  hk 
pefMoal  attention  to  tomt  impoRaot  aftin  thnc  and  to 
re^enith  hit  tuppUca.   But  bj  nkbummer  he  had  muraed, 
•nd  the  vojrafe  weatirvd  on  the  new  GrUm  «w  bcntn. 
As  if  angered  bjr  thia  intnirion  on  her  vii^  watctvLake 
Erie  toiaed  the  littk  ciaft  in  ominous  fiuhioB,  but  the 
stiaitt  wen  aaleljr  reached,  and  the  remainder  of  the  trip 
to  Mackinac  was  made  under  pleasant  skies.     Here  was 
already  established  the  most  westerij  Jesuit  mission— the 
old  post  of  Marquette — and  around  it  dusteicd  a  small 
Huron  village,  the  rendesvous  of  the  tm$nmn  d$  iwr  iriw 
opertted  on  the  countiy  tributary  to  the  upper  kkes.    At 
Mackinac,  all,  imJudii^  dM  Jesuits,  extended  to  La  Salle 
a  welcome  profuse  enm^  to  cloak  its  inrincerity.     The 
arrif^l  of  the  Qriffm  gave  an  impetus  to  trade  in  the  little 
hamlet:  neighboring  Indians  cane  in  hundreds  to  nse  on 
the  Mfioating  fort,"  and  to  baiter  their  peltiy  for  theoMi- 
modities  which         vessel  had  broaritt.    In  a  short  ttme 
she  was  heavUj  laden  with  fitrs,  and  prepmtions  for  the 
return  tnp  were  b^un.     La  Salle  world  have  accompanied 
the  valinbfe  cargo  to  Niagara,  but  he  had  stiU  piominett  in 
hM  mind  the  project  of  a  post  on  the  niiaois,  and  this  he 
did  not  deem  wise  u>  intrust  to  his  lieittenants.  Soheplaced 
the  Grmm  w  chaige  of  a  pilot,  and  remained  wkh  hia 
men  at  Mackinac  until  the  prepuattoas  for  the  trip  to  the 
lUinou  could  be  coo^leted.    toward  the  middle  of  Sep. 
tember,  with  many  auagivings,  he  watched  the  Grmm  set 
sul,and  a  fnr  days  hter,he  with  Hennepin  and  rdoMO 
others  set  off  southward  along  the  ^isooMin  shwe. 

By  the  eariy  days  of  November  he  had  ctidad  dM  so^l. 
em  shores  of  Lake  Mich%M  and  had  reached  the  moitth 
of  the  St.  Joseph.  Here  he  expected  to  find  De  Tonti, 
who,  with  some  followers,  was  to  have  come  down  Uam 
n  ^~**"^'**^  *•  *»*  pwcMded  fiom  MMdtinac. 
But  De  Tonti  had  not  arrived,  and  La  Salle  was  fcrcwl  to 
wait,  He  devoted  his  time  to  the  erection  of  a  amaa  post, 
to  which  he  gave  the  nam*  Fort  Miami.  After  i 


ft 


^  CdMdDd  MD  BUTISM  NORTH  JUUMKd 

wwlape  Tond  appeared,  and  the  jounwy  was  ratomed. 
nvweediiig  up  the  St.  Joeeph,  a  portage  waa  nade  acraea 
to  the  Kankakee,  a  tributanr  of  the  Illinoiti  descendiiw  this 
the  vojiageurs  reached  the  lUinoia  and  followed  that  ttieani 
to  a  point  where  Ptoria  now  stand*.    Tlua  was  the  she  of 
an  Indian  town,  and  La  Salle  determined  to  knd  here  and 
endeavor  to  <d>tain,  if  possible,  information  reprding  the 
nature  of  the  country  and  the  disposidon  of  the  natives 
fiuther  south.   A^  the  usual  (Mvliminaty  show  of  hostility, 
the  savages  gave  the  mwcomers  the  usual  feast  and  parley, 
in  the  course  of  which  every  attempt  was  made  to  persuade 
the  Frenchmen  that  to  jMocced  further  was  to  invite  certain 
destruction.    The  river  was  treacherous ,  it  abounded  with 
serpenU}  the  southern  tribes  were  ferocious;  thne  and  a 
dosen  other  dangers  were  presented  to  La  Salle  in  vivid 
•tyle,  but  taken  by  him  at  a  |»oper  discount.    Not  so  by 
some  of  his  foUowen,  however.  After  the  parley  die  French 
leader  took  his  usual  precaudon  of  posting  sentries,  and 
during  the  n^t  rix  <^  these  took  1^  to  die  forest,  in- 
lending  to  make  dieir  way  homeward.     Alarmed  at  dw 
In^an  recital  of  the  danoers  which  lay  bdrne  diem,  diese 
faint-hearted  explorers  had  determined  to  run  the  chances  of 
gettii^  b«:k  to  civilisttion  rather  than  to  push  on  to  the 
cotain  destruction  Att  La  Salle's  plans  seemed  to  cmi- 
tomplate.     Grettly  chi^rined  at  this  dispky  of  weakness. 
La  Salle  deckled  to  create  a  base  near  the  Indian  town,  and 
to  erect  a  vessel  for  the  navigation  of  the  waters  to  the 
south  of  it. 

When  the  Griffm  had  set  sail  fnm  Mackinac,  diMe 
in  chnge  bad  been  given  orders  to  return  widi  new  np- 
plies  from  Niagara  to  the  mouth  of  die  St.  Joseph  (Fort 
Miami).  Mondis  bad  passed  now,  and  as  yet  there  was 
no  ^  of  dw  returning  cnfk.  I^  Salle  htgm  to  fear  that 
^ek^  met  with  misfortune.  At  any  rate,  the  deby  was 
w^anaaaXK  since  die  was  to  have  brougjit  rigging,  saik,  and 
oA«r  eqoipmoit  for  the  new  diip.  But  the  undaunted  ex- 
to  proceed  widi  her  constructioa  wkhout 


UMDM  lOtm  miJTOUM 


99 


Aete.  Bst  w^k  the  work  pnoowhd,  dM  mcMioii  of  thi 
iion-«rrival  of  dw  Gb;^  bon  hnvOy  «■  Ut  niod,  and 

La  Sdk  decided  to  proceed  eutwud  to  leMBdMtnttlu  So 
heleft  DeTonti  in  chaiM oT bit  new  poM,FoR  Crtveceeur, 
where  the  veaeel  was  bemg  comtnicted  ud  aet  off.  Before 
hit  departure  he  instructed  Hennepin  to  do  fHiat  he  could 
in  the  way  of  exploring  the  tower  lilinoia  to  its  junction 
widi  die  MiMMippi.  ' 

It  waa  the  second  day  in  March,  when  La  SaUe,  widi 
four  Frenchmen  and  one  Mohegan  Indian,  act  fonh  on 
hia  toi^  trq>.  La  Salle'a  o^erience  had  not  only  taudtt 
hun  dw  haiddype  to  be  expected  on  such  a  trip,  but  hmr 
to  odure  then.  The  intrepid  vovageur  nught  hare  in. 
tnwed  Ae  errand  to  some  of  his  suboniinaiea^bitt  so  many 
of  his  supporters  had  piaved  him  folse  at  rarious  times  diat 
he  was  distrustfol  of  aU  except  Oe  Tond.  Proceeding 
to  Fort  Miami,  he  struck  across  what  ia  now  soudion 
Michigan,  m  die  diiccdon  of  Lake  Erie.  Widi  noddnc  but 

!^**S'^.f^  !  •"*^  W«  of  die  geogtapl«rof  d» 
lakes,  hia  akiU  u  focest  travelling  enabfedhim,  after  a  trip 
of  over  dme  hundred  adles,  to  emetfs  on  the  diores  of 
Detroit  River.  Pushing  across  die  neck  of  land  to  Lake 
Erie,  a  rou|^  canoe  wm  hasdljr  consttucttd,  and  f^tftirr 
Monday  found  dM  litde  pai^  tt  Rh^HS.  LaSaOe'scom- 
paniona  were  Utterly  exhanaied  and  unable  to  proceed  fordMT, 
but  not  so  dMir  leader.  He  halted  oafy  long  eaoM^  to  get 
fieA  companions,  and  dien  pwdMd  on  to  Qttaiaqul  ud 
down  dM  river  to  MomrsaL  From  dH  Illinois  to  dw 
Ottawa  Ae  trip  had  been  accoatpliriied  in  less  dmn  duee 
mondisi  »  fc*t  wnsiirpassed  in  dw  whole  aanala  of  Amer- 
ican exphmdon.  Intk^ppfantT-rMff,  thiitjaeieu,  with 
a  cast-4ron  ftame  and  a  wroi^ht-inui  wiB,  La  SaUe  had 

«Hfaired  sudi  hardshipe  and  exhibited  such  foidtade  and  en- 
durance  dutt  he  compelled  admirsdon  even  fiom  his  most 
bitter  eaemiea. 

A  stay  «»f  a  week  in  l^mtnal  proved  dmt  La  Salle 
ceuU,  m  aptte  of  hts  heavy  leaseatcomawid  dM  ceafideaee 


too         CdMADd  AMD  iUTUM  MOUTH  JUHMUCd 


i 


■' 


•ad  capical  of  hk  Incnds.     On  his  wav  he  hwi  found 
"•  ty  whrt»m  of  the  Grifmi  tlw  had  undoubtedly 
raundncd  on  hw  trip  down  Lain  Huraa.    But  new  sup- 
fVM  were  obtained  and  the  ratuni  jouraqr  to  Cataiaqi^ 
was  begun  without  delajr.    La  Salle  had  ahwid^  been  called 
upon  to  auAr  moio  mreiBee  than  would  bive  auflced  to 
enuh  out  tHe  enteipriae  of  the  ofdinaiy  explonr.    Natwc 
had  dealt  hint  a  Kunning  blow  when  the  turbulent  bke  en> 
gulM  his  vesseli  now  man  aeoned  to  have  taken  a  hand  in 
the  destruction  of  his  |dans.    For  on  anival  at  Cttanuiui, 
La  Salle  learned  horn  :vro  newly  arrived  western  traders 
that  soon  after  his  depertun  fiRwi  Crivecceur,  the  men 
whom  he  had  left  there  with  De  Tooti  had  deserted  almost 
to  a  man  after  havii^  fim  wroiq^  sad  havoc  with  the  sup- 
plies.    In  a  few  days  a  few  more  traders  arrived,  Mndiw 
the  additional  news  Aat  the  deserters  had  made  their  way 
to  Mackinac,  where  they  had  seised  some  Am  bdooging  to 
La  Salle.     Picking  up  some  recruits  Atn,  they  rcprnted, 
the  recreants  had  descended  to  Niapra  and  ^undetwl  the 
post  at  that  point.    Here,  according  to  the  report,  the  band 
tad  divided,  part  going  to  Albany,  where  th^  would  be 
beyond  the  reach  of  French  punitive  power}  iriule  the  r»- 
mainder,  s«ne  twelve  in  all,  planned  to  surprise  and  plunder 
CttarMjui.    These  reports  would  have  crushed  out  the  hut 
spark  of  hope  from  a  less  determined  man.     La  Salle  had 
mUy  a  few  men  at  Cataiaqui,  and  of  these  he  could  not  be 
absolutely  sure)  they  were  as  apt  to  prove  as  unreliable  as 
had  the  deserters.     Bik  without  hentatbn  he  decided  to 
ambush  the  mcomers,  and  for  dus  purpose  proceeded  a 
short  distance  from  Catara^  to  a  headhod,  which  canoes 
coming  to  the  post  from  the  west  had  to  round.   Herewith 
less  than  a  dozen  men  he  ky  in  wait.    In  a  few  days  the 
^undoers  came  in  ^ht,  their  canoes  were  btkn  with 
booty  and  itraggied  alm^  at  interval*  to  great  as  to  pre- 
clude united  resistance  by  the  traiton.    Each  canoe  was 
hak^intum.    The  occupants  of  one  took  to  the  shore 
and  showed  %ht,  but  they  were  soon  overcome,  thou^  not 


> 


"    ;1 


}'. 


1^ 


Ktibett  Cavrlier,  Sirar  de  La  Salk      <v.- 


bdhw moof thcif mmkut wmt abpt jwra.  T^iwhIb- 
dw  of  tkt  dnntm  wtra  takta  to  GMMaqui  and  ifam  mm 
*"  iS?^"*^  *^  *~"  •*  •«  <'»«wi  «•  Mootiwl  fcr  tiSd. 
Haviag  drat  itwiMiwd  of  dM  ddmt,  U  8ilk*«  dMwilMs 
turMdatoiiMtohMftitiifiUDeToMi.  Left  in  ton  min 

TJrJ*".?,  •"pN*"  **«*  «*»•  fi«itim  took  with 
AemJ^rebef  miM  bt  titt  fint  object  of  La  8ali«*a  fiiftlMr 
opcfMioM.  ItWMferthisicaMntlMtLaSdktooksaew 
route,  hndtai  oo  tlM  aoitii  diofe  of  Ldtt  Ontirio  new 
wbera  Toronto  BOW  ttande,  and  atrikiBg  acfOM  to  Gconian 

'^'ff  8J»e  paaeed  the  denwliahed  pM  at  Miami  and 
reached  the  Me  of  Crtvocoeiv.  Here  a  aeene  of  doMhtion 
net  M  ejrei.  Not  alone  waa  dM  poet  in  niina,  but  so  waa 
thene^iboftoji  Indian  town.  No  lonner  able  to  wreak 
Kioctoea  on  the  French  aettlenMntt  in  ne  eaat  ao  knc  aa 
Frontenac  directed  afiin,  the  wairion  of  the  Fi»e  N^Sma 

Iwl  iought  and  fcond  ftaah  fieWt  for  devaitadoB  waatwaid, 
dieeindenceofdwtraBCGerewaaiuideniahle.    ToLaSaUe 


feU  die  gnieaoBie  taak  of  aeavching  among  die  modlaied 
corpaea  for  what  might  be  die  rernawa  of  Oe  ToBd.  But 
BO  auch  fiBd  nMikedi  d»  preaeoce  Bearbr  of  dx  aoata 
whereon  the  mvagea  had  aketched  die  %iii«s  of  mea  wMb 
th«r  eyea  bandaged  aeemed  to  import,  however,  diat  Da 
1  onti  aod  hia  remawuig  coa^aBioBa  had  beoB  canied  iBto 
captiviqr. 

Aa  it  aaoBied  not  improbable  Aat  aoBM  of  the  lUiBoia 
Indiana  might  have  eacaped  dM  geneal  maaaacre,  it  waa 
•ecided  to  puah  ob  down  the  tiver  to  find  theae  if  poaatble 
So.  die  Illiaoit  waa  deacendod  to  ita  joactioB  with  dw  Mial 
nanpfM.  The  diorea  were  dotted  wkh  die  half-bonicd 
renwrna  of  victim*,  but  not  a  ttace  of  a  Itviw  bdng  could 
be  found.  At  die  meedt^ «rf the riveia, La&Ule  iSwcd  a 
tt«e,huBg  up  a  letter  for  De  Toad,  oBd  begaa  to  letnco 
kt  st^  to  Lake  MichigaB.  Here  he  d^iLed  to  icw 
****'..  V  ^^^^  "^  *<*  •P*^  **  winter,  havina  given 
up  aU  hope  of  aajr  apeadj  meedBg  widi  De  Toad  and  hia 


loa      CM40S  MD  Bunm  mouth  joaucd 


v  ■- 


wt^ 


Muck  plHMUNw  woay  k  kMt  bMa  for  Mm  10  iMV* 
kaowB  tlM  M»  tniMj  Unmmm  WM  aU  ty>  tiat  nfc  Mi 
■oMd  wiik  MOM  Mmihr  laJiMt  m  Qnm  Bay.    Whm 
^  IfMiiob  had  arpmdMd  dM  OiiMte  eo«^ 
b^  oAftd  kM  mnkm  m  niittiici.    Witk  dMiKiHtek 


«limnrd  for  kii  oiTB  mA^,  ht  kad  fBM  fefdl  10  Mtt  dM 
iavad«»,badwuMdtlMidlM  t^io  IffiMb  ««•  dM  ckiMrai 


of  tho  Fftoeh,  and  dM  to  atMck  Ami  would  bt  to  briof 
down  dM  wImIo  faco  of  Fmek  powtr  opM  dM  Fb*  N^! 

tiOM.      But  k  ra^pdnd  SMra  COfHU  M|MMM  dMR  dMM 

to  turn  tkt  intfrion  firoai  dMir  pwpowt  mh  Dt  Toad  u^ 

hk  mM  irm  ofdaiwl  odF  tMMwd,  wkilt  dtt  Ifoqiwii  pro. 
coodad  to  tht  Imbt.    Tke  FMadHMB  wm  dk 
to  obcjr:  fead  t^«  Fiva  ItaioM  Mt  laanwd  hi 
tliafiMC«orFi«!udipiiakhrapoivcr,hkattea^  __ 

would  have  coat  kkB  hk  life.  Evta  at  k  was,  dte  riak 
imt,  and  dw  cfadk  im  Dt  Toad  be  Om  abordvo  bat 
cMi|«ie  attanpt  to  waid  off  tka  fiuy  of  dtt  IioqMk  Ami 
hk  waaMa  flfiandi  k  by  ao  waam  kw^BJicat.  ftrrawhw 
tbc  akodea,  dM  Fianckmaii  iv-A  enndaufi  to  the  liirel 
wkaace,%  feOowkM  dM  dwa, dwy  t  »ekad  aadlbw: 
•hmer  w^  aaaM  Wmtify  Polawatt^^  >a!  ktamriiiJ!^. 
Haaaapia  bad  baM  lunrki|  Ua  axfai^"?;  w^v:.  bdkiu. 
Staidag  dowa  tka  DKaok  ateat  dM  dai  '.« /t  Ln  h  Ja  kad 
aet  of  to  kara  dM  Ata  of  tha  Gr^hit  he  n«J  m' aad  dM 
Mkakaippi  aad  befM  ka  aaoaat.  Hk  pax./ W.  aot  aoae 
br,  bowevar,  b^MO  dMy  Ui  'm  wtdi  a  paitf  ot  Sioas  war- 
no«  beadiag  for  dM  upper  DifaMk  oa  OM  of  tkek  aaual 
wn^  But  Haaaqaa  ptnuadad  dMai  diat  dM  flBarde  Ib> 
dtaaa  had  left  dMk  oU  hooM^  aad  dw  war  party  turned 
hoBMward,tafctag  the  FrencbaMfl  along  widitfarro!  fa  the 
villafM  of  dM  Swux,  a  .«d  in  what  k  aow  d,  ooidMra 
port  of  MiaaeMita,  dM  Ficach  apaat  dM  whole  irtmar,  bat 
during  dM  foUowiag  apriag  Mcancpia  aad  hk  fblbwen 
■aaagad  to  intercept  a  paitj  of  Mamrr  ^  im  under  Du 
um.  Jomi^  theae,  thejr  aude  dMtr  wi^  to  MtrMnaf 
Thk  pracdcalfy  ended  Hean^'a  o^kntioaiyfer  a^  fti 


mrouimmmfjmuB 


to  MomimIi  mi4 


los 


fbr  Fmet.    BiiiiUji  tlbr  Mi  mAni  kt  Jht^  Iw  piiUUMl 
hit  Hitttr^iim  dt  It  ~    ' ' 


TWi 
ht  wu 

WflHIlW  of 


m 


•fhii 


res 


MMMltMMtf  jMiwrMr  (iMji 

■  Mav  ■■■■■  the  IImuu  ^m. 


B.     Boi 


upon  BH  0WB  COMni|i| 
)  lO  hMV  SMM  S  wtKUUj  M 

At  wy  fMSf  wc  M60IMI  aw 


gma. 


liidi  nt  ImvmAv 

m  lM«WlllfM7.l 


faidw 


la  ^it  iVfaNMJIir  XMmm> 


J^w^^  ^^HW  fli^Hv   •■  < 


1697)1 1*  ei'faM'  dM,  Mm  kit 


fawirittaMiiou, 


trip 
lotlw 


dw  IfiHiMippi  ID 


As  BifaMrfk^x^ll  ^^^ 


«r»iiMit 

•ai  lami 


«y 


!••» 


fidlwril 
Hb 


iiMAwk«r 


dM  (Mtr  of  tk  FiMcto    w  ^mm  of  dw 

bt  OMt  Witk  te  kiMMT." 

Owtaf  dtt  wamrof  i6lo.iMi,  U  Mk  1— ■iwri  at 

tpriaa  to  GManaid*  AshopMiMtiicidaMS  koaawMMi- 
fied  10  iai  Do  1^  wko  iiadjatt  aado  U»  «^  dSn^ 
Rtvono  after  nvano  kai  ia  ae  wiit  dditd  dM  aidar  of 
bo^aad  Imt  ari^MaaaMr  ditjr  wcm  iiiia  fai  MaacnMi  oi^ 
y  niaiag  a  ctmIi  ai^powdoa  awmpud.  Aaiwaa  wiaM  dktai 
oaco  ifMB  OB  dM  wqr  to  dw  nhiois.  TUidaMLaMb 
'  dM  ktea  of  baJMing  a  Tiwri,  aadi  iiHnwiatit  w» 
>  ^  ms  poHtUo  to  aaviMM.   Cvivooonar 


In 


kf 


104         CJMJDJ  JUtD  MMtTUH  MOUTH  JMMRKJl 

^J^^  ^'^^  *"*^*''^  ■«•  *»«  l««7.  numbtrin. 
■wly  fifty,  mowd  on  down  the  lUinott.    ItwMFehrwwJI 

W««wMb«|«n.  At  they  pnicMdod  >p«|i  tlw  wt^Om 
pew  wamer  and  the  vajrafeitn  fieir  cnthMJMtic  over  the 
gr"^Tf?'«^*^^?r«»«i"«»«»8thebeBitt.  Thelndkui. 
■cemed  fnendly,  end  tt  the  OKNtth  of  the  Aikuttu  La  Sdk 
thou^it  tefe  to  hnd  «nong  them  «id  to  fcnwdly  SS 
JW«on  of  the  coumiy  in  the  name  of  hit  aomeicn. 

Tl«f  •««  ignoiaw  of  the  imiKKt  of  the  ceremony,  n^ 
on  m  admiiation  aa  with  cheen  and  hauaa  the  ttmSZ 
of  Ae  Bo«riK«t  ^  unfiiried  to  the  ^phyn^^ST^S 

J^B  di«coum  the  i«ty  WKhed  the  ti^t  whew,  Bwdni 
"^  «.  three  channdt,  the  gre«  ri-rWhSf^TS 
•«.    Again  the  ceremony  of  poaaetaion  wat  perfenned. 

2^^±/'*^v'^  «d  with  diout.  of  «bin?S; 

peity  beatowed  on  the  new  cott«iy  the  name  LowaMftL  in 

™  A  ^°^  *^  •*■***««'»  ^'^A^  claim  to 
•n«»Amen«n  onpire.  For  the  pretent  thii  wat  enough. 

had  proceeded  tome  diatance  before  their  icader'a  hidi«^ 
aneonaumiik  A.^. u-*__        "■■^*  ""tlieito 


onconquenble  frame 


five  way  before  a  aevem  aamnk  of 


^"r»r£isL':t  JSr^r^ 


whole 


•Wi^nce  of  htt  iacomiet.  and  he  now  conrincwl  him- 
^Jf  peltry  of  ,h,  ^e^  y,^  o-gSTbe^ 

WBwFrence,  theretofore.    A  ttiong  pott  on  the  lES 


Mdqtnrteri  t  an  all-^rater  niMe  being  thence 

Ma.    fV  T«..;  —J ^^  "TOW 


.jraihbletothetea.  De  Tonti  and  «we  compSJi 
««•»»,  deapetched  to  begin  the  section  of  dua  m 
tailed  iMtnietiaB>  MMv^t^ru.  .1^  L-! ,       »»  im 


I  were, 
Pott,de- 


iM  Identified  the  aite  of  the  pott  wfech  waa  gi*«i  the 


UHDBR  LOmt  HPITOUM 


lOJ 


maw  of  Fort  St.  Lows,  m  having  bMn  dtrectljr  oi^ente 
the|MCKiitviUa|eofUtica,IUnoit.  It  was  complettd  and 
ready  for  occupancjr  in  the  spring  of  1683. 

During  all  hi*  variMi  experiences  of  the  past  iMlMocen 
years,  La  Salle  had  cnjojred  the  wannest  support  of  Gov- 
cmw  Frantenac.  Frantenac's  successor  was  Le  Fd>vre  de 
la  Barre,  «^  w^  the  new  iMen^uit,  De  Meuks,  readied 
(^cbec  in  August,  i68a.  La  Banc  was  an  old  naval 
officw  «^  had  proved  himself  as  capable  in  that  capacity 
as  he  was  afterward  to  prove  himself  manifestly  unfit  fw 
tbe  duties  of  a  colonial  administnttor.  He  possessed  none 
of  the  pride  and  arbitrary  passions  of  his  predecessor  in 
office,  but  he  lacked  that  personal  energy  whidi  not  even 
Frontenac's  most  pronounced  enemies  denied  to  be  his  chief 
attribute.  Weak  in  decision,  avaricious  and  as  unscrupu- 
lous as  he  dated  to  be.  La  Bane  can  lay  valid  claim  to  a 
hi^  place  among  the  list  of  incapiOiles  who  too  often  held 
in  their  hands  die  interests  of  France  in  the  western  hemis- 
phere. La  Barre  landed  under  ominous  auspices.  A  few 
days  before  his  arrival  a  disastram  fire  had  convened  the 
thriving  town  of  Quebec  into  a  few  acres  of  ckurted  mini. 
Still  the  jubifauit  Jesuiu  allowed  this  in  no  way  «>  mar  the 
warmdi  of  their  welcome.  The  recall  of  Fiontenac  had 
been  the  joint  and  several  work  of  two  foctimis  I  ^Jesuks, 
whose  httred  of  him  knew  no  bounds,  and  a  cUqne  of 
Quebec  and  Montreal  traders  y/rho  Utteriy  opposed  the  gov- 
ernor's s^emes  of  western  exploitation  as  likely  to  diven 
trade  ftom  die  St.  Lawrence  route.  Both  these  fiwtions 
made  haste  to  gain  the  cars  of  die  new  officok  and  with 
apparent  success.  The  qutmdam  eneoaies  of  Frontenac 
basked  in  ^  sunshine  of  vice-regal  fevor;  his  friends, 
ansong  whom  La  Salle  was  perhaps  die  most  prominent, 
were  cons^pied,  for  the  time  being  at  any  rate,  to  the  coU 
shades  of  official  disfiivor.  La  Safie's  post  at  Cattnqui,r- 
Bow  called  Fon  Fnmttnac— had  loi^  been  a  diora  in  die 
iesh  of  these  new  favorites  and  they  hastened  to  con- 
vince La  Bam  dttt  so  iasportaM  a  post  should  no  longer 


tl 


'n 


V 


♦5 


106         CJNJDJ  JMD  BUTttH  MOUTH  JMiMICJ 

be  left  in  private  hands.  In  conaequence,  the  governor  was 
prevaiJed  upon  to  declare  that  since  La  Salle  had  not  fiil- 
lilled  the  conditions  upon  which  the  post  had  been  gnmted 
to  hun,  the  concession  was  now  void.  Two  officers  from 
Montreal  were  sent  to  the  fort  with  oiders  to  seise  it  and 
all  that  it  contained. 

When  La  Salle,  at  Mackinac,  first  kamml  of  La  Barn's 
■mval  he  had  no  reason  to  think  diat  the  dnjwe  of  nv- 
enws  would  so  completelj  thwart  his  fdansTSo  he  had 
written  frankly  to  La  Bane,  unfolding  his  (dans  and  asking 
for  suppmt  and  assistance  in  their  consumoution.  But  his 
letter  remained  unanswtred,  and  the  news  of  die  scisure 
was  hu  first  intimadmi  that  he  must  now  count  upon  offi- 
cial opposition  rather  than  support.  There  was  nodung  to 
do  but  to  return  to  Frtnce,  there  to  lay  the  whole  uaer 
before  the  authoritks  in  the  confidence  that  his  Mat  ser- 
vices, as  well  as  the  inherent  value  of  his  phms  we^  secure 
him  justice.  On  his  way  down  to  Quebec  he  met  another 
official  en  route  for  the  lUinois  with  U  Bane's  oiden  to 
seise  the  post  there  as  well. 

On  his  arrival  in  France  the  iaciepid  explorer  was  endMK 
•iMticaUy  received  by  the  idnm  and  court.     Rr-al  fiivors 

were  gener«>uslv  heaped  upon  hms  in  recognitten  of  his  gicat 
•ervices  to  the  kingdom.  Befeie  long  he  cmm  forward  wiA 
a  pr'niosal  to  conduct  an  expedition  to  dtt  moudi  of  Om 
Mi...«sippi  by  sea,  and  for  this  propose  vessels  and  equip, 
ment  were  prompdy  forthcoming.  But  U  Sails,  on  arriv- 
ing in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  miscalculated  the  location  of 
the  nver  and  sailed  past  its  mouth.  An  endeavor  was  made 
*"I^  overland  through  the  wtlderaess,  but  in  the  pathless 
^'^  S.I  "*2l  •««»?»  *»^  rivers,  progiess  was  well-nigh 
impossible.  The  great  explorer  was  a  stem  disciplinariM, 
«d  his  seventy,  joined  with  the  haidships  of  the  aaich, 
drove  his  followers  to  mutiny.  At  a  lonely  spot  in  die  wil- 
*™*^^^**  "tolcontents  tnitorously  assassinated  his 
wsdcr,  whenN^poB  the  whde  pany  betook  diemselves  back 
to  civUnttion  as  best  diey  could.     The  majority  mankged 


UMDMM  LOUtt  ^JTORU 


107 


to  Mcmd  dM  MiMiMipiM  and  to  mch  CalMA^  where  tlwy 
conccakd  dwir  craw  until  a  c«Mifeanoa  wu  extorted. 

The  d^utuic  of  FraotemK  had  been  followed  quickly 
bjrarecnideamiceof  InM|uoieacttvh]r.  Succcnful  in  their 
weaiem  laida,  dw  confedeiicy  resumed  he  hoitilkies  toward 
^eattice  of  the  French  in  die  cast.  The  Scnecaa,  whoee 
nrritory  ftomed  Fort  Frantenac,  showed  themselves  p«r- 
ticulariy  anrsasiTe,  and  La  Barre  decided  dut  they  wouM 
have  10  be  sowitf 7  chasdsed.  Their  mwti^  unAu^ 
itself  in  dw  open  plundering  of  the  French  tn^ 
iriiich  La  Barre  had  hew  saiding  up  to  the  western 
For  this  dM  governor  was  hamadf 
pardjr  to  bbuM,  for  hia  ftiands  had  givan  dw  Seneeas  to 
undeniaad  dM  dMjr  wew  at  Ubertjr  to  phtndar  craft  belong, 
iag  to  U  Salle,  and  dw  savagea  had  not  dMMght  it 

-"" *»carBfoldi8dacdons.    As  aU  Fraaehmei 

to  dwaa,  dMjr  plundsrud  wiAeui 
LaBarre's  |iri|wiiaiiBiii  procMded  widi  an 
Sipiif  «4ridi  l^addaaad  hk  own  blusMrii^  friends, 
whae  ktters  were  deafMtehad  to  ^  hang  Mkti^  q>probation 
of  the  projaet.  Tla  mmmtgt  mmmandiil  warmly  dw 
policy  o{  iwalliag  «i  iM^uois  to  saspoct  dw  Fnmeh  arm, 
and  aatt  alaiig  a  fow  hundred  rsldlew  to  help  dw 
ad^  am  as  many  prisaneii  as  possible  m%ht  be 
hoaM  to  Franet  to  man  dw  m^  pikT*.    B«t  La 

was  note  amawhoae  actions  iwad  Ma  waaia.    Evan 

hiM  were  not  long  in  hNMmag  to  tistrust  his  stncati» 
»AMht  hisahtlity,fordM3rhad|powa  used  to  man 
flUlktt  MC  thftf  ahaa  w^^^w  ^^m  ■■■■iTim  '1— »  ^^mm. 

.  De  Meuln,  dw  new  miendaM,  ^wwii  worfciM 
in  hanaoi^  widi  La  Barw,  ^isasMd  dw  laMW^s  sineafi^ 
of  purpose,  and  wrote  to  the  winisrsr  dwt  dwie  woidd  be 
nowartfLaBwiaMdiiaaidit.  ««The  aaw  gavanmr," 
he  wrote,  **  wii  w  ai  for  as  Fort  Fronteaac,  awll  up  soma 
son  or|iac«,aia  mafca  fools  of  all  cepeanwdT' 

Itdif  nattakslaqgioshowdwe£»eMeules  wwr^K, 
Widi  nuttk  haaahMll  dkiw  the  ■oMmor  inmtnriimfhti 


and  to 

whoc 

tatiott 


'h 


I 


W  '■  J 


I08         CANADA  AND  BUTISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

force  at  Fort  Frontentc,  but  when  the  time  came  for  a  move 
acroH  the  lake  he  bmn  to  queation  whether  he  had  not 
better  make  a  final  eflbrt  to  secure  peace.     So  he  arranged 
that  a  conference  should  be  held  with  the  Senecaa,  and  for 
thia  purpoae  croned  the  hke  with  a  small  force.  The  low, 
manhy  site  of  Fort  Frontenac,  in  the  meantime,  spread 
malaria  among  his  forces  there.    Had  La  Barre  been  a  man 
of  experience  in  Indian  dealings  he  would  have  known  that 
his  concession  in  going  to  the  Indian  territories  to  conduct 
the  negotiations  would  unquestionably  be  icprded  as  a  sign 
of  weakness.    The  conference  was  held  on  the  south  shoic 
at  a  place  called  La  Famine,  for  the  supplies  of  the  French 
ran  out,  and  during  the  course  of  the  negotiations  the  em- 
bawy  had  to  live  on  scant  rations.     The  Senecas  phinly 
told  La  Bane  that  he  could  have  war  or  peace  as  he  chose; 
that  the  Iroquois  neither  wished  nor  feared  war.     But  they 
would  neither  make  reparation  for  their  past  acts  in  pil- 
laging French  canoes  nor  promise  to  refrain  in  future  from 
making  war  on  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French.     As  was 
expected.  La  Barre  accepted  the  alternative  of  peace,  though 
with  much  show  of  reluctance.    Assurances  were  given  by 
the  French  t!yit  the  Senecas  would  not  be  attacked,  and, 
furthermore,  it  was  agreed  that  henceforth  political  confer- 
ences should  be  held  at  La  Famine  and  not,  as  heretofore, 
at  Fort  Frontenac.     From  the  savage  standpoint  this  was 
an  advantage  of  no  small  importance.    Such  was  the  inglo- 
rious peace  of  La  Famine  concluded  on  the  last  day  of 
August;  on  the  f<dlowing  morning  La  Barre  and  his  escort 
«t  off  back  to  Cataiaqui.     When  the  expedition  had  been 
first  planned,  word  had  been  sent  to  the  tmnmrs  Je  ku  in 
the  west,  among  whom  were  Du  Lhut  and  La  Durantaye, 
ttking  them  to  rally  the  French  traders  and  to  descend  to 
Fort  Frontenac  in  time  to  cooperate  with  La  Barre.    This 
ord«-  was  very  enei]getically  obeyed,  and  a  force  of  over  a 
hundred  traders,  together  with  sevml  hundred  western  In- 
diana, had  reached  Niagara  en  roMe  when  a  message  from 
La  Barre  intercepted  them  with  news  of  his  unwelcome 


R  E  C  U  E  r  L 

D ARRESTS 

Et  aittra  piccapoar 

L'ETABLISSEMENT 

D  E    L  A 

C  O  M  P  A  G  N  IE 

l>*OCCIDENT.      # 

tebtion  de  laBaiede  HT7D90N. 


^    L£8  NAViGATIONS 

•0  ^Kmif  t  q|u  pone  foo  nom. 


A  AMSTIRDAM, 


Ttele-page  rf  aa  carijr  work  rdating  to  Hmbon  ky.     f>«M  tAt 
•rigimmt  in  lit  HruMrJ  Mtmtrial  Uirmry,  Nrw  Oritmmt. 


i 


mat 


immu  looa  ^iMToui 


lOf 


I 


no         CMMAf  JMD  BUTUH  MOUTH  JMMUCd 

colony  WM  expoMd.  •»  Notlung  but  a  miracle,"  he  dcclarad, 
**can  nve  it."  Thi  dangen  were  increiMag  wm  tnie,  c*. 
ptm^jr  H  the  Englnh  wen  now  urging  tiic  Iioquoia  to 
oppoM  French  iggreMion.    As  prominent  in  the  nutto'  u 

^^^  ^.  •*  "H^  '^ll*^"  '^'"■^  o^  New  Yort»  who, 
•Wwii^  hmwdf  an  Irish  Roman  Cfttholic,  opposed  die 
profwtt  or  Romuiiat  New  France  with  unntpectad  vigor. 
OneofDeDeaooriUe's  firat  oficial  acts  was  to  open  up  a 
conespondence  with  the  Uunt  Irishman,  assuring  him  of  hM 
desire  to  be  on  amicable  terms  with  the  English  authorities, 
and  asking  for  coSperation  in  discouraging  Indian  raids  upon 
colonial  settlements.  To  the  correspondence  the  New  York 
gov««or  leplied  with  studied  courtesy,  yet  with  firmness, 
that  thelraquoM  were  masten  of  their  own  aAin,  and  that 
he  would  neither  abet  nor  discourage  them  in  their  desinis 
■pinst  the  French.    To  Oe  Denonville's  complaint  that 
tte  English  were  Aimishing  liquor  to  the  Indians,  and  that 
'tV*'*  ***"  ^  missionaries  and  traden  were  endan- 
gered,  Dongan  answered  inmicaily  that  ^EngiMi  rum  doth 
as  little  hurt  as  French  bnutdy.aiHi  in  the  opinion  of  Chris- 
tians IS  much  more  wholesome."    And  so  the  diplomatic 
dud  went  on,  while  Ooi^u  redoubled  his  intrigues  for  the 
extension  of  Endish  inlumce  westward.    So  persistem  and 
successful  were  his  eflbrts  in  this  direaioa,  that  Louis  XIV. 
was  utgsd  by  De  Denonville  to  protest  to  James  II.  against 
the  govmor's  conduct.    Thoee  who  know  the  rdarions 
existi^  between  the  two  monarchs  at  this  time  will  readily 
understand  why  such  a  pretest  was  made  and  had  iu  eftct, 
Dongan  being  forthwith  advised  by  his  tojal  master  to  be 
KM^gressive.    Not  only  so,  but  the  two  monarchs  meed 
toAeappointment  of  a  commission  to  deUmit  the  respective 
•phcRs  of  inluence  of  the  rival  claimants  j  in  the  meantime, 
nwther  party  was  to  encroach  on  the  claims  of  the  other.  Asit 
Mterward  turned  out,  the  French  had  no  intention  of  icspect> 
uwthn  agreement)  it  was  merely  a  ruse  to  stay  the  hands  of 
Dongan  until  preparations  for  the  complete  estabUshment 
of  French  power  aimi^  the  Iroquois  could  be  completed. 


uNon  Louu  nyjirouM 


III 


in 
One* 


It  WM  not  leaf  btfera  dMM  prtMradoM 
dw  dtspatdi  of  a  kift  fore*  to  Fott  Fraa 
■fun  tlM  MMwrr  ifr  Mt  and  dMv  nvaft  alfin  wtri 
moned  fifom  dM  wMt,  and  ipia  wipondaj,  amoM  dMk 
number  bring  WMonad  vmmbm  of  dM  wiUmMN  Hkt  La 
Forft,  D«  Toad,  Donmajrc,  Du  LiMit,  and  Parrot,  avw) 
me  of  dwm  woitli  a  whok  companf  of  rcguiar  troops  wiMn 
k  came  to  figltting  tha  Iroquois  in  their  own  hoaass.  Aoross 
the  hike  fton  Fort  Frontcnac  a  fuicral  rendesvous  was  hai^ 
and  here,  bjr  the  aiddk  of  July,  16S7,  Dc  Deaonville  ft>und 
himself  in  conunand  of  a  soaaewhat  bstaro|eacous  wmj  of 
nearijr  direc  dMNisand  men,  whkc  and  red.  The  new  gov- 
ernor had  none  of  hit  predccesj  V«  Muster  1  his  preparations 
had  been  carried  out  in  a  way  not  at  all  unworthv  of  a 
Frontenac.  Unlike  the  GreM  Ononthio,  however,  he  was 
prone  to  doception  an^  '.«d  :  1  'h  in  aU  his  dealings  w^  the 
savi^es,  although  h«  v.^^  v  .  hy  Mtorc  diAonsst.  WhUe 
at  Fort  Frontenac,  he  h«i  .c4c«d  and  detained  as  many  of 
die  neighboring  Indians  as  he  could  collect,  under  pmencc 
of  a  feMt,  dus  measiuv  being  desired  to  prevent  news  of 
his  appraadi  ftom  being  communicated  to  the  Sonecas.  As 
such  it  fiulod  uttnljr  duoiM^  the  esoqw  9S  one  of  dM  pris- 
oners. In  accordance  wiu  tbrir  uhmI  tactics,  the  Senecas 
despatdMd  their  women  and  children  to  ^acos  of  safcqr, 
stored  thrir  supplies  in  MniM,  burned  ^eir  chief  town,  and 
prepared  to  stand  or  retire  as  occasion  demanded.  From  his 
readeavous  on  the  Uke,  De  Denonville  began  his  march, 
De  ToMi,  Du  Lhut,  and  Durantaye,  wkh  dwir  bands  of 
seasoned  nuigert,  leading  the  way.  The  distance  to  the 
Seneca  villages,  some  twenty-two  miles,  was  covered  wMh- 
out  incident,  birt  upon  arrival  the  French  found  no  trace 
of  occupants.  This,  however,  was  only  an  Iroquois  trkk, 
for  hard  by  in  ambush  lay  several  hundred  warriors.  A  fierce 
fire  greeted  the  vanguard  of  the  French  and  nMmmtarily 
threw  it  mto  confusMm.  But  the  mstn  bo^  soon  arrived 
on  the  scene,  and  the  kavages  made  <»fi;  Tht  Seaeow  had 
burned  thdr  chief  villages,  but  toe  i'rench  a|^ed  die  twch 


its        CJUI4M  MtD  UUTtm  mHtTH  JOtMUCM 


MMvtnlMnll 


AMMt  0(  (RMI 


viilifN Mill mmHm.    TlM«Miw«r 

— ^  '   iiiijii.irliili  iwiiiiwM  WW 

it  of  gNMi  com  10  iMek  k  dMNk    . 


dmofli  tlM  id^  of  INMi  comio  kMk  k  doirik  Albr 
mora  tbui  •  iMtk  kMl^Mi  ipntt  ia  dMMO^hlf  coMlMiag 
ik«  work  oT  ^MinKtkw,  Dt  OnMavUk  m4  hit  omuo- 
ttmnd  to  Fort  FnMttMK.  Lowriag  put  of  Mi  fiNW  ihm, 
tko  tovtmor  iraai  wowwiJ  wkk  tiw  iiwiiiiiii,  mmI  at 
Nii|Mi  cnctod  a  MhMwMid  fort  out  of  Lo  Adk**  oM  poM. 
Tho  oMTwrr  A  Mr  coMimiocI  oa  thitr  way  to  MackiMet 
tht  fomaor  piMod  tht  mw  foR  in  chufi  oT  a  fuiiaett, 
aaddaaetiiM dM laka and  rivor to  MomraaL 

lybra, 
•uwi^of 


Tht  tapa^tioa  had  ban  bf  oo  BMaM  a  ( 
for  tht  Saaacaa  had  baaa  taafht  tho  lai^ 
tht  Franeh  ana.    N^htr  had  k  btta  a  o 


for,  at  h  bttr  tumad  out,  Dt  DtooaviHi  had  tttnod  up  dM 
Mtt  without  dettrajring  tht  waspt.  For  not  aoio  dMM  a 
ONi^  of  months  had  dapatd  btforc  tht  Statcaa  and  dMir 
confodtiMot  wwt  wnaking  vnnanct  in  tht  »tfjr  taviioaa 
of  Montnal  kaclf. 

During  tht  count  of  Ua  optratiom,  moreover,  Dt  Dt- 
nooviJlt  had  capturtd  aomt  Aftanjr  tiadtn  who  wtic  traf- 
ficking on  tht  hkt^  and  thia  brought  down  upon  him  tht 
wrtthofDoMn.  Tht  comsapoadenct  bttwtta  r)t  Dt- 
nonvilit  and  Domui  now  bteamt  amit  acrid,  and  dw 
Engliah  rapp«t  of  dM  Iroquoia  awia  opta.  Doepa  do* 
Bunded  dw  dtatoBdon  of  dw  ntw  fon  u  NiMua  and  tht 
Ifoquoit  MppoRwi  diia  dtmand.  Bodi  wert  Imb  titctual 
dian  fcurvy  and  ahortagt  of  provi«onai  k  was  radur  dwaa 
dian  tht  picMura  ftom  dM  Ei^iiiih  and  Indiana  which  cauatd 
the  abandonment  of  dM  poet  in  tht  IbUowmg  vtar  (i6St). 
So  bold  had  dM  mvage  ban^  of  Iroqaeis  now  bacoBM  that 
no  aetdeoMnt  in  the  cohmy  was  abaolMify  aale  ftom  tttack. 
De  DenonviUe  would  williiwtjr  havt  negotiaied  a  ptact 
wkh  dM  tribeamen,  but  dMar  had  not  forgotten  hit  tieach- 
craut  kidnapping  of  mmh  of  their  number  at  Fort  Frontenac. 
The  WORK  was  jret  to  coaw.  Earijr  in  Ai^pist,  1689,  ^ 
Five  Nadoiu  mustaied  theiriHmIt  avayaUt  strengdi  for  an 


nniCTocofr  mouinoN  tbt  oMn 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  3) 


■^1 

US 

Itt  I 

Itt      I 

HI      I 

■a     I 

u 

MUM 


IM 


112 


116 


■  2.2 


1.8 


11.25  iu 


^ 


/iPPLIED  tfvHGE    I 

1653  Eoit  Hoin  Strm 

RochMtv.  Nm  rorK       I4C0>      USA 

(7ie)  «U  -  0300  -  Phon* 

(716)  288  -  5989  -  Fm 


li 


< 

Ift 

O 
•^ 

>  >a 

•< 

u 

•m 
K 
O 
H 
•» 


4 
u 


i 


5 

s 

SB  • : 


o 


u 


H 
X 
H 


h 
CO 

I 


"?  2 


s  j 
Ei 


:  s  ^ 

:  iJi 


>•  ••  u 


i 
Si 

11 

il     I* 


».«. 


11 


II 


-J? 

S^4 


ill 

HP"  lis 


III 


i 


511 

T 


a  M 


Ij  15 


'Wit 


i 


1 
t 
s 

r 


IJ 


o  ^ 

2  I 

'2  s: 
1^ 

JS 
.9 

M 


.s 

f 


15 


i 


UNDER  LOUIS  H^/JTORZE 


««3 


attack  on  the  environs  of  Montreal.     Under  cover  of  a 
violent  hailstorm  the  settlement  at  La  Chine,  about  six  miles 
from  Montreal,  was  assaulted  and  burned,  practically  all 
the  inhabitants  to  the  number  of  about  three  hundred  being 
either  tomahawked  on   the   spot  or  carried  oflF  captive. 
Many  of  these  latter  were  put  to  death  with  the  customary 
savage  barbarities  almost  within  sight  of  Montreal  itself. 
The  details  as  reported  by  Frontenac  after  his  return  to  the 
colony  are  perhaps  the  most  revolting  in  the  whole  wretched 
annals  of  Indian  atrocities.    There  was  a  considerable  gar- 
rison at  Montreal,  but  those  in  command  were  so  terror- 
stricken  that  no  attempt  at  rescue  was  undertaken.     For 
nearly  two  months  the  Iroquois  roamed  at  will  throudi  the 
surrounding  country,  and  with  the  approach  of  winter  re- 
tired to  their  homes  with  their  surviving  captives.     Why 
De  Denonville  did  not  dispatch  a  force  from  Quebec  to 
make  the  Montreal  garrison  efiective  for  offensive  opera- 
tions no  one  can  now  explain.   The  fortunes  of  the  colony 
had  apparently  sunk  lower  than  ever  before.     Since  the 
departure  of  Frontenac  in  1682,  nutters  had  been  going 
stwdily  from  bad  to  worse,  and  even  before  the  catastrophe 
at  La  Chine  the  French  government  had  decided  on  a  change. 
De  Denonville  was  now  recalled  and  Frontenac  once  mon 
entrusted  with  the  administration  of  aflUrs  in  New  France. 
The  sturdy  old  veteran,  now  past  the  Psalmist's  span  of 
thrw   score  and   ten,  was   the   one  man  in  the  service 
of  France  who  could  be  depended  on  to  ivstore  the  pre»- 
tige  of  French  power  in  Amcica.     His  restoration  at  this 
critical  moment  is  the  one  bri^t  spot  in  the  history  of  a 
decade  throughout  which  blunder,  incompetency,  deceit, 
and  cowardice  darken  almost  every  page.     ««I  send  you 
back  to  Canada,"  wrote  the  king,  » where  I  am  sure  that 
you  will  serve  me  as  weU  as  you  did  before;  and  I  ask 
nothing  more  of  you." 

Various  French  writen  have  unstintingly  bbmed  the 
English  authorities  at  Albany  for  having  abetted  the  Iro- 
quois m  their  operations.     The  fiery  Dongan  had  given 


"4 


CANADA  AND  BRIIISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


place  to  the  stubborn  Androt,  but  the  change  had  in  no 
way  weakened  the  firm  attitude  of  official  New  York  in  the 
nutter  of  Frenc!.  and  Indian  relations.  But  as  Parkman 
and  Kingsford  have  abundantly  shown,  this  blame  is  more 
or  less  gratuitous.  Recent  events  had  given  the  Five 
Nations  provocation  for  wreaicing  vengeance  on  the  French, 
and  there  was  no  necessity  for  any  outside  instigation.  To 
be  sure,  the  authorities  of  New  York  did  not  move  a  finger 
to  restrain  the  savage  fury,  but  it  was  no  duty  of  theirs  to 
undertake  the  thankless  task  of  plucking  French  chestnuts 
out  of  the  fire. 

The  year  of  Frontenac's  return,  1689,  saw  a  change  of 
dynasty  in  England.  James  II.  had  been  ousted,  and  Wil- 
liam of  Orange,  the  avowed  enemy  of  all  things  French, 
was  on  his  throne.  Always  a  willing  henchman  of  the  great 
Bourbon,  the  last  of  the  Stuarts  had  arrayed  against  himself 
all  the  enemies  of  France  both  at  home  and  abroad  ^  his 
deposition  at  this  juncture  boded  no  good  for  the  continuance 
of  amity  between  New  England  and  New  France.  For  it 
was  well  known  that  Louis  XIV.  would  not  long  allow  his 
deposed  protege  to  remain  in  exile  if  military  assistance 
could  t^ct  a  restoration.  Both  countries  saw  the  ap- 
proaching storm,  and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  Frontenac 
received  a  fervent  welcome  on  his  return  to  the  colony. 

Frontenac's  first  care  was  for  his  old  post  at  Cataraqui, 
but  to  his  disappointment  he  found  :hat  the  final  act  of 
De  Denonville's  administration  had  been  its  destruction 
and  abandonment.  But  he  forthwith  decided  that  it  should 
be  rebuilt,  if  for  no  other  reason  than  to  impress  upon  the 
Iroquois  the  significance  of  his  return.  But  other  matters 
demanded  his  more  immediate  attention.  Events  had  moved 
rapidly  in  Europe,  and  the  mother  country  was  already  at 
war  with  England.  Frontenac  was  anxious  that  no  time 
should  be  lost  in  striking  a  few  blows  at  the  English  colo- 
nies, and  as  he  had  no  resources  sufficient  for  large  opera- 
tions, a  series  of  border  raids  was  his  only  opportunity.  To 
this  end,  three  small  expeditions  were  fitted  out,  each  made 


UNDER  LOUIS  ifJ/JTORZE 


"5 


up  of  regulars,  militiamen,  and  Indians,  and  these  were  to 
strike  terror  into  a  trio  of  English  settlements. 

The  party  from  Montreal,  commanded  by  Sainte-Hfline, 
ascended  the  Richelieu,  moved  along  Lakes  Champlain  and 
George  and  struck  across  to  the  hamlet  of  Schenecudy, 
which  was  at  this  time,  1690,  the  uttermost  outpost  of  the 
New  York  colony.  The  unguarded  settlement  was  sur- 
prised and  burned}  its  peaceful  inhabitants,  almost  without 
exception,  being  mercilessly  butchered  or  carried  off  into 
captivity.  The  party  from  Three  Rivers,  with  Hertel  de 
Rouville  at  its  head,  set  off  toward  the  settlement  at  Salmon 
Falls  on  the  Piscataqua,  and  there  wrought  like  havoc. 
While  en  route  home  with  his  handful  of  captives,  Hertel 
met,  joined  forces  with  the  third  band  from  Quebec,  and 
the  two  parties  proceeded  toward  the  post  of  Casco  Bay  on 
the  Maine  coast.  The  garrison  was  enticed  from  the  fort, 
ambushed,  and  most  of  its  members  slain  or  captured. 
From  Frontenac's  standpoint  all  three  raids  had  been  highly 
successful.  They  had  been  intended  mainly  to  reesublish 
French  prestige  among  the  Indians,  and  this  they  succeeded 
in  doing,  for  the  savage  made  little  distinction  in  point  of 
achievement,  between  the  courageous  storming  of  a  forti- 
fied stronghold  and  the  merciless  butchery  of  a  defenceless 
hamlet.  If  anything,  the  latter  achievement  ranked  the 
higher  in  the  Indian  mind,  and  this  Frontenac  knew  well. 

Similarly,  the  French  governor,  immediately  after  his 
arrival,  had  taken  measures  to  restore  French  prestii^  with 
the  western  Indians  by  the  reesublishment  of  trading  inter- 
course with  them.  For  some  years  the  route  between 
Montreal  and  Mackinac  had  been  rendered  Impassable  by 
the  Iroquois;  it  seemed  imperative  that  it  should  now  be 
apin  held  open.  So  a  large  expedition  of  canoes,  laden 
with  supplies  and  guarded  by  a  force  of  nearly  two  hun- 
dred picked  men,  was  sent  westward  and  made  the  trip  to 
Mackinac  safely.  Here  the  goods  were  successfully  bar- 
tered for  peltry,  and  the  return  voyage  began.  Accom- 
panying the  descending  convoy  were  many  hundred  canoes. 


ii6 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


nuuuied  by  their  Indian  owners,  who,  as  the  su|^ljr  of 
goods  sent  west  had  not  been  sufficient,  were  now  coming 
to  Montreal  to  dispose  of  their  stocks  of  furs.  It  was 
autumn  when  the  huge  flotilla  of  canoes  appeared  above  the 
rapids  of  L*  Chine,  and  was  enthusiastiolly  welcomed  by 
the  people  of  Montreal.  And  there  was  reason  for  enthu- 
siasm, for  upon  the  supply  of  peltry  the  whole  prosperity 
of  the  colony  depended,  and  not  for  years  had  such  an 
enormous  supply  been  to  hand. 

By  these  two  strokes  Frontenac  had  reestablished  French 
power  among  the  Indians  of  both  east  and  west,  but  his 
border  raids  seemed  likely  to  cost  him  deariy.  For  it  brou^t 
upon  the  horizon  a  new  and  greater  dange-.  The  thiree 
raids  of  the  preceding  winter  had  thoroughly  awakened  the 
English  colonies  to  the  necessity  of  taking  decisive  steps 
against  New  France,  and  Massachusetts  in  particular  was 
clamoring  for  nothing  less  than  its  complete  conquest.  With 
considerable  sacrifice  on  the  part  of  the  Pilgrim  colony  a 
small  expedition  was  despatched  i^nst  some  of  the  smaller 
outposts  in  Acadia,  and  the  capture  of  these  accomplished 
with  little  diiiculty.  The  success  of  this  modest  venture 
fired  the  minds  of  the  New  Englanders  with  hi^  hopes, 
and  preparations  for  a  more  pretentious  expedition  against 
Quebec  were  soon  under  way.  A  congress  assembled  at 
New  York,  in  May,  1690,  and  on  the  initiative  of  Massa- 
chusetts the  support  of  the  various  colonies  was  promised, 
while  at  the  same  time  urgent  requests  for  cooperation  were 
sent  to  England.  But  the  battle  of  the  Boyne  had  still  to 
be  fought  and  won,  and  William  III.  was  in  no  position  to 
assist  aggressive  colonial  projects.  Nevertheless,  the  British 
authorities  promised  to  do  what  they  could,  but  to  the  colo- 
nies was  left  the  main  responsibility.  The  scheme  as  out- 
lined contemplated  the  employment  of  both  land  and  naval 
expeditions,  the  former  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Cham- 
pkiin  to  Montreal,  while  the  latter  took  the  Gulf  route  to 
Quebec.  But  as  the  naval  force  could  be  got  under  way 
first,  it  was  deemed  best  to  send  it  against  Fort  Royal  in 


I 


;wfs 


Autograph  letter  of  Rene  Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  Im  Sille,  written 
at  Chicago,  September  i,  1683,  as  he  was  leaving  the  Illinois  country 
for  the  last  time,  to  the  members  of  his  colony  at  Fort  Saint  Louis  of 
the  Illinois  (Starved  Rock). 


UNDU  louts  /fJ/JfVUM 


117 


Acadia,  whkb  liad  long  been  a  havra  for  French  privateeiB 
preying  upon  En^ith  commerce  with  the  coloaiet.  D». 
fended  hj  len  than  a  score  and  a  half  of  men  the  poet  wac 
eanlv  taken  bjr  Sir  William  Phippe,  to  whom  the  command 
of  the  expedition  had  been  intniated,  and  the  ^nriaon  waa 
bro^riu  in  triumjdi  to  Boaton. 

The  land  force,  meanwhile,  had  been  mobilisijtt  at  Al- 
bany, and  under  Winthrop,  of  Connecticut,  aet  off  during 
the  tummer  toward  Montreal     But  it  had  not  gone  ht 
before  ditaenaiona  brake  out  among  its  leaden.    Winthrop 
was  not  in  possession  of  the  confidence  of  his  men;  sup- 
plies were  deficient,  and  the  Indian  allies  proved  troubk» 
some  to  control.     A  combination  of  difficulties  forced 
Winthrop  to  &11  back  to  Albany,  leaving  it  to  Phin»  and 
his  force  to  effect  the  conquest  unaided.     Phipps,  how- 
ever, had  waited  in  vain  at  Bosumi  for  expected  assistance 
from  England,  and  it  was  well  on  in  August  before  he  could 
decide  to  proceed  on  to  Quebec.     His  voyage  was  a  vlow 
one,  and  the  first  week  in  October  was  at  hand  before  his 
vessels  anchmcd  in  the  river  below  the  fortress.  Frontenac, 
on  the  news  of  Winthrop's  advance  by  way  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  had  hurried  to  Montreal  to  superintend  the  defence 
of  that  phce,  but  the  retirement  of  the  colonials  there  had 
allowed  his  return  to  Quebec.     Hwre  he  pushed  on  the 
preparations  for  defence  with  chaiacteristic  v^r,  and  on 
the  apprr...  .    " '  vsops  had  neariy  three  thousand  men  be- 
hind his    .  On  the  morrow  of  his  arrival,  Phipps 
despatches  >    ■■>  .»«nger  with  a  demand  for  a  surrender,  and 
requiring  a  dcnnite  answer  within  an  hour.    **Tell  him  I 
will  answer  him  out  of  the  cannon's  mouth,"  was  the  blunt 
reply  with  which  the  envoy  was  dismissed. 

The  lateneu  of  the  season  precluded  a  siege,  so  that 
Phipps  found  an  assault  his  only  coune.  Therefore,  the 
troops  were  lantted  from  the  ships  and  the  assault  from 
the  eastern  side  of  the  town  begun.  It  was  arrange  that  a 
land  assault  and  bombardment  should  take  phuw  contempo- 
raneously, but  this  plan  miscarried,  and  the  troops  delayed 


I  I 


H?f  F. 


if 


h 


J,' 


lit         CMfJDJ  JND  iRtrtSH  NORTH  JMMIUCJ 

Ktioii  until  after  the  fleet  had  been  rcpulwd  bjr  the  luperior 
Kunnery  of  the  French.  For  this  hwk  of  co&pttBtbn,  Major 
Whalley,  who  commanded  the  shore  forces  has  been  madt 
to  bear  the  blame.  After  a  dajr  or  two  had  been  spent  in 
desultory  skirmishing,  Phipps  called  a  council  of  war.  The 
severe  damage  sustamed  by  the  ships,  the  near  approach  of 
winter,  the  threatened  shortage  of  supplies  and  munitions, 
all  moved  the  council  to  advise  an  immediate  retirement  to 
Boston.  The  forces  were  consequently  re£mbarked,  and, 
after  some  days  spent  in  refitting  the  ships,  the  whole  expe- 
dition headed  homeward.  The  jubilant  Frenchmen  chanted 
their  TV  Dtums.,  and  erected  in  commemoration  of  their  suc- 
cessful defence  the  Church  of  Notre  Dame  de  Victoire.  On 
its  way  home,  the  expedition  encountered  boisterous  weather 
which  scattered  the  ships  and  wrecked  some  of  them. 

The  English  expedition  had  been  repulsed,  but  New 
France  was  not  wholly  freed  from  her  difficulties  and  dan- 
gers. Supplies  ran  very  low,  for  the  whole  male  population 
had  been  summoned  to  the  work  of  defence.  The  pres- 
ence of  Phipps  in  the  St.  Lawrence  had  shut  oiF  supplies 
from  France,  and  the  few  vessels  which  had  managed  to 
elude  him  by  sailing  up  the  Saguenay  did  little  to  relieve 
the  general  shortage.  But  soldiers  and  habitants  alike  bore 
their  time  of  enforced  scarcity  with  grim  fortitude,  and  the 
hungry  winter  of  1 690-1 69 1  was  tided  over.  During' this 
winter  the  Iroquois,  instigated,  it  was  believed,  by  Peter 
Schuyler  and  the  other  authorities  at  Albany,  ravaged  the 
borders,  and,  when  summer  opened,  Schuyler  himself  led  a 
party  of  them  to  an  anack  on  La  Prairie.  But  the  ener^  of 
De  Valrennes,  who  had  in  charge  the  guarding  of  the  ap- 
proaches to  Montreal,  stopped  his  advance  and  compelled 
his  rapid  retirement. 

For  the  next  few  years  the  colony  had  little  rest.  Not 
alone  the  Mohawks,  but  the  Onondagas,  Senecas,  and 
Oneidas  regularly  organized  their  war  parties  and  hung  upon 
the  outskirts  of  the  colonial  settlements,  alternating  their 
ardent  professions  of  amity  with  treacherous  descents  upon 


CWDM  LOVtt  ^ATOUM 


119 


dttacbed  bodks  of  uiuuned  harvftttn.  Evm  wkh  tb« 
stem  oU  FronteiMc  at  the  helm  the  Iroauou  seeflMd  to  ha 
nakiag  good  their  boast  that  thcjr  would  leave  the  French 
no  rett  save  in  their  graves.  In  the  aid  Frontenac  was 
goaded  to  adopt  a  pJan  of  severe  chastisement.  He  would 
fain  have  directed  his  punitive  arm  against  the  powerful 
Mohawks,  but  in  view  of  his  rather  Umitcd  militaiy  re- 
sources, had  to  choose  a  weaker  spot  in  the  confedmcy. 
This  was  the  countty  of  the  Oneidas  and  Onondagu,  a 
location  easy  of  access  from  Fort  Cataraqui.  If  the  puni- 
tive expedition  was  to  be  successful  the  rebuilding  of  this 
post  ccnild  be  no  longer  delayed.  That  objcctkms  would 
be  raised  by  the  home  authorities  was  very  probable,  for 
despatches  to  the  governor  had  consistently  emphasized  the 
policy  of  concentrating  the  resources  of  the  oAony  rather 
than  o(  diffusing  them  over  a  wide  range  of  territory,  the 
mere  defence  of  which  would  entail  heavy  expense.  More- 
over, a  powerful  clique  of  Montreal  merchanu  now  as 
ever  opposed  the  esublishment  of  any  post  which  might 
lead  to  the  diversion  of  any  part  of  the  fur  trade  from 
Montreal.  Frontenac,  however,  resolved  to  anticipate  and 
forestall  any  interference  from  either  quarter  by  quick  ac- 
tion. So  toward  the  close  of  July,  1695,  ^  *^"<  De  Chir- 
isay  with  a  strong  force  to  effi»ct  the  work  of  reconstruction. 
Never  was  a  mission  more  fiuthfully  and  successfully  carried 
out.  The  project  had  been  planned  with  secrecy,  and  the 
Iroquois  were  not  at  the  spot  to  ofier  opposition.  De  Chir- 
isay  was  able  to  utilize  much  of  the  old  fort,  and  in  the 
short  space  of  eight  days  had  completed  the  work  of  recon- 
struction and  was  on  his  way  back  to  Montreal,  having  left  in 
the  fort  a  considerable  garrison.  When  the  Iroquois  learned 
of  this  move  their  rage  luiew  no  bounds,  and  their  chiefs  vigor- 
ously besought  English  assistance  in  an  assault  on  the  tort. 
But  Governor  Fletcher,  of  New  York,  would  do  nothing,  and 
the  Indians  did  not  care  to  atuck  any  fortified  post  unaided. 
This  preliminary  step  having  been  taken,  Frontenac 
moved  up  to  Fort  Cataraqui  with  a  force  of  over  two 


m 


lao         CANADA  AND  iUTUH  MOUTH  JMiUCJ 

tbouniHi  men,  mora  than  Ittlf  of  when  wtn  mUkkuncn 
from  the  teignioriet  along  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Richelieu. 
The  trip  occupied  about  fifteen  ^va,  and,  after  a  abort  bait 
at  the  fort,  the  force  croned  the  lake  and  entered  the  mouth 
of  Otwego  River.  This  waa  aaccnded  with  dificulty  and 
on  Aiigutt  a,  1696,  the  ihorca  of  Lake  Onondan  were 
reached,  and  here  a  temporary  baae  waa  erected.  Without 
delay  the  land  march  to  the  Onondaga  towna  waa  com- 
menced, Frontenac,  carried  in  an  armchair,  accompanying 
the  forces.  But  before  the  Indian  villagea  had  been  reached 
the  bright  dow  in  the  weitem  skies  and  the  curiing  columns 
of  smoke  showed  that  the  savages  had  pursued  their  ancient 
tactics.  The  Onondagas  had  burned  their  town  and  had 
retreated  southward.  Strong  parties  were  despatched  to 
destroy  the  neighboring  villa«s  of  the  Oncidas,  and  every 
attempt  was  made  to  bring  the  fugitive  Onondwas  to  bay, 
but  without  success.  The  expedition  returned  home  with 
its  purpose  but  half  accmnplished.  Frontenac,  however, 
retorted  the  exploit  to  the  king  in  glowing  terms.  Never 
renowned  for  immoderate  mod«Ky,  the  old  veteran's  vanity 
seemed  to  grow  with  increasing  years,  and  his  report  to  the 
king  on  this  occasion  neither  underrated  the  success  of 
the  expedition  nor  minimised  his  own  part  in  it.  <*71i^" 
(the  Onondagu)  he  wrote,  "were  so  terrified  to  see  me 
march  against  them  in  person  .  .  .  that  they  did  not 
dare  to  lay  a  single  ambuscade  ...  but  flew  with  their 
families  twenty  leagues  into  the  heart  of  the  forest."  The 
fact  that  the  Onondagas  had  not  chosen  to  stand  against  a 
force  fully  four  times  their  number  hardly  required  as  an 
explanation  any  abnormal  terror  inspired  by  the  governor's 
presence. 

While  Frontenac  was  thus  engaged  with  the  Iroquois, 
hostilities  with  the  English  had  been  proceeding  apace.  The 
operations  during  the  years  1 693-1 697  are  connected  more 
particularly  with  the  names  of  the  two  Le  Moynes — Le 
Moyne  d'Iberville  and  Le  Moyne  de  Serigny — two  of  the 
nine  illustrious  sons  of  Charles  Le  Moyne,  of  Montreal. 


UNDU  LOUtt  ^JTOUM  tu 

With  ■  hmU  naval  forct  tht  Englidi  poM  at  Ptmaqukl  wu 
■ttackcd  and  dcMmred,  the  EngUah  MttkiMiia  on  tht 
•hMM  cf  NcwfottJiAand  wet*  laU  waatc,  mmI,  fiaallr,  the 
twobrothm  procceM  toFoR  NcImmi  on  HmImm  Bar  and 
forced  tht  garriaon  then  to  caphulat*.  In  i697,tht  ftact 
of  Rytwtck  doaed  tht  war  bttwttn  Franct  and  EnfUnd, 
and  each  nation  mtored  it«  conquttta  in  Amtrica. 

Amidst  all  thii  itrain  and  itreat  of  nilitaiy  pmi>ui«, 
Quebtc  retained  its  air  of  gajrecx.    Thtir  aucccaaful  itpulit 
of  Phippe  filled  the  townsmti.  vith  a  tnicuknt  self-aatiafiK- 
tion  which  did  not  Mibetdt  for  years.     Frontenac  himaelf, 
though  now  well  up  in  tht  aeventica,  lent  hia  countenance 
and  pretence  to  the  various  festivities  iriienever  he  happened 
to  be  at  the  Chlteau  de  Saint-Louli.     But  all  was  not  har- 
mony.    The  Jesuit  enmity,  so  virulent  during  his  first  ad- 
ministration, still  smouldered  on.  Saint-ValUer,  although  not 
nearly  so  aggressive  as  Laval,  made  no  secret  of  his  antipa- 
^y  to  the  governor  and  his  policy,  and  in  tht  intendant, 
Cham^nv,  he  found  an  ever  ready  wf^orter.  llie  bishop 
bombarM  the  home  authorities  with  protesu  a^inst  the 
liquor  trade  at  the  western  posu,  while  Champigny  launched 
forth  his  vigorous  tirades  against  gubematoiial  eztnvannce 
and  generd  mismanagement.     But  as  the  minister,  P^t- 
chartrain,  was  a  relative  of  Frontenac,  this  double  assault 
had  little  eftct.    During  the  year  1693  *«  rupture  hecame 
especially  noticeable,  for  about  this  time  the  performance 
of  a  couple  of  amateur  plays  at  the  chlteau  enraged  the 
ecclesiastics.    The  rumor  that  Molidre's  Tartmfe^  a  satire 
on  the  clergy,  was  to  be  included  in  the  anuueurs'  leper- 
toire  so  stirred  the  Ushop  that  a  marine  lieuterk,.:  named 
Mareuil,  who  wu  said  to  be  rehearsing  the  chiet  ^«.t,  wu 
promptly  excommunicated,     fiareuil  made  appeal  to  the 
civil  authorities,  and  Quebec  at  once  became  divided  into 
two  hostile  camps.    After  a  serws  of  the  usual  tempestuous 
meetings  and  interviews,  of  charges  and  counter  charges, 
of  accusations  and  recriminations,  the  whole  affiur  wu  sub- 
mitted in  ponderous  frteis  vtrbmut  to  the  king.    As  wu 


h 


121  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

cuttonuuy,  all  concerned  were  admontthed  with  varying 
degrees  of  leverity. 

The  demands  of  his  position  and  his  love  of  gayety 
rendered  it  increasingly  difficult  for  Frontenac  to  live  on 
his  meagre  income,  and  on  several  occasions  he  begged 
the  minister  to  keep  him  in  mind  whenever  a  more  lucra- 
tive post  at  home  should  become  vacant.  This  the  minister 
readUy  promised,  while  the  king,  out  of  his  own  purse  sub- 
stantially supplemented  the  governor's  yearly  allowance  on 
at  least  two  occasions.  Previous  governors  had  profited  by 
their  illicit  part  in  the  fur  traffic,  but  Frontenac,  ever  true 
to  his  friends,  gave  all  the  places  of  gain  in  this  regn '  v!  to 
men  like  La  For€t,  De  Tonti,  Lamotte-Cadillac,  who  reaped 
all  the  rewards  for  themselves.  The  ministerial  promise 
of  promotion  was  still  unfulfilled,  when,  in  the  autumn  of 
1698,  the  governor  was  stricken  down  with  his  last  illness. 
On  November  28th,  the  greatest  of  the  Ononthios  passed 
peacefully  away.  The  enemy  of  the  Jesuits  to  his  death, 
his  will  desired  that  his  bones  be  laid  to  rest  not  in  their 
cathedral  but  in  the  little  church  of  the  R^ollets. 

"  Devoted  to  the  service  of  the  king,"  says  his  eulogist, 
**  more  busied  with  duty  than  with  gain ;  inviolable  in  his 
fidelity  to  his  friends,  he  was  as  vigorous  a  supporter  as  he 
was  a  pertinacious  foe."  Parkman  says:  "A  more  remark- 
able figure  in  its  bold  and  salient  individuality  and  sharply 
marked  light  and  shadow  is  nowhere  to  be  seen  in  American 
history." 

De  Callieres  for  the  time  being  took  the  place  of  Fronte- 
nac. At  the  time  of  the  change,  negotiations  for  a  perma- 
nent peace  with  the  Iroquois  had  been  in  progress,  and  on 
Callieres  fell  the  usk  of  seeing  these  negotiations  through. 
But  to  do  this  was  not  easy.  The  death  of  Frontenac,  for 
whom  the  Indians  had  a  wholesome  respect,  had  served  to 
embolden  the  tribes,  and  it  was  only  after  a  year  of  tedious 
parley  that  the  calumet  was  finally  passed  and  the  hatchet 
buried.  The  conclusion  of  peace  was  a  wise  stroke  for 
both  parties ;  their  warfare  had  hitherto  weakened  them  to 


■# 


UHDEK  LOUIS  ^J/ATORZE 


laj 


the  profit  of  the  English  colonies,  and  the  conclusion  of 
hostilities  now  checked  the  rapid  advance  of  the  English  to 
a  position  of  domination  over  the  Five  Nations. 

Calliires  was  not  slow  to  recognize — as  had  Frontenac 
and  La  Salle  before  him — that  the  key  to  the  whole  situation, 
as  far  as  the  fur  traffic  was  concerned,  lay  in  the  control  of 
the  Great  Lakes.  This  being  the  case,  Fort  Frontenac, 
Niagara,  and  Mackinac  had  to  be  held  at  all  hazards,  and 
Calliires  resolved  in  addition  to  esublish  a  new  post  at  what 
is  now  Detroit.  The  Iroquois  raised  their  usual  objections, 
and  the  Montreal  traders  grumbled  and  bestirred  themselves 
to  opposition.  But  Callieres  persisted,  and  the  summer  of 
1 701  saw  Lamotte-Cadillac  and  his  followers  firmly  esub- 
lished  on  the  straits.  Cadillac  had  long  wished  for  the 
opponunity,  but  had  never  been  able,  up  to  this  time,  to 
overcome  the  difficulties  in  his  way. 

As  most  people  had  anticipated,  the  period  of  peace  fol- 
lowing Ryswick  was  not  of  long  duration,  for  in  170 1  the 
exiled  James  died,  and  Louis  XIV.  forthwith  roused  the  irtf 
of  Englishmen  by  recognizing  as  lawful  sovereign  of  Eng- 
land a  son  of  the  deceased  Stuart.  This  recognition  came 
at  an  unfortunate  moment,  for  the  question  of  the  Spanish 
succession  had  ahready  brou^t  France  and  England  to  the 
verge  of  hostilities.  When  the  news  of  war  reached  New 
France,  Callieres's  first  care  was  for  his  Indian  alliances 
and  for  the  strengthening  of  the  Quebec  defences.  For  the 
Iroquois  had  now  become  an  important  factor  in  intercolo- 
nial conflict,  and  since  the  repulse  of  Phipps  the  fear  that 
another  assault  on  Quebec  might  result  diflSsrently  had  never 
passed  out  of  the  colonial  mind.  It  was  while  vi^rously 
attending  to  these  matters  that  Callieres  was  taken  down 
with  a  severe  illness,  due  to  overwork,  and  died  in  the  course 
of  May,  1703.  Althouf^  he  had  uken  office  only  aJ  in- 
ttrinty  the  zeal  which  he  had  shown  from  the  outset  had 
moved  the  king  to  continue  him  in  charge.  Odli&res  had 
many  of  the  great  qualities  of  his  predecessor  in  office,  and 
while  Charlevoix's  eulogy  that  he  was  •*  the  most  capable 


124 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


general  that  the  colony  ever  possessed  and  the  man  from 
whom  it  had  received  the  most  valuable  services "  is  doubt- 
less not  fully  merited,  still  there  is  little  question  that,  had 
he  been  spared,  his  administration  would  have  accomplished 
much  for  New  France. 

Callieres  was  succeeded  in  office  by  the  Marquis  de  Vau- 
dreuil,  who  had  already  served  some  years  as  commandant 
at  Montreal.  Vaudreuil  had  married  a  Canadian,  and  the 
king  hesitated  to  ratify  the  promotion  on  account  of  the 
colonial  connections  which  he  had  thus  formed.  But  Pont- 
chartrain  overcame  the  royal  scruples  on  this  point.  Vau- 
dreuil took  the  helm,  with  plenty  of  storm  clouds  on  the 
horizon,  and  laid  his  course  accordingly.  The  Iroquois 
alliance  was  strengthened,  while  the  Abnakis  were  spurred 
on  by  the  Jesuits  to  scourge  the  Maine  settlements  from 
Kittery  to  Casco.  Vaudreuil  had  made  up  his  mind  that 
the  winter  of  1 703-1 704  should  be  utilized  for  a  raid  into 
the  heart  of  New  England.  The  governor  would  very 
gladly  have  directed  his  energies  against  Albany,  but  he 
feared,  with  reason,  that  the  Iroquois  might  resent  the  move- 
ment of  French  troops  through  their  territories.  Toward 
midwinter  a  small  force  had  been  got  together,  and  was 
given  in  chatiTe  to  Hertel  de  RouviUe  for  a  descent  upon 
the  settlements  of  Massachusettt.  By  February,  Hertel 
was  on  his  way  with  a  few  hundred  French  and  Indians, 
following  the  old  route  up  the  Richelieu,  across  the  frozen 
lakes,  and  down  over  the  highlands  of  northwestern  Massa- 
chusetts. His  destination  was  the  little  village  of  Deerfield, 
in  the  valley  of  the  same  name.  Reaching  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  hamlet,  Hertel's  men  skulked  in  the  forest  until 
darkness  came  on,  and  then  burst  upon  the  unsuspecting 
settlement.  The  majority  of  the  inhabitants,  numbering 
nearly  three  hundred  in  all,  were  either  massacred  or  carried 
off  captive;  the  village,  with  the  exxeption  of  a  few  hpuses, 
was  given  to  the  flames.  The  story  of  hardship  and  sufier- 
ing  endured  by  these  captives  during  that  desperate  march 
of  three  hundred  miles  back  to  Canada  was  narrated  at  length 


iir 


^'Vr^r-i^  yfr»?jgfrr-«flK»  J 


Document  signed  by  Louis  Joliet.     From  the  tri^nal  in  pMtttitm 
of  the  Chicago  Historical  Soeirty. 


\a 


if 


ill  11 


'h 


ril 


I 


vtn 


UMDBR  LOUa  ^JTORXM 


"5 


by  the  Rev.  John  WUliama,  the  village  putor,  in  his  Rt- 
dtnui  Captivt.  Little  wonder  wm  it  that  the  yeomen  of 
New  Eng^d  lodced  upon  Heitel  de  Rouville  and  his  iol- 
lowers  as  the  incarnation  of  iiendishness  and  hated  both 
htm  and  his  countrymen  with  an  undying  bitterness.  That 
the  soldiery  of  the  most  Christian  king  should  find  glory 
in  the  indiscriminate  massacre  of  defenceless  wrmen  and 
children  shows  the  destructive  influence  of  partjnin  warfare 
on  military  ethics. 

For  the  moment,  Massachusetts  could  du  little  but  nurse 
iu  wrath.  Governor  Dudley  asked  that  he  be  allowed  to 
ransom  the  captives.  During  the  sprii ;  and  summer  of 
1704  a  series  of  communications  passed  between  Dudley 
and  Vaudreuil  on  the  matter,  and,  as  a  result.  Captain  Sam- 
uel Vetch  was  sent  to  Quebec  to  arrange  terms  of  ransom. 

Kingsford  erroneously  sutes  this  correspondence  as  hav- 
ing been  carried  on  by  Dudley  and  Callieres  {Histtry  »f 
Canada^  iiy  424),  although  he  had  previously  noted  (ii,  409) 
that  Calliires  died  two  years  previously.  In  the  course  of  the 
correspondence,  Dudley  complained  bitterly  of  the  French 
policy  of  oSering  the  Indians  »  bounty  on  everv  English 
scalp  {^bte  Dtcumtnu^  ii,  426).  The  editor  of  these  Dtat- 
ments  adds:  L'Merwain  dlit  iciy  que  Us  Angkis  payaumt  futr 
Us  cbeotbtrtt  pntr  Ut  frutHniirs  dt  gturrt  det  stmmts  trrisfiit 
plusftrtts  qut  nt  pajaitnt  Ut  FroHfou — a  retort  which  is  as 
misleading  as  it  is  ungrammaticaL  The  New  England 
legisktures  ofiered  bounties  for  the  scalps  of  Indians,  but 
never  for  those  of  Europeans. 

In  the  end  some  sixty  or  more  c^tptives,  most  of  them 
Deerfield  survivors,  were  sent  back  from  Qmada.  As  fcr 
the  rest  the  parish  registers  of  the  little  hamlet  can  only 
record  that  they  were  "carried  captive  into  Canada  from 
whence  they  never  returned." 

Vetch  was  empowered  to  negotiate  with  Vaudreuil  a 
treaty  by  which  the  respective  colonies  would  agree  to 
maintain  an  attitude  of  neutrality  during  the  continuance 
of  the  war  in  Europe.     But  the  French  suspected  that  the 


»  j 
I 


126         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


\M- 


English  proposal  was  merely  a  ruse  to  gain  time,  and  refused 
to  agree,  although  Vetch  continued  his  negotiations  at  Que- 
hec  for  nearly  three  months.  The  raids,  therefore,  con- 
tinued and  no  part  of  the  frontier  was  safe.  In  1 708,  a 
party  commanded  by  Hertel  de  Rouville  and  St.  Ours  des 
Chaiilons  moved  once  again  toward  Massachusetts.  This 
time  their  objective  was  Haverhill,  on  the  Merrimac.  Under 
cover  of  darkness,  on  a  sultry,  August  night,  all  the  horrors 
of  Deerfield  were  repeated.  Well  might  honest  old  Peter 
Schuyler  lament  that  "a  war  between  Christian  princes  had 
degenerated  into  a  savage  and  boundless  butchery."  The 
Deerfield  raid  had  raised  in  New  England  a  bitter  thirst  for 
revenge  and  an  expedition  from  Boston  under  Major  Benja- 
min Church  had  sought  reprisal  in  the  destruction  of  the 
French  settlement  at  Grand  Pri  in  Acadia;  an  attempt 
against  Port  Royal  had  followed  but  miscarried.  The 
Haverhill  raid  now  goaded  the  colony  to  more  drastic  meas- 
ures. Thus  did  the  French  policy  of  pttite  guerrt  prove  a 
boomerang.  The  English  colonies  sincerely  desired  peace; 
they  had  neither  heart  nor  facilities  for  border  forays  and 
they  would  combine  for  substantial  ofiensive  operations 
only  under  the  severest  pressure.  This  the  French  had 
now  been  unwise  enough  to  apply. 

In  the  new  scheme  for  wrealcing  revenge  on  the  very 
capital  of  New  France  Vetch  was  the  prime  mover.  During 
his  long  stoy  at  Quebec  he  had  kept  his  eyes  open  and 
knew  well  enough  the  meagreness  of  the  military  resources 
of  the  colony.  The  Massachusetts  authorities  lent  a  willing 
ear  to  his  representations  of  French  weakness,  and,  in  1709, 
he  received  authority  to  proceed  to  England  with  a  view  to 
enlisting  the  support  of  the  home  authorities  in  his  project. 
Energetic,  sanguine,  and  ambitious.  Vetch  proved  himself 
the  man  for  the  mission  and  the  British  ministers  readily 
granted  him  their  support.  Vessels  and  men  were  promised 
at  once  and  the  colonies  were  requested  to  muster  their 
forces.  These  were  to  rendezvous  at  Albany  and  march 
overland  toward  Montreal,  while  such  vessels  as  the  colonial 


i/NDM  LOUIS  m/JTORZE 


"7 


governmentt  could  get  together  were  to  be  concentrated  at 
Boston  in  reidinest  for  the  British  flotilla  when  it  should 
appear.  Together,  the  fleets  would  then  sail  for  Quebec. 
The  land  force  at  Albany  was  plact  >  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Nicholson,  and  in  due  course  was  able  to  pro- 
ceed and  take  up  its  camp  on  Wood  Creek,  between  the 
Hudson  and  Lake  George,  where  it  awaited  news  that 
the  naval  expedition  was  ready  to  cooperate.  But  the 
summer  wore  on,  and  the  flotilla  which  was  to  have  been 
despatched  from  England  early  in  the  spring  did  not  ap- 
pear. It  was  early  in  October  before  word  arrived  that, 
owing  to  European  entanglements,  the  British  government 
had  not  been  able  to  keep  its  promise,  and  that  the  fleet 
could  not  be  spared  till  the  following  spring.  Mean- 
while, the  land  force  at  Wood  Creek,  impatient  and  wasted 
by  dysentery,  fell  back  on  Albany  in  disgust  and  disbanded. 
The  colonies  were  greatly  chagrined,  but  not  discouraged. 
Assistance  had  been  delayed,  but  since  it  had  been  promised 
for  the  following  year  the  authorities  determined  to  keep 
the  project  well  in  mind.  For  a  new  attempt,  however,  not 
a  soldier  was  to  be  mustered  or  an  ounce  of  supplies  secured 
until  the  English  vessels  arrived.  Toward  midsummer, 
1710,  six  men-of-war,  with  an  imposing  array  of  trans|>orts, 
sailed  into  Boston  harbor.  At  once  idl  was  bustle  in  the 
colony;  men  were  hastily  mustered,  supplies  were  hurriedly 
collected,  and  the  expedition  headed  for  Port  Royal  in  Sep- 
tember. Here,  with  a  half-starved  garrison  of  two  hundred 
men,  Subercase,  the  French  commandant,  was  /breed  to 
capitulate  without  a  shot  in  defence  of  his  post. 

The  season  was  now  too  far  advanced  for  any  operations 
against  Quebec,  so  the  fleet  returned  to  Boston  and  thence 
home  to  England,  arrangements  having  first  been  made  for 
its  return  in  the  following  summer  to  complete  the  work.  It 
was  at  this  point  that  the  home  authorities  began  to  show  a 
new  and,  to  the  colonies,  an  unaccounuble  eagerness  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  project.  Perhaps  the  reason  for  this 
sudden  discarding  of  its  customary  lethargy  may  be  found 


■HaHMIiili 


it 


128         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

in  the  attitude  of  the  «dmiiiistnitton  toward  the  courae  of 
the  war  in  Europe.  These  were  the  jreara  of  Marlboroush'a 
proweu  on  the  continent}  the  jreart  of  Blenheim,  RaniiJiet, 
Oudenarde,  and   Malplaquet.     The  Tory   miniatert  of 
Queen  Anne  could  not  but  view  with  serioua  misgivings 
these  triumphs  of  the  great  Whig  general,  for  the  unbounded 
popularity  which  they  gained  for  him  in  England  would 
undoubtedly  make  him  a  factor  in  politics  on  his  return 
from  his  campaign.     At  any  rate,  a  scheme  which  would 
even   indirectly   serve  to   lessen   Marlborou^'s    prestige 
would  be  warmly  welcomed  in  official  circles.     Hence  it 
was  that  the  Massachusetu  plan  to  conquer  New  France 
found  sudden  fiivor  with  the  government.     Operations  in 
America  might  take  the  eyes  of  Englishmen  off  the  conti- 
nent.    Not  alone  this,  but  they  would  form  a  very  reason- 
able excuse  for  drawing  off  a  portion  of  Marlborough's 
force  and  thus  weakening  him.    Countenance  is  lent  to  this 
hypothesis  by  the  fact  that  the  officers  selected  for  the 
expedition  against  Quebec  included  General  Hill,  brother 
of  Mrs.  Masham,  the  queen's  favorite  and  the  bitter  enemy  of 
Marlborough,  and  Sir  Hovenden  Walker,  one  of  her  firm 
friends,  both  bitter  Tories,  but  without  any  particular  fitness 
for  command. 

This  time  there  was  no  delay.  The  fleet  put  in  an 
appearance,  and  the  various  colonies  of  New  England  vied 
with  one  another  in  their  eagerness  to  have  men  and  sup- 
plies in  readiness  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  Under 
Nicholson  a  land  force  was  again  concentrated  at  Albany 
and  began  the  march  toward  Lake  Champlain,  and  soon 
afterward  the  naval  expedition,  comprising  in  all  over  ten 
thousand  men  of  all  ranks  and  conditions,  set  sail  for  the 
St.  Lawrence.  The  absence  of  pilots  was  its  first  difficulty. 
No  one  among  the  New  England  navigators  knew  the  river, 
so  Sir  Hovenden  Walker  commanded  the  services  of  a 
French  pilot  taken  from  a  lall  vessel  captured  in  the  gulf. 
On  the  trip  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  fogs  were  encountered, 
the  vessels  got  out  of  their  course,  and  their  signals  were 


John  Cunpbell,  fourth  Earl  of  Loudoun,  commander-in-chief  of 
the  British  forcet  in  America  in  1756.  Frtm  an  original  drawing, 
now  in  iht  New  Tark  Public  Ubraty,  Lenox  Branch,  after  wkick  an 
engraving  was  published  in  //Oj, 


I 


H 


js? 


CWDM  LOUtt  ^JTOMU 


119 


nitttndtntoodbjroncuiodMr.  Accordii^toMmtaecouaiSi 
the  Fftneh  pilot  wu  trraclMfoiMi  accordiag  to  otbm. 
Walker  wucrimiaalljrncilifBiit  and  inconprnat.  At  an  v 
late,  a  part  of  the  ikn  wcM  on  tiM  rocks  near  the  Em 
Islandt.  Eight  or  ten  vetMb,  all  of  then  traneporta,  were 
wrecked  on  the  ihoals,  and  tome  eight  hundnd  lives  were 
lost.  Oiailevoix  and  those  writers  n^  follow  him  place 
the  loss  well  up  into  the  thousands,  but  the  didal  icconb 
do  not  bear  out  these  estimates.  The  check  was  a  serious 
one  no  doubt,  but  not  necessarily  Atal  to  the  exp^ltion. 
None  of  the  men-of-war  had  bera  injuml,  and  over  nine- 
tenths  of  the  original  force  had  escaped.  But  Hill  and 
Walker  magnified  the  disaster  and  proceeded  to  call  a  coun- 
cil of  war.  Despite  violent  oppositbn  from  the  colonial 
officers  accompanying  the  expnUtion  they  decided  to  aban- 
don further  progress  and  return  to  Boston.  Bj  the  end  of 
September  the  colonial  forces  had  been  hnded  there  and  the 
fleet  saUed  for  home. 

The  whole  aflUr  stands  as  a  disgraceful  testimony  to  the 
incapacity,  if  not  the  g^  cowaidice,  of  those  in  charge. 
Nicholson,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  making  good  progress 
when  the  news  of  the  naval  fiasco  reached  him,  leaving  him 
no  alternative  but  retirement. 

The  activity  of  the  British  had  thorouriily  alarmed  New 
France.  A  force  had  been  concentntedon  the  Richelieu 
to  oppose  Nicholson,  but  the  French  had  little  hope  that  it 
could  do  more  than  retard  his  advance.  All  the  remaining 
forces  of  the  colony  were  concentrated  at  Quebec,  where 
the  work  of  strengthening  the  fortificaticms  was  pushed  on 
day  and  night.  TTie  coUapse  of  the  expedition  was  a  great 
relief  to  the  authorities,  and  the  devout  manifested  their 
gratitu^  in  religious  exercises.  But  the  deliverance  from 
the  British  in  the  east  was  followed  by  the  threat  of  danger 
from  the  wf^st.  The  Outagamis,  or  Foxes,  who  occufned 
the  western  shores  of  Lake  Michigan,  and  thus  controlled 
the  long  portages  between  that  hJce  and  the  Mississippi, 
now  showed  signs  of  restlessnen.     Owii^  to  their  contact 


^-g^ 


r« ) 


130 


CIMf  Af  4HD  MUTttH  NOMTM  JMiUCJ 


witli  the  Iroquoit  thejr  bad  letmcd  that  barter  couU  bt  car* 
ricd  on  more  advantueoutly  whb  tbe  Britiib  at  Albany  tban 
with  the  French  at  Montreal,  but  ao  long  aa  the  new  French 
poet  at  Detroit  renained  in  existence,  the  French  were  likely 
to  retain  their  control  of  the  trade.  Tbe  Foxes  therefore 
undertook  to  deMrojr  the  post,  which  at  this  time  was  garri- 
soned by  only  a  handful  of  traders  under  Du  Buisson.  But 
the  latter  learned  of  the  plan,  rallied  the  friendly  Otuwaa 
to  their  assistance,  and  took  the  offensive  against  the  Foxes, 
forcing  them  to  his  terms.  These  were  hard  enough,  for 
the  tribe  was  broken  up,  and  those  Indians  who  had  escaped 
the  ferocity  of  Du  Buisstrn's  savage  allies  were  handed  over 
to  the  latter  as  slaves.  But  the  security  of  the  post  was 
assured,  and  with  it  the  control  of  the  western  trade  route, 
while  the  lesson  impressed  upon  the  Indians  of  the  west  in 
general  was  not  soon  forgotten. 

In  Europe  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  had  dragged 
out  its  course.  Defeated  on  the  Danube,  the  Fo,  and  the 
Tagus,  Louis  Quatorze  wu  now  sincere  in  his  suit  for 
peace,  and  a  change  of  ministry  in  Great  Britain  enabled  him 
to  sue  with  success.  And  despite  his  signal  defeats,  his  sacri- 
fices— thanks  to  the  incapacity  of  British  diplomacy  during 
the  doling  years  of  Queen  Anne's  reign — ^were  compara- 
tively small.  As  far  as  America  was  concerned,  Britain 
recovered  tbe  Hudson  Bay  territories,  Newfoundland,  and 
**  Acadia  conformably  to  its  ancient  boundaries,"  while  the 
French  reuined  Cape  Breton  with  power  to  fonify  it.  The 
Five  Nations  were  recognized  as  prot^g&  of  the  British 
crown  and  were  not  to  be  molested.  The  terms  of  this,  the 
Treaty  uf  Utrecht,  signed  in  17 14,  left  abundant  room  for 
future  difficulties,  for  the  ^ancient  boundaries"  of  Acadia 
were  neither  defined  nor  satisfactorily  <fefinable.  Cape  Bre- 
ton could  be  n»de  a  centre  of  French  influence  in  Acadia. 
And  the  Iroquois,  jealous  of  their  independence,  were  not 
likely  to  accept  any  strict  interpreution  of  the  provision 
giving  them  over  to  a  British  protectorate,  while  the  French 
might  be  counted  upon  in  this  matter  to  give  the  tribesmen 


UMMM.  LOVtt  ^JTOUg  ,3, 

ampkrappoR.  On  the  wWe^Oiwi  Britain  Mined Itebwy 
^vanti|euaic«iltortlictfnt)rproviHont.  ThcHudMNi 
Bijr  temtonet  were  not  of  immediate  value  i  Newfoundland 
andAcadia  could  be  held  with  dificuhj  if  the  Fiench  should 
Mooee  to  establish  and  maintain  a  stiong  fomcss  on  Cape 
Breton  M  was  their  right.  The  Treaty  of  Uti«cht»  althouS 
It  formed  a  m$Au  wvtuM  for  thirty  years,  nve  no  lack^ 
opoortunities  for  disagreements. 

>h  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  the  long  reign  of  the 
Grand  Monarch  of  France  drew  to  its  close.  Sowing  in 
the  wmd  he  had  reaped  the  whiriwind.  An  exhausted  kuif 
jlom,  an  empty  treasury,  a  populace  impoverished,  and  pdit- 
jcaBy  hopeless}  the  seeds  of  a  future  revolution  scattered 
broadcast  diroughout  the  realm:  these  were  the  nmerings 
of  a  wasted  lift,  a  profligate  reign.  Outliving  two  geneiSI 
tions,  Loujs  XIV.  left  a  sadly  weakened  regality  to  his 
great-grandson,  a  child  of  five,  and  the  Due  d'Ori6ws 
assumed  control  as  regent  of  the  kingdom. 


M 


■-  ,\ 


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i 


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.11     1 


CHAPTER  VI 

AGRICULTURE,  HfDUSTRT,  JND  COMMERCE 

Ir  there  h  any  one  word  which  may  lerve  to  give  the 
keynote  of  French  agricultund,  industrial,  and  conunercial 
policy  in  the  New  Worid,  that  word  would  teem  to  be 
M  paternalism."  From  first  to  last  the  French  government 
endeavored  both  to  advance  and  to  control  all  the  economic 
activities  of  itt  colony  by  the  free  use  of  official  machinery. 
If  New  France  never  became  materially  prosperous  it  was 
not  throu^  any  kck  of  governmental  encouragement  or 
parental  care.  But  those  who  sought  to  foster  infant 
colonial  growth  were  too  cold  and  unbending:  and  the 
colony  proved  discouragingly  unresponsive.  The  attempt 
to  force  the  economic  enterprise  of  the  country  into  re- 
stricted and  narrow  channels  discouraged  private  initiative. 
Of  this  latter  there  was,  to  be  sure,  never  very  much,  but  what 
there  was  clamored  in  vain  for  fieer  and  broader  scope.  In 
this  respect  the  early  colonial  policies  of  France  and  En^and 
stand  out  in  sharp  contrast.  The  An^o-Saxon  colonist 
possessed  of  himself  a  more  abundant  stock  of  individual 
enterprise,  and  a  more  complacent  self-reliance  than  his 
GaUic  nei^bor,  but  apwt  from  this  he  was  allowed  to 
shape  his  economic  destinies  under  much  less  hampering 
conditions.  It  is  in  the  ever-present  paternalism  that  we 
find  the  true  explanation  of  the  tardy  economic  develop- 
ment of  New  France,  just  as  in  the  omiparative  absence 
of  it  we  find  a  reason  for  the  ra^  afpieultural,  induwial, 

«33 


!' 


,    / 


^; 


134  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  commercial  dv'velopment  of  New  England.  Fiance 
never  lost  sight  of  her  designs  to  found  in  America  a  power- 
ful military  colony;  all  other  &ctors  in  colonial  development 
were  warped  into  agreement  with  this  idea.  England,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  wise  enough  to  recognize  that,  in  the 
long  run,  military  prowess  rests  with  that  land  which  has 
devoted  itself  most  successfully  to  the  art'  of  peace. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  charters  of  the  early 
trading  companies,  to  the  care  of  which  the  colony  had 
been  consigned,  provisions  had  been  made  for  the  trans- 
portation to  New  France  of  cci-tain  annual  quotas  of  settlers 
and  for  the  maintenance  of  these  during  the  first  few  years 
following  their  arrival.     The  charter  of  the  Company  of 
New  France,  for  example,  placed  upon  it  the  obligation 
of  transporting  to  the  colony  several  thousand  settlers  to 
whom  the  Company  was  under  further  obligation  to  make 
grants  of  land  and  to  maintain  them  until  such  rime  as  the 
lands  had  been  cleared  and  made  to  afford  subsistence. 
During  the  thirty-five  years  of  its  existence  this  Company 
had  brought  out  to  the  colony  only  a  small  fraction  of  the 
number  agreed  upon,  nor  had  it  properly  fulfilled  its  obliga- 
tions toward  those  whom  it  did  bring.     To  keep  up  a  pre- 
tence of  performing  its  duties,  however,  it  granted  some 
sixty  tracts  of  land  en  seigtuurU  to  various  individuals,  both 
in  France  and  the  colony,  but  few  of  these  tracts,  however, 
were  taken  possession  of  by  the  grantees.    Of  the  colonists 
who  arrived  during  thi:   period  only  a  small  number  took 
up  land  for  purposes   of  tillage,  the  majority  settled  in 
Quebec,  Three  Rivers,  or  Montreal,  and  soon  either  en- 
gaged in  trade  or  were  employed  by  those  who  depended 
on  trade  for  their  livelihood.     As  a  matter  of  fact  the  fur 
traffic  offered  so  much  greater  opportunities  for  profit  than 
pioneer  agriculture  could  hope  to  present  that,  without  offi- 
cial encouragement,  little  progress  in  this  direction  could  be 
hoped  for.     And  this  encouragement  it  was  in  no  wise  to 
the  interest  of  the  Company  to  extend.     The  greater  the 
number  of  settlers  engaged  in  the  fur  traffic,  the  larger 


\\ 


JORICULTURM,  INDUSTRY,  AND  COMMERCE      135 

would  be  the  supply  of  peltiy  ofiered  at  itt  warehoutea, 
and  hence,  the  larger  the  anntul  dividends.  The  pecuniary 
interest  of  the  Company  lay  in  mercilessly  exploiting  the 
transitory  resources  of  the  colony,  not  in  furthering  at  it* 
own  cost  royal  designs  for  the  agricultural  development 
of  New  France. 

When,  in  1663,  the  king  withdrew  the  administration  of 
tue  colony  from  the  hands  of  the  Company  of  New  France 
and  announced  his  intention  of  supervising  its  military  and 
political  wel&re,  it  might  have  been  thought  that  an  end 
would  be  made  of  the  exploitation  of  colonial  resources  by 
commercial  companies.  But  not  so,  for  in  the  very  next 
year  we  find  the  Company  of  the  West  obuining  the  exclu- 
sive control  of  the  fur  trade,  the  exclusive  profits  of  mines, 
forests,  and  fisheries,  and  the  exclusive  right  of  making 
land  grants.  It  was  expected  that  there  would  now  be 
rapid  progress  in  the  clearing  and  development  of  the  agri- 
cultural lands  along  the  St.  Lawrence.  But  when  more 
than  a  year  had  pa^d  and  the  Company  showed  no  desire 
whatever  to  devote  attention  to  anything  but  the  fur  trade. 
Talon  was  moved  to  warn  the  minister  that  any  hopes 
which  might  be  held  in  this  connection  were  doomed  to 
disappointment.  "If  His  Majesty,"  wrote  the  intendant, 
"  wishes  to  nuke  anjrthing  of  Canada,  he  will  never  suc- 
ceed unless  he  withdraws  it  from  the  hands  of  the  Com- 
pany. ...  If,  on  the  contrary,  he  looks  on  this 
country  as  suitable  for  the  fur  trade  alone  ...  the 
profit  which  will  result  therefrom  is  not  worth  his  attention 
and  deserves  very  little  of  yours  ...  for  the  Com- 
pany will  profit  much,  to  the  utter  impoverishment  of  the 
colony."  It  was  periiaps  as  a  result  of  this  very  timely 
warning  that  General  Die  Tracey  was  instructed  to  report 
on  the  whole  matter  to  the  king,  which  he  did  shortly  after 
his  arrival.  In  anticipation  of  royal  action  based  upon  this 
report,  the  Company  asked  that  in  future  all  grants  should 
be  made  by  the  intendant  on  such  conditions  as  might  seem 
reasonable  to  him.     This  request  was  readily  granted,  and 


. » 


!  I 


f 


i 


.1 


136         CANJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMMRICJ 

ftom  this  time  down  to  1674,  when  the  Company  lost  its 
privileges,  lands  v  -re  granted  by  the  intendant,  but  in  the 
Company's  name.  And  from  1674  onward,  lands  were 
granted  only  in  the  name  of  the  king  by  his  lepresentatives 
in  the  colony. 

Since  1663 1**  k»g  l^d  spared  neither  care  nor  expense 
m  his  endeavor  to  further  the  development  of  the  colony. 
Rwognizing  that  what  it  needed  most  was  population  he 
had  readily  acceded  to  Talon's  suggestion  that  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  R^ment  de  Carignan-Saliiies,  which  had 
been  sent  out  to  chastise  the  Iroquois  in  1665,  should  be 
induced  to  take  up  lands  in  New  France  and  become  per- 
manent setUers.     Many  of  the  officers  were  given  seigni- 
ories along  RicheUeu  River  where  the  danger  of  Mohawk 
um»ds  seemed  greatest,  and  in  these  seigniories  the  soldiers 
of  the  disbanded  regiment  were  induced  to  take  up  lands. 
Nor  did  the  royal  paternalism  end  here.     Both  officers  and 
soldiera  must  have  wives,  and,  as  these  were  not  obtainable 
ui  sufficient  numbers  within  the  colony,  several  shiploads 
of  women  were  sent  out  at  the  king's  expense.     As  to  the 
character  and  source  of  tlKse  imporutions  writers  have 
found  room  for  difierence  of  opinion,  but  there  is  no  doubt- 
ing the  royal  sincerity  of  purpose.    The  discharged  soldiers 
were  a  very  acceptable  addition  to  the  sparse  colonial  popu- 
lation and  served  considerably  to  increase  iu  military  effi- 
ciency.    Unfortunately  the  good  soldier  too  often  made  an 
indifferent  agriculturist.     Nor  were  the  non-mUitary  addi- 
tions to  the  population  during  this  period  aU  that  could  be 
desired.    They  came  in  considerable  numbers,  but  in  quality 
fell  far  below  expectations.     Contemporary  writers  speak 
of  them  as  a  miserable  crowd,  and  one  of  these  expressed 
the  opinion  that  fewer  immigrants  of  better  quality  would 
be  mn-h  more  accepuble.     But  Talon  during  his  term  as 
mtendant  was  importunate  in  his  requests.     Settlers,  more 
settlers,  was  the  gist  of  his  despatches,  untU  Colbert  reminded 
fcim  that  It  was  not  the  intention  of  the  king  to  depopulate 
trance  m  order  to  people  his  colony. 


JGUCULTUME,  INDUSTRr,  dSD  COMMERCE 


137 


As  the  Mttlers  flocked  into  the  countiy  during  the  cloeing 
ye«r«  of  the  seventeenth  and  early  years  of  the  eighteenth 
centuries,  lands  began  to  be  granted  in  Uvish  fashion. 
Almost  eveiy  settler  who  had  possessed  any  standing  in 
France  was  granted  a  seigniory,  while  others  had  to  be 
content  perforce  with  smaUer  holdings  obtained  from  the 
seigniors.    And  as  the  demand  for  these  holdings  grew 
brisker  with  the  increasing  influx  of  settlers,  many  of  the 
seigniors  seized  the  opportunity  to  exact  a  fri*  i'tntrity  or 
initial  payment,  from  applicanu  for  Uuids  within  their  sei- 
gniories.    This,  however,  was  contnuy  to  the  intentions 
of  the  authorities,  and  in  the  jfrrhs  of  Mariy  (1711)  the 
king  positively  forbade  this  pnurtice.     Henceforth  the  sei- 
gniors were  bound  to  concede  farming  lands  to  all  settlers 
who  demanded  such,  subject  of  course,  to  the  payment  by 
the  latter  of  the  customary  seigniorial  dues  and  the  rendition 
of  the  accustomed  seigniorial  service.     In  &ct,  provision 
was  made  that  in  case  a  seignior  refused  to  concede  lands 
to  applicants,  the  governor  and  intendant  mi^t  step  in  and 
make  the  concession,  in  which  case  the  seigniorial  dues 
thenceforward  went  to  the  crown  and  not  to  the  terdy 
seignior.     From  time  to  time  the  authorities  put  eflective 
pressure  on  all  holders  of  seigniories  in  order  to  secure  the 
settlement  of  their  lands.     Where  sufficient  progreu  had 
not  been  made  in  clearing  and  popuUting  seigniories,  threats 
of  revoking  the  seigniorial  grant  were  ma«k,  and  in  some 
cases  were  actually  carrwd  out,  lands  being  taken  from  the 
grantees  and  reunited  to  the  royal  domain. 

It  was  under  the  seigniorial  qrstem  that  practically  all  the 
lands  of  the  colony  were  granted.  Occasionally,  grantt  in 
/rmu  aleu  (free  and  common  socage)  were  made,  and  in  a 
few  inttances  granu  mjraiu  aumSme  (frankalmign  or  mort- 
main) were  made  to  religious  bodies.  But  in  the  vast 
majority  of  cases  granu  made  by  the  Company  or  crown 
were  held  mfitfot  tn  stigiuwru.  As  to  the  extent  of  these 
grantt  there  was  no  fixed  rule;  chey  varied  from  a  few  acres 
to  many  square  lei^ues.    As  a  gmeral  rule,  however,  they 


I  ■    'f 


,;:  i   t 


»38 


CANdDA  AhD  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


usumed  ui  oblong  (hape,  with  a  luurrow  frontage  on  the 
river  and  extending  several  leagues  inland.  The  obligations 
of  the  seignior  to  the  crown  were  not  burdensome.  The 
grantee  on  receiving  his  seigniory  was  obliged  to  repair  to 
the  Chateau  de  St.  Louis>  at  Quebec,  and  uiere  render  his 
fealty  and  homage  to  the  governor  as  representing  the  king. 
Next,  he  deposited  and  registered  a  map  of  his  seignioty 
with  the  proper  officials.  The  only  financial  burden  upon 
the  seignior  was  the  necessity  of  paying  a  muUtion  fine 
amounting  to  one-fifth  of  the  value  of  the  fief  on  every 
change  of  ownership  other  than  inheritance  in  direct  suc- 
cession. In  most  cases  the  king,  in  granting  the  seignior- 
ies, reserved  the  right  to  take  from  the  land  such  timber  as 
might  be  needed  for  the  royal  navy  and  to  appropriate  such 
lands  as  might  subsequently  be  found  desirable  as  sites  of 
fortifica  ions  or  for  other  military  purposes.  The  obliga- 
tion to  render  miliury  service  does  not  appear  as  an  express 
provision  in  any  of  the  grants;  its  insertion  was  rendered 
unnecessary  by  the  fact  that  all,  whether  landholders  or  not, 
were  liable  to  be  called  upon  for  service  at  any  rime. 

Lands  within  the  seigniories  were  granted  by  the  sei- 
gniors, under  two  different  forms  of  tenure.  In  a  few 
cases  these  sub-grants  were  made  tn  arriirt  fitfy  that  is  to 
say  as  a  sub-seigniory  to  be  holden  of  the  seignior  under 
much  the  same  obligations  as  those  by  .rhich  the  dominant 
seignior  held  of  the  crown.  At  this  point  sub-infeudation 
seems  to  have  ceased:  a  sub-seignior  never  parcelled  out 
his  lands  in  smaller  seigniories.  In  fact  grants  tn  arriirt 
fief  were  quite  uncommon.  The  greater  portion  of  the 
small  holdings  obtained  from  the  seigniors  were  held  en  een- 
she  and  the  tenants  were  officially  called  censitairei.  But 
the  colonial  settler  disliked  this  term,  and  in  his  own  par- 
lance he  invariably  used  the  more  general  term  habitant. 
With  but  very  few  exceptions  no  grants  en  censive  were 
made  by  the  crown  direct ;  these  were  almost  invariably  nuuie 
by  the  seigniors  within  their  seigniories.  The  nearly  uni- 
versal practice  was  for  the  crown  to  grant  out  tracts  of  land 


JOUCUITUHE,  INDUSnr,  AND  COMMERCE 


»39 


M  ungmtmrU  and  for  the  wknior  to  sub-grut  the  burger 
portion  af  this  tn  cttutvt.  These  *n  ctnsiv*  hoMingt  vaned 
contidenibly  in  extent  but  they  invariably  assumed  the  same 
shape,  that  of  a  parallelogram  with  a  frontage  of  a  few  acres 
on  the  water  and  a  depth  about  ten  or  fifteen  cimes  u  great. 
This  peculiar  arrangement  of  the  holdings  appears  to  have 
resulted  from  the  (ksire  of  every  settler  to  have  access  to 
the  river,  which,  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  cdony,  formed  the 
gr«t  highway  of  communication  and  tnmspon. 

The  rights  of  the  seignior  over  his  etntitairtt  were  numer- 
ous and  more  or  less  complicated.  Some  were  pecuniaiy, 
some  judicial  and  some  were  purely  honorary.  Prominent 
among  the  first  of  these  was  the  right  to  receive  the  annual 
payment  known  as  the  ctns  tt  rtntts.  The  former,  amount- 
ing in  most  cases  to  but  a  few  sous  per  acre,  was  paid  in 
cash ;  the  latter  was  usually  paid  in  produce  and  formed  a 
real  burden.  Grain  and  poultry  were  for  the  most  part  the 
forms  of  produce  used  in  paying  the  rtntts^  the  ansitairts 
gathering  about  the  seigniorial  manor-house  each  autumn 
after  the  first  snowfall  to  make  delivery  of  their  respective 
dues.  Then  there  was  the  payment  known  as  the  Uds  tt 
ventesy  a  mutation  fine  of  about  one-twelfth  of  the  value  of 
the  holdmg  which  became  due  to  the  seignior  whenever  the 
land  changed  hands.  Transfers  for  a  consideration  below 
the  true  values  of  the  lands  in  order  to  defraud  the  seignior 
of  his  proper  share  were  prevented  by  a  proviso  of  the 
system  which  gave  him  »he  right  to  step  in,  on  giving  due 
notice  of  his  intention  so  to  (k>,  and  preempt  a  holding  at 
the  alleged  transfer  price.  Again,  there  was  the  Jroit  dt 
**."*'  ?""  ^^  "^*  enjoyed  by  the  seignior  to  erect  a  grist 
mill  within  his  seigniory  and  to  compel  ctnsitaires  to  bring 
their  grain  thither  to  be  ground,  paying,  of  course,  a  certain 
toll  for  this  service.  During  the  greater  part  of  the  French 
regime,  however,  the  burden  rested  upon  the  seigniors  rather 
than  upon  the  etnsitaires  for  royal  ordinances  compelled  the 
seignion  to  erect  the  mill  for  the  convenience  of  their  ctnsi- 
taires whether  there  was  a  chance  of  profit  at  not.     As  a 


h 


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1 

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11 

W: 

: 
i 

■  I 


140        CJMDJ  JND  MUTtSH  NORTH  AMUUCd 

matter  of  hety  mott  of  the  wigniorM]  millt  wen  nm  at  a 
loM,  for  the  toll  exacted,  amounting  to  <me>rouneenth  of  the 

r'n  ground,  did  not  auffice  to  pajr  the  wages  of  a  miller, 
lome  caaet  a  tetgnior  sou^t  to  reduce  expenses  by  at- 
tempting to  run  the  mill  himself  with  the  usual  result  that 
the  tinsitaim  obtained  miserable  flour  and  were  loud  in  their 
complainu  to  the  authorities.     In  addition  to  the  foregoing 
pecuniary  ri^ts,  the  seignior  had  the  privikge  of  exacting 
from  his  tenants  a  certain  number  of  days'  labor  during  the 
year.    This  was  known  u  the  mviti  and,  while  both 
common  and  harsh  in  France,  was  never  exacted  to  any 
burdensome  extent  in  Canada.     The  colonial  authorities 
intervened  in  1 716  to  prevent  the  exaction  of  this  foreed 
labor  in  seedtime  or  harvest,  and  in  the  following  year 
seriously  considered  the  matter  of  abolishing  the  right.  The 
exaction,  however,  continued  in  force  down  to  die  close  of 
the  French  regime,  but  in  most  cases  it  was  in  the  form 
of  a  money  payment  in  lieu  of  the  personal  services.  Finally, 
the  seigniors  possessed  a  number  of  less  important  privileges 
for  most  of  which  they  stipulated  in  making  their  sub^nnts. 
For  example,  the  seigniors  usually  reserved  the  right  to  take 
from  the  lands  of  their  eetuitaires  such  wood  and  stone  as 
they  mi^t  require  for  the  construction  of  the  seigniorial 
manor  house  or  mill;  the  right  to  hunt  over  the  cintitairtf 
lands ;  the  right  to  share  in  the  fish  caught  in  the  waters 
fronting  the  seigniory,  and  occasionally  tlM  exclusive  ri^ 
to  establish  ferries  across  the  rivers  of  the  seigniory. 

Most  seigniors  received  from  the  crown  the  ririit  of 
administering  justice  within  their  se^ories.  In  Fiance 
the  possession  of  z  fUf  invariably  carried  judicial  jurisdic> 
tion  with  it,  but  in  Canada  this  was  not  the  case.  Here 
the  grant  of  a  seigniory  conveyed  no  rig^t  of  administering 
justice  among  the  censitaires  of  the  seigniory  unleu  such 
right  were  expressly  conveyed  in  the  title  deed  obtained 
from  the  crown.  This  was  usually,  but  by  no  means 
mvariably  the  case.  As  a  general  rule  seigniorial  gnuits 
conveyed  the  right  of  high,  mean,  and  low  jurisdiction 


Spectment  of  card  money.     Frtm  tht  originalt  m  tht 
Ckattau  di  Kamtxay,  MtmlrtaL 


m 


I 


MaxuLTuu,  mm/tnr,  md  coMMutct    141 

(iMMr,  wmmu  tt  tmmjmikt)  wUdi  faiiplM  dM  tkt  Mi- 
fi^Qr  aiglbc  MaAWi  a  cewt  to  trict  cogriiun  of  an  ( 


ftidiif,aii4lktlik».  OccariawJIy,  Iwirtm,  wiarioit  iww 
graoMd  tiM  i%|m  of  MMu  or  lew  jwMietiM  «d^,  <■  wyeh 
evflot  dMir  jwUcMl  NOft  WM  MM  Ifayitd.  ^aoMW 
of  ftct  Mi|Moriil  JMdoowM  laidy  ■■■wiml  OMopt 
vtfjr  minor  omm  smI  aoi  oAm  dMa.  TUt  in  a  immii 
was  diw  to  dw  ■paiMMM  oTdw  poHxion  and  tlw 
pandvo  povwnr  of  tha  coleaf,  bacauM  of  wUdi  Ikdt  profit 
couM  ba  had  ftom  fines,  ftaa  and  odMr  inddnta  of  jwia- 
dictkm  aAar  tba  raquind  jptynmu  kad  baaa  oMda  to  dM 
couR  ofikJab.    Not  that  dM  paapla  wm  diaindiaad  to 


litwttioa,  for  difimnt  intaadanta  lapottad  to  tha 
auAoritka  die  chronic  Ikiriemaaea  of  dM  k»iikmt,    Btrt 
their  di^ittai  were  to  trivial  dM  dwk  adJaetawMt  gave  te 


pacuniarT 
tha  aarijrt 
dona  npdhM 
ori^MdjoriaAedoa 
rofu  coort  waa 


in  aU 


rojral  coorta.    Theaa  had  not 

over  tha  a^iuorfad  eowta  hut 

cases  as  wra.    Hanca,  whanev 

lished  witto  convenient  djaianta,  rwott  was  had  to  it.    In 

this  waj  dM  topi  courts  gndnalty  ohtahMd  and  aaai^ed 

or^n-i  jurisdiction  in  even  Ae  most  nnfanpormnt  caases. 

TL  n  thoa  were  caitain  ri^Ma,  mmv  or  lest  honoimnr  in 
dieir  natmc,  which  dM  tei|iiior  enjojrod.  AnMng  odMr 
diii^  he  couM  require  dM  umitmm  on  Uajrdi^  of  aadi 
jrear  to  asaamble  to  plant  a  Majrpole  at  dM  doer  of  dM 
teignioiial  nmori  he  aught  dnnand  tha  aaoat  dtsnaUe 
I^Kc  in  dM  pariA  dutrch  and  pracadenca  in  Aa  adonnis- 
nation  of  the  sacnunents.  Likewisa,  he  waa  lagvded  aa 
being  eatided  to  a  general  defcruica  from  his  emhrnrn^ 
but  dM  manner  in  which  dria  maaifesMd  itself  depended. 


<4>vioasijr,  i^on  his  own  sodal  nmk  and  waaldk' 

writen  have  used  the  terras  <* Miliars*' and  ttrnddesse**  as 
q^nonjniious.  In  Fnmce  it  mqr  be  nearer  correct  to  use  them 
to,  but  in  speafciag  ^  CaiM^  dus  use  (rf'dM  temu  is  quite 


I'  I H  i 


n 


ti 


h 


142  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

misleading.     In  France,  the  seignior  was  always  a  member 
of  the  Hobltsse;  in  the  colony,  he  was  by  no  means  such. 
In  fact,  not  one  Canadian  seignior  in  fifty  had  this  rank. 
From  time  to  time  the  French  king,  in  recognition  of  meri- 
torious services  performed  by  certain  seigniors  either  in  mili- 
tary expeditions  or  in  the  defence  of  the  country  or  in 
advancing  the  civil  interests  of  the  colony,  granted  patents 
of  nobility  to  them.     Furthermore,  some  of  the  immigrants 
to  the  colony,  especially  among  those  who  came  out  with 
the  intention  of  taking  government  service  and  among  the 
officers  of  the  disbanded  Carignan-Salieres  Regiment,  were 
already  members  of  the  noblesse  in  France,  and  these,  of 
course,  retained  their  rank  in  Canada.     On  the  whole  the 
design  of  creating  a  feudal  aristocracy  in  the  western  domin- 
ions of  France  was  not  attended  with  any  marked  success. 
Those  who  received  rank  in  the  nebUsse  were  undoubtedly 
for  the  most  part  worthy  of  the  honor,  but  they  were  also  for 
the  most  part  very  poor  in  worldly  goods  and  found  the 
struggle  to  maintain  their  dignity  a  very  hard  one.    In  fact, 
dire  poverty  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  chief  attributes 
of  a  Canadian  aristocrat  of  the  old  r^me.     From  time 
to  time  both  governors  and  intendants  deplored  this  fact 
and  cautioned  the  king  against  increasing  their  numbers. 
Governor  de  Denonville,  for  example,  wrote  in   1685: 
"Above  all  things,  sire,  let  me  say  that  the  tubUsse  of  this 
colony  are  a  most  beggarly  lot,  and  that  to  increase  their 
number  is  but  to  augment  the  number  of  drones.     What 
this  new  country  most  needs  is  sturdy  workmen  to  wield 
the  axe  and  handle  the  hoe.     The  only  resource  of  the 
H(Alesse  is  to  take  to  the  woods,  trade  a  little  with  the  In- 
dians and  for  the  most  part  adopt  their  vices.   .   .   .   They 
are  all  wretchedly  poor  and  so.  helplessly  in  debt  that  th^ 
could  not  get  credit  for  a  single  crown  piece."     Only  a 
year  or  two  later  the  governor  again  reminded  his  sover- 
eign :  "  I  had  rather  see  good  habitants  come  to  this  colony, 
for  a  habitant  who  can  and  will  work  can  get  along  very 
well  here,  while  gentibhemmes  who  do  not  work  can  never 


JGRICULTUKE,  INDUSTRT,  AND  COMMBRCB      143 

be  anything  but  psupen."  After  both  De  Meules  and 
Champigny  bad  repeatedly  emphasiz-d  the  desirability  of 
granting  no  more  patents  of  n'-biJity.  the  king  promised 
acquiescence.  But  he  foiled  to  >;:ep  his  promise,  t.ir  patenu 
continued  to  be  issued  at  variour  intfirvals  do\7n  o  the  close 
of  the  French  r^me.  The  tot !  number  of  m  ole  families 
was,  however,  never  very  large.  Gw»»i»iiC.r  C^uleton  esti- 
mated that  at  the  time  of  the  British  conquest  there  were 
not  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  all,  and  of  these  the 
majority  returned  to  France  as  soon  as  the  Treaty  of  Paris 
was  announced.  Yet  it  is  noi  to  be  imagined  from  the 
foregoing  that  all  the  members  of  the  noilesse  were  in  per- 
petual poverty;  many  of  them  were  signal  exceptions  to  the 
general  rule.  Unfortunately,  many  seigniors  were  well  to 
do  until  the  king  bestowed  patents  upon  them  in  recc^nition 
of  their  industry  and  thrift,  but  thenceforward  they  became 
too  proud  to  work  and  soon  dissipated  what  means  they  had 
accumulated. 

Such  was  the  system  under  which  the  rural  population 
of  New  France  was  organized.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  political  and  miliary  advantages  of  the  system  from  the 
standpoint  of  a  Bourbon  despotism,  it  was  not  conducive  to 
sound  and  rapid  agricultural  development.  This  is  abun- 
dantly shown  in  the  extremely  primitive  methods  of  agri- 
culture which  prevailed  in  the  colony  down  to  the  close 
of  the  French  rigime  and  by  the  continued  backwardness  of 
agricultural  Lower  Canada  in  comparison  with  her  sister 
provinces  so  long  as  the  seigniorial  system  was  permitted  to 
exirt.  Eveu  at  the  present  day,  although  l>«lf  »  century  has 
passed  since  the  Act  of  1854  swept  away  the  last  vestiges 
of  feudal  tenure,  the  province  has  not  fiilly  recovered  from 
the  eftcts  of  its  long  existence.  It  is  not  to  be  inferred 
that  the  existence  of  the  seigniorial  system  of  tenure  was 
the  sole  cause  of  tardy  agricultural  development.  The 
lucrauve  fur  trade  drew  off  what  was  perhaps  the  best  and 
most  progressive  element  of  the  population)  dw  exaction 
of  the  tithes  and  the  strict  insistence  by  the  Roman  Cathdic 


5   ; 
ft'.' 


r; 


I 


ri 


li 


144         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

Church  on  the  observance  of  a  laige  number  of  fast  dayt 
and  holy  days  by  abstention  from  labor;  the  generally  low 
standard  of  education  in  the  colony;  these  and  a  number 
of  other  circumstances  contributed  more  or  less  directly  to 
the  same  end.  But  the  land  tenure  system  was,  neverthe- 
less, the  most  important  clog  upon  progress. 

As  the  earlier  settlers  receiv«l  very  generous  allotments 
of  land  no  attempt  was  made  at  the  outset  to  clear  any 
considerable  portion  of  each  holding.     TTie  eensitairt  pro- 
ceeded, usually,  by  preparing  a  few  arpents  lying  next  the 
river,  and  upon  them  he  erected  his  house  and  outbuildings. 
From  year  to  year  the  cleared  space  was  extended  back 
from  the  stream  and  it  was  only  after  a  genera  :ion  or  more 
that  the  whole  tract  was  made  ready  for  the  plow.    In  fiict 
the  work  of  clearing  the  holdings  proceeded  so  tardily  that 
from  time  to  time  ordinances  had  to  be  issued  by  the  author- 
ities at  Quebec  threatening  to  give  the  seigniors  power  to 
revoke  grants  unless  a  reasonable  area  had  in  each  case  been 
put  under  cultivation  within  a  reasonable  time.     Once 
cleared,  the   lands  were  put  under  cultivation  in  nther 
rough  fashion.     The  implemenu  were  primitive,  and  in 
many  cases  the  babitantt  wrere  too  poor  to  procure  their 
own  horses.    Quite  often  a  number  of  them  on  the  same  or 
neighboring  seigniories  clubbed  together  to  use  the  same 
team;  sometimes,  again,  the  teams  of  the  seignior  were 
rented  by  his  censitairet.    At  the  soil  was  rich,  one  plowing 
a  year  was  usually  deemed  sufficient.     Roution  was  not 
practised  extensively  since  the  area  of  cleared  knds  on  the 
holding  of  the  avenge  cenntain  was  not  sufficiently  la^ 
conveniently  to  permit  of  this.     Nor  did  even  the  principle 
of  allowing  some  part  of  the  holding  to  lie  fidlow  each  year 
find  much  favor,  especially  during  the  earlier  part  of  the 
old  r^me.     Manuring  the  land  was  resorted  to  commonly 
enough,  but  without  any  attempt  at  systematic  fertilization. 
In  consequence  the  lands  soon  became  exhausted  under  the 
incessant  cropping  without  rest  or  replenishment  of  the  soil. 
As  early  as  1682,  the  intendant,  De  Meules,  wrote  that  no 


*Ct4aa, 


>Aw«c 


H^inAificwatCium. 

"'•^•■oif  wian  t»  I'fcs. 
■**■■>•■  comcMM  10.  ncJi 
4*UrccU!|M*&(kken 


*i 

MMKtiMi 


4tna. 


N  PbitM  feraM<.n  bfonit 
unuUn  pan  annc  It  ca- 

.  Aon 

O  lardm  ia  ficu  ic  dtm- 
pltifi. 

P  UcuiCae 

Q  Pbct  4<uiii  I  httitiri— 
rat  It  b«ri  it  I*  tMMtr 

R  Ugi<a4«ii«i«>t4c6iaft 


Chimplain'i  chitcau  at  Qjiebec.     Fram  a  ctpftrfUu  pMisbtd  m 
/6/j,  mow  M  tie  Nrw  York  Public  Lihraiy,  Lttux  Sramet. 


L 


w 


h 


m  I 


1 

i 

! 

1 

1  ^ 

m 

[ft 

i 

Wk 

1'  i 

JOUCULTURM,  ttiDUtnr,  dMD  COilMMRCM      145 

fiunOy  could  h<^  to  nise  more  gnin  than  tuficed  for  its 
own  needs.  Somewhat  lator  Catdopie,  in  hit  lengtfaf 
repoit,  declared  that  ^if  the  toil  were  not  better  cultivated 
in  Europe  than  here,  three-qiattert  of  the  people  wouM 
starve."  Maize  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Ftendi  em 
formed  the  principal  crop,  but  wheat,  oats,  and  other  grains 
were  grown  in  considerable  quantities.  Scnne  attention  was 
given  to  the  cultivation  of  roou  and  vegetables,  whik  large 
quantities  of  hay  were  annually  taken  from  die  rich  mea^w 
lands  along  dw  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  its  tributaries. 
In  the  raising  of  cattle  slow  prepress  wu  made.  Horses, 
homed  cattle,  and  sheep  were  sent  out  to  the  colony  by  the 
paternal  king  and  distributed  with  a  view  to  assisting  the 
baUtantSj  but  the  cattle-raising  industry,  while  not  unimpor- 
tant, hardly  fulfilled  expectations.  One  very  great  diffi- 
c-ilty  with  which  the  baUtant  had  to  contend  was  the 
scarcity  of  labor.  The  incessant  military  operations  drew 
off  brge  numbers  of  those  who  mi^t  odierwise  have  been 
available  for  work  on  the  land,  and  it  was  only  with  the 
utmost  difficulty  that,  in  many  years,  the  harvest  couM 
be  garnered  in.  Even  women  and  small  children  had  to  be 
preMed  into  service  in  the  fields  on  such  occasions. 

The  houses  of  the  seigniors  w«e,  fcnr  die  moM  part, 
comfortable  and  substantial  one-story  structures.  As  a  rule, 
these  were  built  of  wood,  but  many  of  the  more  wealthy 
built  substantial  manor  houses  of  stone.  The  main  build- 
ing was  usually  long  and  narrow,  surmounted  by  ktfty  gables 
and  with  a  very  steep  roof.  On  the  gnnuud-fiomr  were  two 
or  more  living  rocmis,  partitioned  off  by  boards,  fiv  lath  and 
plaster  were  practically  unknown.  Above,  on  die  spacious 
attic  flow,  were  the  bed  chambers.  Numerous  h^^i-peaked 
dormer  windows  thrust  themselves  out  from  die  loof  to 
afibrd  l^it  to  these  diambers.  The  main  building  was 
usually  flanked  by  a  wing  in  which  were  the  kitchen  and 
storehouse.  Around  this  manor  house  clustered  tlM  bams, 
stables,  and  other  oudiuildings.  Even  in  the  houses  oi  dw 
•eigniors  the  foratture  was  exttemely  muf&t,    A I 


mmm 


"ill 

ft 


146         CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICd 

carpet,  a  rough  hewn  table,  tome  coane  chain,  a  chest  of 
drawers,  and  in  the  comer  the  spinning-wheel;  these,  with 
a  long  bench  or  two,  formed  the  furnishings  of  the  main 
room.  Many  of  the  more  opulent  seigniors  had,  however, 
brought  their  goods  with  them  from  France,  in  which  case 
their  dwellings  presented  internally  a  more  luxurious  appear- 
ance. The  main  room  of  the  manor  house  was  usually 
utilized  by  the  seignior  for  holding  the  seigniorial  court 
whenever  he  happened  to  avail  himself  of  his  judicial 
privileges. 

The  dwellings  of  the  habitants  were  usually  small  but 
snug  cabins,  built  o\  timber,  and  provided  with  wide  over- 
hanpng  eaves.  Rarely  were  there  more  than  two  rooms 
within;  one  of  these  being  a  general  living  room  and 
kitchen,  the  other  a  chamber.  The  furniture  differed  little 
from  that  of  the  seigniors,  for  in  worldly  goods  there  was 
no  wide  divergence  between  the  two  classes.  A  spacious 
hearth  with  its  long  crane  and  large  <*bake-kettle"  was  the 
most  striking  feature  of  the  room.  Here  the  blazing  fire 
cheered  the  long  winter  evenings. 

In  industrial  development  there  was  but  little  progress 
outside  the  household.  Spinning,  like  weaving,  was  a  do- 
mestic matter,  every  cabin  possessing  its  wheel  and  most 
of  them  having  a  hand  loom,  in  which  the  rwi^  homespun 
or  itoffes  of  the  habitants  were  made.  A  few  seigniors 
managed  to  wear  finer  fabrics  imported  from  France,  but 
the  majority  of  the  higher  ranks  of  society  clad  themselves 
like  the  habitants.  In  some  of  the  religious  houses  a  finer 
grade  of  cloth  was  made  by  the  inmates,  and  to  these  young 
girls  were  often  sent  to  learn  how  to  spin  and  weave.  As 
wool  was  not  plentiful  in  the  colony,  the  authorities  e 
couraged  the  growing  of  flax  to  increase  the  supply  of  ra 
materials  available  for  the  manufacture  of  fiibrics. 

Within  the  household  a  considerable  part  of  the  grain 
was  ground  in  hand  mills  or  sometimes  in  rough  Indian 
fashion.  Seigniorial  mills  were  erected  slowly,  and  for  a  long 
time  their  work  was  very  ineflicient.    The  habitants  made 


JOUCULTUU,  INDUSnr,  AND  COMMUCS      14; 

constant  daimt  that  the  grain  could  be  more  tatufiwtimly 
ground  at  home.  In  1732,  the  king  shipped  out  a  number 
of  ftnning  mills,  and  these  were  distributed  among  the 
seigniors  in  the  districu  of  Montreal  and  Quebec,  and  by 
the  use  of  these  appliances  results  were  consi^rably  im- 
proved. But  the  milling  ^.idustry,  usually  one  of  the  first 
to  develop  in  a  new  agricultural  ccmntry,  made  exceedingly 
discouraging  progress. 

Talon,  during  his  intendancy,  made  vigorous  attempts  to 
esublish  a  few  manu&ctures,  but  without  apparent  success. 
Thus  he  proceeded  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  shipbuilding 
industry  by  constructing  a  vessel  at  the  royal  expense  as  an 
object  lesson  to  the  people.  But  the  lesson  was  not  learned, 
for  it  was  forty  years  or  more  before  the  next  ship  left  the 
stocks  at  Quebec.  Again,  he  dispatched  prospeaors  to 
search  for  minerals  in  the  western  countries,  and  these 
were  rewarded  by  the  discovery  of  rich  copper  mines  on 
the  shores  of  Lake  Superior.  But  the  distance  from  Quebec 
was  too  great  and  several  generations  passed  before  any 
serious  attempt  was  made  to  develop  these  deposia.  By 
persuasion  and  promise  of  reward  as  well  as  by  example, 
the  Colbert  of  New  France  tried  to  interest  others  in  the 
promodon  of  industrial  enterprises.  One  individual  was 
induced  to  begin  the  manuftcture  of  potash  and  soap} 
another  began  the  making  of  tar;  a  third  esublished  a  small 
tannery,  and  a  fourth  commenced  the  manu&cture  of  hats 
and  shoes.  With  unconcealed  pride  the  worthy  intendant 
sent  off  samples  of  their  wares  to  the  king  who  commended 
heartily  the  good  work.  One  of  Talon's  final  acts  was  the 
esublishment  cf  a  small  brewery,  designed  not  alone  to 
keep  the  baUtant^  money  in  the  colony,  but  to  assist  in 
the  diminution  of  drunkenness  by  subttituting  for  French 
brandy  a  less  intoxicating  liquor. 

After  Talon's  tfeparture,  however,  industry  fainguished 
for  lack  of  practical  encouragement.  Succeeding  intendants 
plied  the  king  with  requestt  for  asnstance  in  the  way  of 
trained  artisans  and  mtmey  grants.     **Send  me  some  tileis. 


Ill 


148         CdMJDd  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  dMERlCd 

fcrickmaken,  and  potten,"  wrote  one.    MSend  mt  into, 
workers  to  work  our  minei,"  begged  hit  tuccetMr.  A  thtni, 
IBM  specific  in  hu  demands  exprened  a  desire  "diat  Hk 
Maiesty  would  send  us  aU  softs  of  artisans."    As  a  matter 
of  &ct,  however,  it  was  not  the  policy  of  the  king  to  develop 
the  mdustnes  of  t»?e  cobnv  in  wich  wise  as  to  create  com. 
peutors  with  industries  at  home.    Flour  mills  and  tanneries 
might  be  safely  encounged  but  it  was  not  the  design  of  the 
f  rench  government  to  make  New  Fiance  industradly  self, 
•ufficient.    Rather  was  it  thought  best  that  the  ^ny 
should  provide  at  once  a  source  of  raw  material  for  FiancJ 
and  a  market  for  her  manu&ctured  goods.     Even  in  the 
cksmg  days  of  the  old  r^ime,  Montcalm  expressed  this 
doaruie  with  undiminished  vigor.    ^Let  us  beware"  he 
wys,  "how  we  aUow  the  esteblishment  of  industri^  in 
Canada  or  she  will  become  proud  and  mutinous  like  the 
Englirii  colonies      So  long  a.  Fi«m*  is  a  nursery  to 
Canada,  let  not  the  Canadums  be  aUowed  to  trade  but  kept 
to  heir  hbonous  life  and  to  their  militaiy  services.     They 
wjl  be  less  wealthy  but  more  brave  and  ftithful  to  us." 

t)^A^  T^^T^.  *°  ?"**"'  •»"*  if  they  represented 
the  Ideas  of  the  liberaUynninded  Montcalm  in  the  later 
half  of  the  ei^teenth  century,  what  must  have  been  the 
attrtude  towanl  industrial  development  of  his  narrower 
predecessors  of  the  seventeenth? 

tnermore,  be  found  m  the  restrictions  which  the  French 
government  placed  on  immigration  to  the  colony.  As  thf 
mo«  Christian  king  had  no  derire  to  buUd  up  .^colony  rt 
heretics,  only  those  who  were  suunch  in  the  fiuth  were  al- 
lowed to  settle  in  New  Fnmce.     A  number  of  Huguenot 

Z!J  A?  "T^  .*?*  ~'°"J^  ^^  •«»»«'  to  ti3e,  for 
most  of  the  colonial  importations  came  fiom  the  old  Huguew 

not««portofRochelle.     But,  by  the  police  regulatioiJof 

the  colony,  these  were  not  aUowed  to  remain  over  winter 

without  special  permission  from  the  intendant,  and  under 

no  cireumstance.  were  they  allowed  to  take  up  permanent 


^OUCUlTUU,INDUnHr,JNDC0MMMRCM      14, 

»««eace.  /»P«Med  be  God,"  writes  DenonyUle,u»|,«  i, 
not  m  heretic  in  this  cdonT."  He  might  hare  iwed  that 
there  WM  M  ioim  tipi  of  induitrid  uid  conuneidd  mm* 
atofbereqr.    The  Huguenott  were  extremely  protregBve 

artw«M  «id  tiideri,Md  their  mlgredon  to  the  i^would 
have  intradaced  therein  a  vigorooa  and  enterprising  stock. 
New  Englaad  was  colonised  hj  religious  refugees,  ^d  to  a 
glorious  outcome,  as  her  histoiy  abundantly  shows.  Fiance, 
howew,  preferred  to  keep  from  her  colonies  the  only  cbm 
of  settlers  who  earnestly  desired  to  mignte  thither,  preferring 
a  population  of  unpragressive  and  impoverished  chuidimeS 
to  a  colony  of  prosperous  heretics.  If  ever  there  was  a 
communitjr  free  from  portive  heterodoxy,  it  was  the  New 
France  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  The 
feet,  while  It  may  solace  the  ardent  clerical  writer,  wrings 

scant  admration  from  the  student  of  economic  history. 

In  trjde  and  commerce,  the  spirit  of  restriction  and  mo- 
nopoly  dominated  every  bruch  of  activity.  Down  to  1674. 
the  successive  companies  to  whose  cham  the  commeidal 
development  of  the  colony  had  been  ^mmitted  guarded 
Aeir  pnvi^ps  most  jealously.     The  Company  of  New 

l!^  ?"!?*  *5!  ^•*"  '632-1663,  allowed  'no  one  to 
pro«ed  to  Canada  except  on  its  vessels,  and  no  tradins 
couW  be  done  except  through  its  storehouses.  And  wen 
rW/r^*™*  »««>P°»7,  "^  compwatively  Ught  expenses, 

the  heavy  shaeUes  kept  gross  expansion  withm  narrow  lim- 
itt,  and  ntt  profits  suiiered  greatly  at  the  hands  of  pilferimt 

^f^'    ^i^3  to  his  retirement  from  oflke  £1168? 

pany  of  the  West  Indies  possessed  a  monopoly  of  the  tnde 

dunng  the  fim  eleven  of  these  years,  but  Colbert  controlled 
Its  operstions  with  a  firm  hand.  Under  the  auspices  of  his 
able  agent,  J«n  Talon,  every  dfcrt  was  madTro  increase 
t!^"'*^  ^«^,^««*»  especially  to  the  French  West 
i^tfc  fiA  "^  "  !/^7v*  ^  *w  freigMed  at  Quebec 
with  fish,  gwn,  and  timber  by  the  xeateSTintendant  and 


.    f 


if    5 


150         CJNJDJ  AND  MUfUM  NOkTH  JMMUCd 

■em  off  to  the  W«t  ladiei,  where  the  cum  wu  to  be  ex- 
changed  for  sugar.  Thi.,  again,  was  to  be  taken  to  France, 
there  to  be  exchanged  for  goods  suited  to  the  Canadian 
market.  But,  try  as  thejr  might,  the  trade  would  continue 
only  so  long  as  the  royal  treasury  continued  iu  pecuniary 
support.  "^  ' 

When,  in  1674,  the  charter  of  the  Compuiy  of  the  West 
Indies  was  revoked,  trade  was  declared  open  to  all  subjects 
of  the  king,  yet  all  the  heavy  shackles  were  not  removed. 
Merchants  not  resident  in  the  colony  were  allowed  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  only  through  some  colonial  merchant:  and 
under  no  circumstances  were  they  to  trade  above  Quebec, 
and  there  ttade  was  allowed  during  ceruin  months' only. 
No  one,  whether  resident  or  not,  was  permitted  to  trade 
with  the  English  colonies,  nor  could  anyone  visit  these 
without  a  special  passport,  which  was  not  easy  to  obuin. 
None  but  French  goods  could,  under  any  circumstances,  be 
brought  mto  the  colony  j  any  foreign  goods  found  in  the 
country  were  subjf -t  to  immediate  confiscation.     Imposu 
on  trade  were  no         er  levied  by  the  Company,  but  by 
the  ofEciaU  of  the  c.own  or  farmers  of  the  revenue,  as  the 
««e  might  be.     Both  import  and  export  taxes  were  levied. 
Among  the  articles  subject  to  the  former  were  wines,  bnindy, 
and  tobacco,  which  were  taxed  ten  per  cent.     For  a  long 
time  these  had  been  the  only  commodities  upon  which  im- 
posts were  levied  at  importation;  but,  as  colonial  expenses 
grew,  other  imports  were  taxed  at  entry.     In  the  case  of 
exports,  furs  were  the  chief  articles  taxed.     Export  dues 
upon  beaver  skins  amounted  to  twenty-five  per  cent  of  their 
value,  and  upon  moose  hides,  ten  per  cent.     Other  skins 
were  taxed  m  proportion.     The  export  taxes  proved  so  re- 
munerative that  in  some  years  the  farmers  of  the  revenue 
paid  as  much  as  four  hundred  thousand  livres  for  their  privi- 
teges.   There  were,  however,  no  internal  taxes,  and  freedom 
from  the  tatlU  was  a  great  boon  to  the  colonists.    In  a  few 
caws,  special  assessments  for  local  improvements  were  hud 
upon  them,  but  these  occasions  were  tare  and  the  amoonu 


J-1 


joucnruRi,  wDmnr,  jnd  commucm    151 

involved  were  uivaiiaUjr  Haall.  Ordinwily,  their  oob  bur- 
dens were  die  teigaiorial  duee  lad  the  Hoe.  Tiy>  htter* 
amounting  to  one-twemjr-«xth  of  die  produce  of  even 
holding*  went  to  the  %appim  of  the  Chuich,  and  to  collec- 
tion WM  sanctioaed  bjr  die  civil  authorittea. 

What  traden  found  much  more  oi^hcmivc  ^an  the  taxes 
was  the  Mrict  regulation  of  prices  maintained  by  the  au- 
thoritiet.  Everjr  commoditjr  had  its  price  fixed  by  mdi- 
nance*  of  the  Council,  and  no  one  m^t  either  mII  or  buy 
below  or  above  this  on  pain  of  fine.  The  comparative 
inehuticity  of  these  schedules  seriously  hampeied  natural 
trade  and  drove  it  into  illicit  channels.  It  was  not  long 
before  many  of  the  Indian  tribes  found  that  diey  could 
exchange  their  furs  much  more  profiubly  with  the  I^ch 
and  Eng^  merchanu,  for  these  were  undo-  no  such  ham- 
pering regdations.  It  was  for  diis  reaswi  that  so  much  of 
the  western  tnuk  was  diverted  to  Albany.  Nevertheless, 
the  Frendi  by  their  superior  knowk<%e  of  Indian  dipk>> 
macy,  their  practice  of  nuddng  bvish  gifts  to  tribal  chiefs 
and  the  influence  of  their  Jesuit  missionaries,  managed  to 
hold  their  share  of  the  peltry  traffic  despite  their  great 
economic  disadvantages.  From  first  to  laM  the  fur  trade 
was  the  economic  backbone  of  New  Fnwce.  It  was 
throudiout  two  centuries  more  important  tlun  all  other 
branches  of  commerce  put  together.  Fascinating,  adven- 
turous, dangerous,  yet  withal  profitable  { it  not  alone  absorbed 
almost  the  whole  enterprise  of  the  colony  but  in  sapping  the 
life  blood  of  all  other  branches  of  economic  activity,  it  kept 
them  if  a  state  of  chronic  debility.  The  giant  octopus 
swallowed,  with  insatiabk  avklky,  almost  all  t^  enterprise 
and  energy  which  might  have  diverted  themselves  into 
channels  more  permanendy  beneficial  to  the  colony. 

There  were  two  meAoth  by  which  the  fur  trade  could 
be  carried  on.  One  was  by  going  to  the  Indians  to  buy 
and  sell)  the  other  was  by  having  the  Indians  come  to  the 
French.  From  the  outset  to  the  end,  the  individual  traden 
much  |»eferred  the  former  method,  but  from  first  to  last  tiw 


ISa         CJHADJI  dUD  BMTUH  MOUTH  dMMUCJ 
•"t^oritkt  lought  to  eitd»IWi  tht  htter.  It  wm  to  tlUi  did 

tiwl.  Thwt  liren,  ua  Qutbw:,  and  to  thm  mil  «». 

mw  ewm  At  cwioe  «odlht  of  tht  |«4Imm  from  the  north 
•nd  wctt.    Eytiy  tnMkr  flWiiWitJiidl  liit  booth,  ud  fbr 

<h}^thebuttriji|coiitiniMdtiUth     adkuw  hjid^hwiied 

mnkm.  The  uithomiM  111011117  &»«^  thk  mtii^  of 
tilde  for  It  |Bve  oppoRunitx  «» the  cxeictM  of  itrict  racu. 
btion  in  the  natter  of  prices.  LikewMe  it  lendewd  pSi- 
Ue  a  nore  or  kM  eficttvt  cheek  on  the  liquor  tnde.    But 

MMVof  the  Ufdy  nadert  chafed  under  the  mtiaints 
inpoiedupontn«ieattheaettIe«ema.    At  the  outt«d^ 

SS  i^^SSff**" 'l*"^  ••>»«««««»«  ow  fi«n  Mo^ 
tieal  in  order  to  wayla/  the  aavagea  aa  ther  came  down  the 

wwted  at  the  fcir.     Usually  they  were  aucSatfiU  in  inter- 

S3lj/t:rr*^'*V!«.'*'*^  them  with  brlSSr. 
•ecurwl  the  best  fura  at  the  lowest  ntes.     The  colonhd 

ofioal.  launched  forth  their  ordinances  apinst  this  S^ 

tWlve.  boUly  in  the  p«h  of  the  t««c,  moving  foSS 
«dfimher  up  toward  the  hunting  pounds!  In^nTw 
numhrr.  of  them  to<A  annually  t^  the  woods  and  oSlckS 
w«h  the  mvages  in  their  homes.  Urged  on  by  thetaS 
T^^  r^^"*  tried  to  hold  back  themlusty  1^^ 
^  i«,  by  tSreau.     But  there  was  no  Stepping  u2  SSr 

t^'  "*"!.*  "^  '^  ^'^y  would  not  be  long  in 
«pIo.tojg,t  there.  So,  und.le  to  st4»  the  evil,  the  a«£S 
tt«^tortgul«eit.     Pom  we«  estabSid  at  S 

ofT^SiSTzir^""-  I''«Wi««theevide«» 
Of  the  Jesuit  Rtlatwu  these  posts,  fiir  from  introductng 


»rff 


G 


JOMKUITVU,  MDWnr,  JMD  COMMERCE      153 

bw  ami  offritr  iato  tht  tndt,  hrnxm  hoibadi  «f  iniqtiity, 
MMchti7,Mrflwrl««BMi.  la  tht bulky  »ol««M3f tit 
^<^MMii  ^  conoMiiduitt  ud  uadm  of  that  WMieni 
torts  Mimi  pilloried  on  ifaaoM  cmy  mh.  But  ia  tUt 
>n«tt«r  tbc  Jatuitt  caimot  bt  accoumod  imputkl  chioi^ 
dm.  To  ^  whok  tpMm  thtjr  wm  imcompiominaiiy 
oppoMd,  and  to  umuam  thtt  thdr  avntivM  wm  not  cdk 
ored  m  cooMQiMncc  is  to  gram  their  tcttimoBT  dii«r«M 
consi^ratioo  from  that  propcrfy  accorded  conteowonuy 
evidence.  It  miut  be  adaaitted,  however,  that  the  traden 
at  the  wcatera  poats  were  in  the  field  for  high  profits,  and 
that,  m  eonaequence,  thejr  were  not  ovencrupuloua  in  their 
"««»*  ^^f***"*""!  theae.  Sone  of  them,  monover,  were 
not  men  ««om  we  might  rtaionably  expect  to  put  into 
practice  thoee  prindplea  of  h.,neatjr,  tobrietjr,  and  chaatitv 
whKh  Aeur  trriwiaarical  fompatriott  aougltt  to  eaferee 

AnodMT  mode  of  atteo^Ned  teguhtioa  was  to  isi.  •<- 
Uceaaes  to  a  limited  number  of  €mrtun  A  Mr  each  vear. 
Usualfy  the  number  putted  was  twcntj^ve,  and  for  each 
license  a  considendile  pajoMnt  was  exacted.  But  that  thia 
system  efictcd  little  is  shown  bjr  the  statement  in  one  of 
Duchesneau's  dispatches  that  mon  dum  e^  huadied  men 
out  of  t  population  of  less  than  ten  thousuid  aoub  had 
taken  to  dw  wilderness  to  trade.  Lands  were  abaadooedi 
wives  and  children  were  deserted)  debts  were  left  unpud) 
the  ftsdnation  of  die  tnific  seemed  to  grip  every  vuorous 
young  man  in  dw  colony.  In  fi^t,  the  exodus,  I^ite 
stringent  interdictions,  seems  at  times  to  have  amumed  the 
character  of  an  (Mgaidsed  nmvement,  and  the  adventurous 
Du  Lhut  is  said  to  have  eftcted  a  general  combination  of 
ue  young  men  of  Moittreal  to  follow  Um  into  the  forests. 
Ofioi  die  Murviirr  dt  kit  remained  in  dw  woods  for  yean 
at  a  time,  retumii^  to  dvilinnion  whenever  they  diougitt 
the  chances  of  pumshmem  were  smallest.  Forhalfaceo- 
tuiy  diey  held  in  dieir  huMb  die  destinies  of  the  great 
West  and  su^ilied  die  East  wkh  the  sinews  afikc  ot  peace 
and  war. 


154  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  system  of  currency  deserves  notice.     It  gave  the 
authorities  both  of  New  and  Old  France  much  trouble. 
Early  in  the  course  of  commercial   development  it  was 
found  that  the  "balance  of  trade"  was  constantly  against 
the  colony,  and  that,  in  consequence,  specie  currency  was 
n'  sooner  shipped  out  to  C     .  i  than  it  made  its  way  back 
to  France.     Consequently,  i.     •  was  a  perpetual  scarcity 
of  corned  money  in  the  colony,  and  as  a  result  traders  had 
to  use  skins  and  grain  as  circulating  media  and  standards 
of  vnlue.     In  the  course  of  time  the  Council  was  forced  to 
recj^ize  existing  conditions  by  making  these  commodities 
legal  tender  at  their  market  prices.     But  these  were  at  best 
clumsy  expedients,  and  soon  the  French  government  under- 
took to  provide  the  colony  with  a  coinage  which  might 
circulate  m  the  colony  at  a  value  one-quarter  below  that 
possessed  by  it  in  France.     Prices  almost  immediately  ft>se 
twenty-five  per  cent  and  most  of  the  new  coins  foUowed 
their  predecessors  to  France.     By  accident  the  authorities, 
in  1685,  introduced  a  new  circulating  medium,  the  famous 
"card  money."     In  that  year,  through  mishaps,  the  money 
wherewith  to  pay  the  troops  in  the  colony  did  not  arrive, 
and  some  temporary  expedient  had  to  be  found  to  tide  over 
matters  until  the  appearance  of  the  ships  in  the  following 
spring.     The  intendant,  De  Meules,  for  want  of  better 
material,  u^k  a  quantity  of  ordinary  playing   cards,  cut 
Uiese  into  quarters,  had  each  quarter  stamped  with  the 
fleur-de-lis,  and,  after  the  signatures  of  the  governor  and 
himself  had  been  appended,  issued  them  to  the  troops  in 
payment.     An  ordinance  was  simultaneously  issued  order- 
mg  the  tradesmen  to  accept  them  and  promising  redemption 
at  their  face  value  when  the  vessels  arrived.     The  experi- 
ment was  disastrously  successful,  for  succeeding  governors 
and  intendants,  whenever  they  lacked  funds,  resorted  readily 
to  new  issues,  promising  to  redeem  these  by  the  issue  of 
biUs  of  exchange  drawn  on  Paris.     Matters  went  weU 
enough  untU  these  bills  failed  to  be  redeemed  promptly, 
whereupon  the  circulating  value  of  card  money  quickly  feU. 


AGRICULTURE,  INDUSTRY,  AND  COMMERCE 


«5S 


At  diflerent  timet  during  the  fim  quarter  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  the  French  government  tried  to  buy  up  the  depre- 
ciated card  money  at  half  its  face  value,  and  met  with  some 
succen  in  this  direction.  But  before  the  redemption  was 
finished  it  was  found  necessary  to  reissue  the  peculiar  cur- 
rency, and  in  the  closing  years  of  French  regime  issue 
followed  issue  until  the  country  fairly  floundered  in  the 
slough  of  depreciated  paper.  The  redemption  of  this  fiat 
money  was  one  of  the  difficulties  which,  on  their  assumption 
of  control  after  the  conquest,  the  British  authorities  had 
to  face. 

"The  physiognomy  of  a  government,"  wrote  the  ngt 
De  Tocqueville,  "can  be  best  judged  in  its  colonies. 
When  I  want  to  study  the  spirit  and  faults  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Louis  XIV.,  I  must  go  to  Canada;  its  deformities 
are  there  seen  as  through  a  microscope."  A  survey  of  the 
agricultural,  industrial,  and  commercial  organization  of 
New  France  under  the  Bourbon  kings  may  well  serve  to 
show  the  truth  of  this  assertion.  Rarely,  if  ever,  has  a 
sovereign  had  the  interests  of  a  colony  so  much  at  heart  as 
had  Louis  Quatorze.  According  to  his  light  he  strove 
earnestly  to  advance  the  welfare  of  New  France.  But  his 
light  was  too  often  so  faint  as  to  mislead  rather  than  guide. 
His  paternalism  was  of  the  sort  that  serves  to  stunt  rather 
than  to  develop;  to  starve  rather  than  to  nourish. 


hi 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  CONFUCT  TOIM 

Thi  condittioii  of  the  Peace  of  Utfccht  was  wricoued 
heartily  bjr  the  inhalMttiitt  of  New  Fnuice.  For  neither  in 
numben  nw  reiourcet  could  the  colonj  ocpect  to  cope 
with  the  Britidi  coltmies  to  the  aouth,  which,  if  peiaiMnc 
in  their  opeiationa,  most  eventually  gain  the  i^per  hand 
in  Anoka.  Nc  one  knew  this  better  dun  Governor  Vau- 
dreuil,  and,  during  the  eariy  yean  succeeding  dK  pnce,  he 
bent  his  energies  to  the  task  of  strei^iening  his  cdony. 
It  was  an  uphiU  task,  for  in  a  report  to  die  French  minister 
he  gave  die  total  number  of  die  popuhdon  cap^  of  bear- 
ing arms  at  less  than  five  thmuiuMl,  and  even  diis  number 
mduded  aU  die  male  population  between  die  ages  of  four- 
teen and  sixty.  The  r^ular  forces  then  stadtuied  in  die 
arfony  numbered,  according  to  diis  report,  a  liule  over  six 
hundred  effective  men.  That  die  Brkish  colmiies  could 
musttr  at  least  ten  times  this  numbtt  was  the  firm  convic- 
tion of  the  governor,  and  he  emfdiansed  Ae  urgency  of 
def'  -  additional  troops  to  New  France  and  die  en- 

ci  ..  i:.  .It  of  em^nttim  to  die  colony  by  every  available 
■t  >  But  dwse  iraprntunities  had  but  litde  effect  at 
V«  .  ..  The  r^ent  seems  to  have  had  for  the  colony 
utde  of  that  constaitt  care  which  the  old  king  had  manifest^ 
even  in  his  most  d^enoate  days.  Furdiemofc,  wkh  the 
b«g«««ung  of  die  R^ency,  a  change  took  plMe  in  the  sys- 
tem of  reports.    The  piactice  ydwNo  had  been  for  dw 

iS7 


raf  I 


'i'   ^:  I 


ill' 


158  Ci#AW/)^  A/fD  BRITISH  NORTH  AMSRICJl 

pvernor  and  each  of  his  aubordiiutes  to  write  every  year  a 
long  despatch,  giving  a  general  summary  of  the  year's  events 
and  containing  recommendations  of  all  sorts.     Henceforth 
«ch  matter  was  to  be  dealt  with  in  a  separate  despatch  by 
the  governor  or  intendant;  while  subordinates  were  now  (o 
make  reports  and  recommendations  only  through  one  or 
other  of  these  officuls.     This  was  done  in  ordefthat  eac" 
commun.cat.on  might  be  referred  to  the  proper  authority  in 
France,  for  the  regent  seems  to  have  had  little  of  the  d«ire 
this  nature         '°  **""*  ^"^'^^  *"  communications  of 
For  a  time  after  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  1717,  the 
relations  between  New  France  and  the  British  coki.'^ 
were  fairly  amiable      But  difficulties  soon  arose      Va^ 
dreuil  had  obtamed  from  the  Senecas  permission  to  erect  a 
fortified  post  on  the  southern  bank  of  Niagara  River  and 
to  this  Governor  Burnet,  of  New  York,ob^  wilhl^e 
^ow  of  justice;  for  the  Treaty  of  Utrelrht  had  conced3"o 
R-rvfT*"-,      •!?^'**  l^  iuzerainty  over  the  Five  Nations. 
But  Vaudreuil  paid  no  heed  to  Burnet's  protests,  except  to 
declare  tlut  the  temtoiy  was  avowedly  French.    The  Brit- 
ish  accordingly  took  steps  to  retaliate  by  the  establishment 
of  a  post  on  Lake  Ontario  with  the  admitted  object  of  di^n- 
ing  the  fur  trade  from  Fort  Frontemu:,  just  across  the  lake. 
Permission  from  the  neighboring  Indians  was  obtained,  uid 
in  1724  the  post  at  Oswego  was  established.     VaudreuU 
wrote  urgently  to  the  home  authorities,  requesting  that  he 
be  given  permission  to  expel  the  British  by  fwe;    but 
before  a  reply  could  be  had,  the  eneigetic  governor  died. 
Dunng  his  long  gubernatorial  term  of  twenty^ne  years,  he 
had  served  the  colony  fiuthfuUy  and  well,  with  a  clear  «r! 
ception  of  Ks  needs  and  an  unusual  zeal  in  carrying  his 

no^FrencV^"'     ^'t  ^^  ""^'^  «"P^-  -^  ^"«J^ 
mortal  ^^  '^""^^  ^"'  ^"^"^"^  °'  ^"^ 

noiT^d^S/r"'"'  T  ^"l"'"'  ^"^"»  ^  ^^- 
nois,  described  by  some  historians  as  an  iUegitimate  son 


THB  COMFUCr  TIMB 


159 


of  Louis  XIV.  For  this  allegition  there  wenu,  however, 
to  be  no  foundation.  The  fimiily  was  a  prominent  one  in 
France,  and  was  destined  to  figure  prominently  in  Bona- 
partist  history,  a  descendant  of  Claude  de  Beauhamois,  a 
younger  brother  of  Charles,  becoming  the  mother  of  Napo- 
leon III.  The  new  governor  was  a  naval  officer,  in  the 
prime  of  life,  and  vigorous  in  thought  and  action.  One  of 
his  first  acu  was  to  reiterate  Vaudreuil's  protests  against  the 
esublishment  of  the  British  post  at  Oswego;  but  the  shrewd 
Burnet  courteously  pointed  to  the  French  action  in  estab- 
lishing a  post  in  disputed  territory  near  Niagara.  So  the 
matter  dropped,  for  neither  of  the  home  governments  was 
at  all  anxious  to  precipiute  a  conflict.  Cardinal  Fleuiy, 
who  controlln'  the  policy  of  France  at  this  time,  was  earn- 
estly desirous  tor  peace,  while  Walpole,  on  his  accession  to 
office,  was  equally  earnest  in  the  same  direction.  There 
were,  however,  outlets  for  French  wrath  other  than  along 
the  British  colonial  frontiers.  The  western  Indians,  more 
especially  the  Foxes,  had  on  various  occasions  interfered 
with  French  trading  parties  tn  nttu  to  the  Mississippi;  it 
was  now  decided  to  visit  them  with  exemphuy  punishment. 
To  this  end  a  strong  force  was  mustered  in  the  Illinois 
country;  the  allies  of  the  Foxes  were  detached  from  them, 
and  after  a  tedious  campaign  the  tribe  was  broken  up  and 
its  remnants  driven  wenward  beyond  the  bounds  of  inter- 
ference. To  the  colony  as  a  whole  the  thirty  years  of  peace 
came  as  a  valuable  boon,  and  rapid  strides  were  made  in 
population  and  wealth.  Giles  Hocquart,  the  untiring  in- 
tendant,  lent  his  encouragement  to  every  branch  of  eco- 
nomic activity,  and  with  ^>od  results,  as  were  soon  seen  in 
the  general  prosperity.  But  with  prosperity  came  a  renewal 
of  gayety  in  the  colonial  centres  of  population,  too  often 
degenerating  into  license;  for  the  degeneracy  of  the  French 
court  and  of  the  noble  cUuses  at  home  codd  not  but  find 
some  echo  even  at  a  distance  of  three  thousand  miles.  In 
Quebec  one  begins  to  mark  a  decided  increase  of  official 
dishonesty  and  corruption,  which  not  alone  demonUMd  the  ' 


h 


I 


U 


1*5 

m  : 


l6o         CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMMRICJ 

adminiatntion,  but  sapped  colonial  reaourees  and  laid  the 
foundation*  of  that  weakneu  which  wrved  to  render  the  ul- 
tinute  conquest  of  New  France  lets  difficult  than  would 
otherwise  have  been  the  case. 

In  Acadia,  matters  had  been,  since  the  conclusion  of  the 
Peace  of  Utrecht,  very  fkr  from  tranquil.     By  the  provi- 
sions of  the  treaty.  Great  Britain  was  to  possess  Acadia 
"conformably  to  its  ancient  boundaries";  but  what  terri- 
tory "Acadia"  comprised  was  a  matter  upon  which  the 
authorities  of  the  two  countries  held  widely  diflering  views. 
Great  Briuin  interpreted  the  term  "ancient  boundaries"  as 
including  a  considerable  portion  of  the  present  Sute  of  Maine 
and  the  whole  of  what  are  now  the  provinces  of  Nova 
Scotia  and  New  Brunswick.     The  French,  on  the  other 
hand,  declared  that  the  cession  included  only  Nova  Scotia 
and  the  Maine  territories  as  far  as  the  Kennebec.     The 
colonial  authorities  of  each  monarchy  held  firmly  to  their 
rcspeaive  interpreutions.     In  this  the  French  had  the  de- 
cided advantage,  for  they  continued  to  maintain  their  preca- 
rious hold  on  the  New  Brunswick  territories,  and  possession 
m  this  case  formed  nine-tenths  of  the  law.     One  of  the 
main  features  of  French  diplomacy  in  territorial  disputes 
had  always  been  the  control  of  the  Indians  who  might 
happen  to  occupy  the  lands  in  contendon,  nor  were  their 
efforts  to  this  end  now  lacking.     Jesuit  missionaries  were 
sent  into  the  Indian  settlemenu  of  New  Brunswick  while 
an  especial  effort  was  made  to  secure  the  fast  alliance  of 
the  Abnakis,  who  inhabited  the  Kennebec  country.    Periiaps 
their  most  efficient  agent  was  Father  Sebastien  Ral6,  who 
made  his  headquarters  at  the  Abnakis  village  of  Norridge- 
wock,  on  the  banks  of  the  Kennebec,  about  seventy-five 
miles  from  the  sea.    Here  for  many  years  the  zealous  priest 
had  divided  his  energies  between  his  religious  duties  and  the 
welding  of  a  firm  bond  of  friendship  between  the  tribesmen 
and  the  French.     The  lusty  savages  of  Noiridgewock  were 
earnestly  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  hating  the  Brit- 
ish no  less  than  the  Evil  One,  and  with  no  slight  degree 


m. 


ii' 


fHff  CONFLICT  rmg 


i6i 


<^  tiiccew.  The  British  in  MuMchuactts  were,  however, 
fully  alive  to  the  probable  consequences  of  thn  pdicy,  and 
Govemw  Shute  was  immipc  in  endeavming  to  counterKt 
it  by  the  despatch  of  Puritan  ministws  to  the  Abnakis  set- 
tlements. Prominent  among  those  was  Jose|^  Baxter,  who 
hastened  to  indulge  in  a  vigorous  thecik^  dud  widi  his 
Romanist  adversary,  in  the  course  of  which,  however,  he 
found  himself  outmatched. 

But  more  effective  in  support  of  the  British  claims  was 
the  gnulual  advance  of  their  settlemenu  into  the  disputed 
regions.  Of  this  encroachment  the  French  emissaries 
made  the  most  with  their  savage  flocks;  the  Abnakis  were 
ruthlessly  incited  to  drive  out  the  Puritan  missionaries  and 
to  vent  their  resentment  upon  the  advancing  settlements. 
In  this  work  Vaudreuil  lent  his  assistance  hj  the  dispatch 
of  numerous  parties  of  Indian  warriors  from  the  Montical 
district.  For  three  years  (i  72  i-i  724)  the  northern  frtmtiefs 
of  New  Engfawd  experienced  all  the  horrors  of  warfare, 
while  the  hard-pressed  settlers  clamored  urgently  for  assist- 
ance from  the  authorities  of  MassachusetU;  for  the  latter 
cdmiy  comprised  the  Maine  settlements  within  its  jurisdic- 
tion. Assistance  was  slow  in  comLig,  however,  for  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly  was  constanuy  at  issue  with  the 
governor,  and  on  this,  as  on  many  otiier  occasions,  sub- 
<miinated  military  necessities  to  political  antipathies.  It 
was  not  till  1724  that  a  strong  force  was  sent  to  the  Ken- 
nebec, and  after  a  vigorous  campaign  wiped  the  N(wri(%e- 
wock  settlement  out  of  existence.  In  the  course  of  the 
operations  Rale  met  his  death,  and  the  French  attempts  to 
maintain  their  contrd  over  the  Kennebec  territories  came 
to  an  end. 

In  the  assertion  of  their  claims  in  Acadia  the  French 
effbrtt  met  with  somewhat  greater  success.  Heie  they  had 
a  signal  advantage  in  the  possession  of  Cape  Breton.  No 
sooner  had  die  p«Ke  of  1713  been  duly  s^ed  than  prep- 
arations were  made  for  the  establishment  there  of  what  was 
intended  to  be  the  strongest  fortress  on  the  Atlantic  coast. 


h' 


! 


r 


i    '-f 


l6a         CJNJDJ  AND  MRITttH  MOR'^H  JUttktCd 

and  an  effective  counterpoiae  to  the  British  potseation  of 
Annapolis  in  Nova  Scotia.     In  ftct  it  was  felt  that  the 
establishment  of  an  impregnable  post  in  Cape  Breton  would 
completely  deprive  Britain  of  any  advantage  which,  from 
a  military  standpoint,  the  cession  to  her  of  Acadia  might 
bring)  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  new  fortress  would 
form  an  advanti^eous  centre  for  the  dissemination  of  sedi- 
tion among  the  Acadian  population.     Cape  Breton  had 
several  good  harbors)  of  these  the  present  harbor  of  Sydney 
was  the  best.     But  this  did  not  lend  itself  to  fortification 
without  enormous  expense,  and  it  was  decided  to  select  the 
inferior  harbor  of  Louisbuig,  since  iu  natural  configuration 
rendered  fortificatbn  easier.     The  pUns  were  prepared 
under  the  supervision  of  the  great  engineer  Vaubanj  and  in 
a  few  years,  with  the  kvish  expenditure  of  millions  which 
the  French  treasury  could  very  ill  afibrd,  Louisburg  was 
transformed  from  a  defenceless  fishing  village  to  the  strong- 
est naval  and  military  sution  in  jforth  America)  while 
under  the  shadow  of  the  fortifications  there  grew  up  a 
thriving  town  of  several  thousand  inhabitants.    It  had  been 
the  intention  of  the  French  authorities  to  transport  to  Cape 
Breton,  or  as  it  was  now  called  »^\lt  Royale"  as  many  as 
possible  of  the  French  settlers  in  Newfoundland  and  Acadia. 
To  this  end,  a  provisbn  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  had 
guaranteed  to  these  settlers  the  right  of  leaving  the  ceded 
territories  with  all  their  personal  property  inuct.    The  few 
settlers  at  Placentia  in  Newfoundbmd  went  willingly  enough, 
but  with  the  Acadians  difficulty  was  experienced.     Some 
of  these  acceded  to  the  persuasions  of  the  priests  and 
French  emissaries  sent  among  them  for  the  purpose,  but 
the  majority  decided  to  remain  on  their  himt  under  British 
rule  rather  than  to  begin  anew  the  work  of  pioneering  as 
the  price  of  French  suzerainty.     Neither  threats  nor  per- 
suasions served  to  move  these  Acadians,  and  the  plan  had 
perforce  to  be  abandoned.     The  French  did  not  intend, 
however,  to  abandon  the  Acadians  and  allow  them  to  be- 
come reconciled  to  the  British  possessbn  of  their  territories. 


it- 


THB  CdMriKT  TIMM 


163 


The  temu  of  the  tnuy  had  gitanuMtdl  them  fieedom  in 
the  exerciw  of  their  religion,  ami  of  this  privileM  the  French 
•uthoritiet  now  made  the  moat  hy  uatm  the  prieata  aa 
agencies  for  keeping  alive  the  ancient  allegiance  of  the 
peopk  to  France.  Tliis  waa  all  die  more  eaay,  since 
the  British  government  established  but  a  very  precarious 
military  hold  on  its  newlv  acquired  province.  Annapolis, 
with  its  usual  garrison  of  one  hundred  men,  waa  the  only 
military  post  in  the  province  and  was  the  headquarters  of 
the  British  authorities.  Treated  with  nedect,  ita  fortifica- 
tions decayed  and  the  post  soon  piesented  a  poor  spectacle 
in  comparison  with  the  seemingly  impregnable  L<Hiisbuig. 
Few  if  any  British  settlers  arrived  in  the  province,  while 
the  Acadians  multiplied  with  extraordinary  npidity.  British 
sovereignty  in  Acadia  was  therefore  little  more  than  a  name. 
Hie  result  of  the  inactivity  of  the  British  government  was 
intensified  by  the  vigorous  propaganda  which  French 
emissaries  carried  on  in  all  the  Acadian  settlements.  This 
whole  matter  was  under  the  supervision  of  the  Governor 
of  lie  R<^e,  who  saw  that  there  was  no  dearth  of  priestt 
among  either  the  Acadians  or  the  Indians  inhaUting  the 
territory. 

The  anomalous  state  of  ajfiurs  was  well  shown  in  1727 
when,  on  the  accession  of  George  II.,  the  Acadians  were 
directed  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  sovereign. 
The  issue  of  a  prochunation  to  this  effect  was  met  by 
assertions  from  all  parts  of  the  province  that  the  Acadians 
would  abandon  their  holdings  rather  than  renounce  their 
old  religion  and  allegiance.  Because  the  Acadians  out- 
numbered bis  paltry  garrison  five  to  one,  the  commandant 
at  Annapolis  thou^t  it  prudent  to  extend  indefinitely  the 
time  during  which  the  oath  mi^  be  uken:  it  had  been 
fixed  in  the  proclamation  at  four  months.  In  the  course 
of  the  next  ten  years,  the  matter  "^m  broached  again  and 
again;  and  British  officers  visi<  '  -ae  various  setdements 
in  an  endeavor  to  persuade  the  inhabitants  to  take  the  oath. 
In  some  cases,  pci^ps  in  the  majority,  they  were  eventually 


II 


|64         CJMJIDd  Jm  MKITttm  )tOMTH  JUOMKd 

■ucccMful,  iwt  on  y  on  ^>peii^i^  to  the  oidi  •  praaUw 
that  th*  Acadans  tboitld  never  M  Btkml  to  tt^  up  wma 
tpfaiM  ckhcr  French  or  la^uis.  In  matt  of  the  Mttfe. 
nentt  the  oficiab  marlM  •  frovriM  spirit  of  indepc»d«ic« 
among  the  pet^,  who,  kItji^  on  tkeir  niuBencal  Mm^^^ 
and  fullf  infemacd  of  the  tveakneso  of  Annapofa,  now  began 
to  be  opcniv  wditiout.  Ih.-  Fit nch  emiuariet  canned  on 
their  work  bddhr,  and  proclAine^,  with  very  little  atteapt 
at  Mcrecj,  the  French  intention  t*<  recover  Acadia*  and  that 
with  die  aniatance  of  the  Arad'aiit  thenadves*  whenever 
the  quicicening  match  <A  eient*  in  Kurope  dioitid  pvcipittte 
France  and  Great  Britain  into  .tnuthcr  conflict. 

In  Europe  during  this  drac  the  potitkal  horison  had 
frequently  clouded,  but  the  mucual  elTbm  of  Wa^ole  in 
Enghmd  and  of  Fkmry  in  France  had  averted  daofer. 
Towaid  the  cloae  of  tlw  thirties,  however,  Walpole  found 
it  impossiUe  to  keep  his  government  from  hoatiWea  with 
Spain.  The  comnwrcial  intercaM  of  Great  Bikam  ^  been 
rapidly  extoiding,  and  with  ^ia  cxtmsion  came  encroach- 
ments  upon  the  Spanish  monopoly  of  her  hicnAw  cobnad 
trade.  Into  this,  daring  EngUA  Miv^^«ors  nrpaatedly  in- 
truded, and  S|»in,  whenever  possOile,  rettilialad  t^  their 
capture  and  punishmem.  The  popufeKc  m  fi^awd,  fired 
by  stories  of  barbarkies  practised  on  imnlopiftg  ^^hnwn 
whenever  they  fell  into  Spanish  hands,  clamorrd  kmdly  for 
war,  and  Walpole,  whose  influence  was  now  on  the  decline, 
was  forced  to  accede.  The  dechratton  of  vrar  in  1739  wu 
fdlowed  by  signal  British  successes)  dw  icets  of  Vermm 
and  Anson  swept  the  Spanish  sns,  destroying  the  fortified 
towns  of  the  Spanish  West  Indies  and  c^miring  treasure 
ga!!eon5  freighted  with  enormous  catgoes  of  specie.  These 
successes  speedily  aroused  the  jealotny  of  France,  for  the 
Bourbon  monarchy  was  no  less  the  friend  of  Spain  than 
the  enemy  of  Britain.  An  understan^ng  between  the  two 
Ckmtinental  monarchies  was  soon  conclt^d,  with  the  object 
of  forcing  Great  Britain  to  a  satisfactory  peace.  **  I  «io  nc^ 
prc^ose  to  begin  a  war  wkh  Et^famd,"  saM  Louis  XV.,«or 


\<l 


% 


Jhttuli^ffUui^ 


•T**"- '%-«.*  ~^j"^ 

-*--*jfc  -^Si:.*.*  .^J^  -*j"- 


rmmtatLLM. 


Plan  of  Forts  Pepperell  anU  Ontario,     frm  M,  <Mtcti<m  of  George  Barrie,  Jr. 


.mm 


THE  CONFUCT  TIME 


165 


to  seize  or  annoy  a  single  Britiah  ship,  or  to  take  one  foot 
of  land  poawaaed  by  England  in  any  part  of  the  world.  Yet 
I  must  prevent  England  from  accomplishing  her  great  pur- 
pose of  appropriating  to  herself  the  entire  commerce  of  the 
West  Indks.  France,  though  it  has  no  treaty  with  Spain, 
cannot  consent  that  the  >  inish  colonies  dull  &11  into 
English  hands." 

It  was  at  this  turn  in  afiairs  that  a  new  issue  appeared  to 
precipitate  Europe  into  a  general  conflict.  The  death  of 
Charles  VI.  in  Austria  had  extinguished  the  male  line  in 
the  House  of  Hapsburg,  and,  according  to  the  ordinary  rules 
of  succession,  the  throne  must  have  passed  to  another  line. 
Before  his  death,  however,  Charles  had  effected  with  the 
chief  European  powers  a  convention  known  as  the  <*  Prag- 
matic Sanction,"  whereby  the  succession  in  Austria  was 
guaranteed  to  his  daughter,  Maria  Theresa,  despite  the  es- 
tablished rules  of  descent.  To  this  convention  France  had 
been  a  party.  But  no-.'  when,  on  the  death  of  her  father, 
the  young  queen  attempted  to  take  quiet  possession  of  the 
Austrian  throne,  she  found  herself  opposed  by  rival  claim- 
anu  in  sevoral  quarters.  France,  forgetful  of  her  solemn 
promise  to  the  deceased  king,  championed  the  chums  of  a 
Bourbon  prot£g£,  the  Elector  of  Bavaria ;  while,  to  add  to 
Maria  Theresa's  misfortunes,  Frederick  II.,  the  young  I'ing 
of  Prussia,  trumped  up  a  pretext  for  the  ruthless  seizure  of 
Austrian  Silesia.  Faced  by  the  combined  resources  of  France 
and  Prussia,  Maria  Theresa  would  soon  have  been  com- 
pelled to  purchase  continuance  on  her  Other's  throne  by  the 
cenion  of  valuable  territories  to  her  enemies,  in  which  case 
France  would  in  all  probability  have  gained  possession  of  the 
Austrian  Netherlands.  It  was  this  i)m  brought  Great  Britain 
into  the  field;  for,  although  she  had  no  immediate  interest 
in  the  domestic  afiairs  of  Austria,  her  ministers  were  not 
prepared  to  allow  further  French  aggrandizement  in  Europe 
without  opposition.  Parliament  ^t  assisted  the  Austrian 
cause  with  subsidies,  a  little  huer  with  troops,  and  by  1743 
the  vrhnim  of  western  Europe  was  envekq>cd  in  the  ccmflict. 


l66  CAHADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


t    I 


1^: 

-  lit 


Af  usual,  news  of  the  outbreak  of  the  war  reached  the 
French  in  America  before  it  became  known  to  the  authori- 
ties of  New  England;  and  the  authorities  at  Louisburg 
made  immediate  preparations  for  the  recoveiy  of  Acadia. 
A  little  fishing  settlement  at  Canso  presented  the  nearest 
and  easiest  prey,  and  to  the  capture  of  this  the  Louisburg 
commandant,  Duquesnil,  directed  his  efibrts.     His  expedi- 
tion met  with  little  resistance  from  the  fourscore  fishermen 
who  made  Canso  their  headquarters;  the  place  was  de- 
stroyed and   the  prisoners  were  shipped  off  to  Boston. 
Duquesnil's  next  efibrts  were  directed  toward  the  capture 
of  Annapolis,  which  was  stiU  the  only  fortified  British  post 
in  Acadia.     Its  dilapidated  walls  sheltered  its  usual  xanty 
garrison  of  perhaps  one  hundred  effiective  men,  and  at  this 
time  a  slight  reinforcement  which  had  recently  arrived  from 
a)ston.     During  the  course  of  August,  1 744,  the  environs 
of  Annapohs  were  reached  by  a  considerable  force  from 
Louisburg,  accompanied  by  bands  of  Indians.     It  was  ex- 
pected that  the  force  would  be  largely  augmented  by  Aca- 
dians,  but  these  for  tte  most  part  held  aloof  from  active 
participation,  although  they  gave  information  and  supplies 
without  reserve.     Several  half-hearted  attacks  were  made 
on  the  fortifications,  but  with  no  success;  the  operations 
resolved  themselves  into  a  siege,  whUe  the  French  com- 
mander awaited  the  arrival  of  artillery  and  supplies  from 
Louisbuig.  Time  passed,  and  these  fjuled  to  appear.  Instead, 
there  amved  from  Boston  a  smaU  reinforcement  for  the 
gamson,  and  toward  the  end  of  September  the  besiegers 
betook  themselves  back  to  lie  Royale.     The  capture  of 
Canso  and  the  atuck  upon  Annapolis  must  be  regarded 
M  gross  blunders  on  the  part  of  the  French  authorities.    It 
was  by  no  means  certain  that  the  British  colonies  wouM 
have  taken  advantage  of  the  opening  of  war  in  Europe  to 
begin  hostUities  in  America.    It  was  by  French  choice  that 
the  sazure  of  an  Austrian  province  by  a  Prussian  monareh 
wu  nude  the  occasion  of  a  colonial  conflict.     As  it  was, 
the  French  operations  in  Acadia  alarmed  and  exasperated 


THE  CONFUCT  TIME  167 

the  luthorities  of  New  Englaiid,  driving  them  to  a  acheoie 
of  retaliation  aa  succetaful  a*  it  waa  aadacioua. 

The  governor  of  Masnchuaetta  at  thia  time  waa  the  fiery 
lawyer,  William  Shirley,  and  under  his  inspiration  the  pro- 
posal of  an  attack  on  Louisburg  was  forthwith  p«it  forward. 
Shirley,  although  he  knew  absolutely  nothing  of  the  arts  of 
war,  had  unbounded  omfidence  in  his  own  capacity  to  map 
out  a  successful  campaign  (  and  in  his  desire  to  proceed  at 
once  with  the  organization  of  an  expedition  against  Louis- 
burg, he  had  the  vigorous  support  of  the  mercantile  and 
fishery  interests,  which  sufiered  most  severely  at  the  hands 
of  French  privateers,  whose  rendezvous  was  the  sheltered 
harbor  of  Louisburg.  But  Shirley  could  do  nothing  without 
the  f^ssent  of  the  General  Court,  or  popular  assembty,  of 
his  colony)  and  as  absolute  secrecy  was  one  of  the  indis- 
pensable requisites  to  the  stwcessfiu  issue  of  the  ^an,  his 
task  was  not  an  easy  one.  Nothii^  daunted,  however,  he 
assembled  his  legisktors  and  swore  them  to  secreor.  With 
true  Puritan  caution  they  deliberated  for  days,  and  had  not 
come  to  a  decision  when  news  of  the  project  leaked  out. 
It  was  said  that  one  of  the  members,  whose  piety  outran 
his  discretion,  prayed  so  loudly  for  Divine  guidance  in  the 
attainment  of  a  decisicm,  that  eavesdn>M>ers  overheard  him. 
At  any  rate,  the  pfam  was  diackiaedi  it  at  once  aroused 
opposition  as  being  foolhardy,  and  the  wavering  membert 
forthwith  refused  assent. 

But  Shirinr  waa  not  diwarted.  The  arrival  of  die  fog»- 
tives  from  Qtnso  with  reports  that  Louisburg  wm  under- 
garrisoned  with  mutinous  trot^ps,  and  that  siqpptiea  then 
were  runnii^  short,  together  with  renewed  danww  froM 
the  fishing  pMtt  gave  the  petievcring  governor  a  pictett 
for  reconvening  hn  AssemUy.  By  a  majorky  erf  one  vo«e 
the  scheme  waa  put  throi^,  and  in  a  few  ^ys  Ae  colony 
was  adow  with  aurtial  enthusiasm.  Aid  was  asked  from 
the  other  cohwues,  but  only  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Idaad 
responded  <!nth  aaristancc.  The  main  burden  Ml  m  Mas- 
sachttsat'.i:     SI  viajp'a  aiut  dificwty  was  to  find  a  capable 


H 


1 68  CI.VADJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AUBRJCA 

leader,  for,  fince  Cm  had  been  no  miliurv  opentions  of 
consequence  for  neariy  thirty  year^  there  was  no  one  whose 
mihtaiy  experjcnce  qualified  him  for  the  appointment.  The 
■uin  pomt  was  to  secure  a  popular  man,  capable  of  exe- 
cuting  a  set  plan;  for,  as  Shirley  deemed  himself  a  bom 
•trategist,  he  proposed  to  leave  nothing  unplanned  in  ad- 
vance. All  that  was  required  was  a  man  who  would  have 
Ae  confidence  "f  ^s  men  and  would  do  as  he  was  told. 
The  choice  feU  on  WiUiam  Pepperell,  a  merchant  of  Kittery, 

New  Ei^d.  PeppereU  knew  absolutely  nothing  of  mili- 
ury  ttctics,  but,  since  in  this  respect  he  was  no  worse  off 
than  the  others  who  were  available  as  leaden,  the  choice 
was  well  enough,  and,  as  it  afterward  turned  out,  was  an 
extremely  fortunate  one.  In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks 
son»e  four  thousand  men  were  i,'ot  in  readiness  and  em. 
barked  m  some  ninety  vessels  of  various  sizes  and  condi- 
tions. So  httle  ordnance  was  available  that  a  couple  of 
French  cruisers  might  have  easUy  captured  the  whole  expe- 

hS  w""t^'''*^.  *"**  *•*  precaution  to  summon  £ 
Bnnsh  West  Indies  fleet  as  a  convoy.  But  as  this  did  not 
MTive  on  time,  the  expedition  set  out  alone,  duly  provided 
with  an  elaborate  plan  of  attack  fresh  from  the  huds  of  the 
governor  himselfi  a  plan  which  might  have  served  well 
enough  had  it  made  due  allowance  for  the  perversities  both 
of  man  and  nature.  ^^ 

Early  in  April  the  expedition  reached  Canso:  the  West 
indies  fleet  coming  on  from  Boston  caught  up  with  it  there, 
«nd  It  was  decided  by  Pepperell  and  A^ral  Warren,  who 
commanded  the  fleet,  that  an  atuck  on  Louisburg  should 
be  made  as  soon  as  the  ice  left  the  harbor.     In  dui  course 

was  efected  m  good  form  some  little  distance  below  the 
fomficatjons  of  louijburg.  Wanen's  plan  wo  to  enteJ 
die  ^r  and  to  bombard  the  fortress  from  a  posi- 
toon  fiuring  It,  whUe  PeppereU  undertook  an  assault  fit!m 
tlie  rear.     But  a  strong  battery  upon  an  island  which  lay 


W- 


M. 


THE  CONFUCr  TIME 


169 


directly  in  the  harbor  entruice  threatened  Warren's  fiucei 
and  if  he  succenfully  passed  this  fortification  his  fleet  would 
be  exposed  to  a  destructive  fire  from  the  Grand  Battery, 
which  was  situated  on  the  further  shore,  directly  facing  the 
entrance.  Warren,  therefore,  reconsidered  his  proposal  and 
remained  outside.  A  fortunate  reconnaissance  around  the 
north  shore  of  the  harbor  drove  the  French  out  of  the  Grand 
Battery  and  rendered  matters  much  simpler  for  the  attack- 
ing force;  but  a  ni^t  attack  on  the  island  battery  failed 
ingloriously.  Warren's  fleet  captured  the  French  man-of- 
war  yigiknt^  bearing  stores  and  reinforcements  to  the  garri- 
son i  supplies  b^an  to  fail  it,  and  the  governor,  Duchambon, 
and  the  intendant.  Bigot,  were  not  men  to  do  much  toward 
dissipating  the  general  gloom.  Toward  the  close  of  June, 
therefore,  the  garrison  were  willing  to  surrender,  and  Du- 
chambon sent  proposals  to  the  besiegers.  Tlie  terms  were 
promptly  accepted.  The  prisoners  were  to  be  sent  home 
to  France,  under  parole  not  to  bear  arras  against  Great 
Britain  for  the  space  of  a  year.  Fortune  had  fisvored  the 
colonials  in  evenr  way.  Pepperell  and  Warren  were  men 
of  strangely  diflerent  temperaments,  yet  both  wwked  in 
commen^ble  harmony;  th«r  troops  supported  them  with 
enthusiasm.  The  garrison,  on  the  other  hand,  although 
strong  enough  in  numbers  to  have  ofiered  a  much  more 
vigorous  resistance,  were  unfortunitte  enough  to  have  their 
cause  intrusted  to  a  couple  of  incapable  officers,  who  made 
the  worst  rather  than  the  best  of  every  reverse. 

For  thie  rime  being,  Pepperell  and  Warren  jointly  gov- 
erned Louisburg.  l^iey  retained  their  forces  as  a  garrison 
riU  troops  could  arrive  from  England.  Shiiiey  made  haste 
to  conM  up  from  Boston  and  view  the  successAil  culmina- 
tion of  his  audacious  pbut;  for  a  phm  which  contempUted 
the  capture  of  America's  strongett  fortress  by  a  host  of  un- 
trained volunteers  was,  in  its  inception,  certainly  not  lacking 
in  audacity.  France  was  profoundly  mortified,  not  without 
reason,  while  the  BritUi  authorities  forthwith  proceeded  to 
shower  honors  <mi  both  Wanen  and  Pe^erell  as  well  at 


atti 


■  1] 


I' 


170  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

to  tender  Massachusetts  Feimburseinent  for  the  whole  cost 
of  the  expedition. 

Tl»  capture  of  Louisburg  served  to  stir  Shirley  to  moie 
ambitious  projects.     He  planned  the  complete  conquest  of 
New  France,  and  asked  authority  and  assistance  from  the 
home  government.     This  was  readily  promised,  and  Mas- 
sachusetts proceeded  with  its  preparations  for  a  combined 
military  and  naval  campaign  against  New  France.     But  u 
the  summer  passed  rapidly  and  no  fleet  arrived,  Shiriey  de- 
cided to  make  the  best  of  matters  by  sending  off  the  land 
force  alone  with  the  idea  of  at  least  securing  the  French 
post  at  Crown  Point  and  thus  gaining  control  of  the  Lake 
Champlain  route.    But  the  expedition  was  no  sooner  under 
way  than  tidings  arrived  that  France  was  preparing  a  gigan- 
tic expedition  for  the  recapture  of  Louisburg  and  a  hter 
assault  upon  Boston.     As  the  report  seemed  reliable,  Shir- 
ley hastily  recalled  his  expedition  against  Crown  Point  and 
mobilized  the  whole  disposable  resources  of  Massachusetts 
in  his  coast  towns.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  report  proved 
true  enough.   France  had  been  greatly  chagrined  at  the  loss 
of  Louisburg,  and  it  seemed  that,  unless  its  recapture  could 
be  accomplished,  all  hope  of  recovering  Acadk  auist  be 
abandoned.     Not  only  this  but  the  St.  Lawrence  route 
to  Quebec  would  be  rendered  permanently  unsafe.     The 
French  authorities,  therefore,  concentrated  their  European 
fleet  at  Brest,  and,  after  eluding  the  British  squadron,  this 
proceeded  to  join  the  French  West  Indian  fleet  at  C^rtacto, 
now  Halifax.     But  stormy  weather  dehiyed  the  Ewt^ean 
vessels,  and  the  West  Indian  squadron,  aft»  waking  in  vain 
at  the  rendezvous  for  several  weeks,  set  off  for  home.   The 
whole  phut  fiuled. 

Mouiwhile  the  French  at  Quebec  and  Montreal  had  not 
been  idle.  Raiding  parties  were  sent  once  more  to  ravage 
the  New  Enghmd  frontiers,  and  with  the  mual  success. 
In  the  autumn  of  1746,  a  force  of  French  and  Indians 
under  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil  surprised  Fort  Massachusetts,  in 
the  northwestern  comer  of  that  colony,  and  took  the  slender 


'lH      , 


nn 


THE  CONFUCr  TIME 


«7« 


gsrriton  pritonen  after  they  had  nude  a  spirited  but  hopekn 
resistance.  In  the  following  year  a  similar  fate  met  the  pott 
at  Saratogaf  while  the  border  settlements  of  New  Hampshire 
wert-  madie  to  feel  the  mercileu  strength  of  the  French  arm. 
Similarly  in  Acadia,  desultory  attacks  continued  to  be  made 
on  Annapolis  and  the  smaller  English  posu  until  a  strong 
force,  sent  up  from  Massachusetts,  arrived  on  the  scene. 

In  the  summer  of  1 748,  news  arrived  that  n^otiations  for 
peace  had  begun,  and  after  tedious  deliberations  the  Peace 
of  Aix-b-ChapeUe  was  signed  in  October.  In  Europe, 
France  had  been  able  to  hold  her  own  and  was,  in  conse- 
quence, not  willing  to  agree  to  any  disadvanti^>eous  terms; 
in  foct,  a  mutual  restoradon  of  all  conquests  was  demanded. 
But  as  this  meant  the  restoration  of  Louisbuig,  England 
was  at  first  reluctant  to  acquiesce.  But  as  Massachusetts 
and  the  other  New  England  colonies  were  heartily  tired  of 
border  warftre  and  clamored  for  peace,  the  position  of  the 
home  authorities  was  an  exceedingly  difficult  one.  To  sur- 
render Louisburg  would  be  grossly  unfair  to  Massachusetts 
after  its  brilliant  exploit;  France,  however,  would  make 
peace  on  no  other  terms.  In  the  end,  Louisburg  was  re- 
stored, much  to  the  disgust  of  the  colonials.  Only  absolute 
necessity  could  condone  this  action,  for  it  at  once  reopened 
the  whole  Acadian  question  and  placed  it  where  it  had  been 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  war. 

For  the  ei^t  years  succeeding  the  conclusion  of  the 
Peace  of  Aix-Ja-Chapelle,  nominal  peace  existed  in  America. 
But  it  was  a  very  hollow  truce  at  best.  Both  parties  wcie 
firmly  convinced  that  a  desperate  conflict  alone  could  ulti- 
mately settle  the  questions  at  issue  between  France  and 
Great  Britain  in  North  America;  hath  were  as  equally 
convinced  that  this  struggle  could  not  be  long  delayed. 
The  questions  at  issue  one  may  group  generally  under  two 
main  heads, — those  which  concemeid  Acadia,  and  those 
which  had  to  do  with  the  western  territories. 

When  the  treaty  of  1748  was  drawn  up,  it  was  felt  that 
some  proBouncenent  upon  the  interpretation  of  the  term 


m 


17a         CJ/fJDA  AND  BIUTISH  NORTH  AMIUJCA 


'  I  • 


I     ' 


"Actdk"  should  be  nudei  for,  akhoudi  thirty-four  jtm 
had  pasted  since  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  had  ceded  to  Great 
Britain  "  Acadia  conformably  to  tu  ancient  boundaries,"  both 
sides  held  as  firmly  as  evr  to  their  respective  contentions 
as  to  how  far  these  boundaries  extended.  It  «ras  decided, 
therefore,  to  provide  in  the  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  that 
a  joint  comminion  should  meet  in  I^uis  in  an  endeavor  to 
reach  some  agreement,  or  to  efiect  at  kast  some  compio- 
mise  between  the  conflicting  claims.  In  due  course  the 
commission  assembled,  but  it  did  not  take  many  sessions  to 
make  it  clear  that  neither  France  not  Britain  was  willing 
to  concede  sufficiently  to  remfer  any  compromise  possible. 
So  the  commission,  after  a  few  stormy  sederunts,  broke  up, 
leaving  the  whole  matter  just  where  it  was. 

Thus,  as  far  as  Acadia  was  concerned,  the  French  had 
lost  nothing.     With  Louisburg  back  in  their  hands  and 
their  old  claims  stUl  intact,  the  old  tactics  of  intrigue  among 
the  Acadians  were  once  more  brou^t   into  ^y.     The 
British  government  about  this  time,  however,  awoke  to  the 
ftct  that,  unless  some  strongly  fortified  post  could  be  estab- 
lished in  Acadia  to  serve  as  a  counterpoise  to  Louisburg, 
the  French  prop^anda  would  continue;  therefore  the  de- 
cision was  reached,  in  1 749,  to  fortify  Chebucto.   /u  vahie 
as  a  safe  harbor  had  been  made  manifest  by  the  D'Anville 
episode  of  three  years  previously}  it  was  now  taken   in 
hand  by  British  engineers,  and,  with  the  expenditure  of  a 
large  sum,  made  a  post  of  considerable  strength.     Halifax, 
as  Chebucto  was  henceforth   called,  became,  instead   of 
Annapolis,  the  British   headquarters  in  Acadia,  and  soon 
gathered  under  the  shelter  of  its  fortificarions  a  thriving 
popuktion  of  several  thousands.   The  establishment  of  this 
new  fortress  led  the  French  emissaries  among  the  Acadians 
and  Indians  to  redouble  their  efforts,  and  11  j  pains  were 
spared  to  make  it  unsafe  for  unprotected  British  settlers  to 
venture   beyond  the  immediate  precincts  of  the  fortified 
po«s.     Likewise,  attempts  to  induce  emigrarion  to  lie 
Royale  were  renewed  and  with  some  degree  of  success,  for 


T.I. 


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to  lMf«  Mttiai  M 

of  f  fndi  MBJMuiM  m4  (AuidoBtd  dwfar 
Sdll  dMfs  rawtinwl  Mtify  ttn  ikoMMid* 


is  1751  vgfimid  ot  am  tlwwMml 


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iMiiiiuiiiin  wmnCT  Ofor  ibm 


popolatioa  lo  wiMjr  KiMani  wm  poifccdy  ckWf  and  il 
was  tlM  afaa  of  dtt  Fimdl  miMiwrki  to  aaiw  diiofi  w 
uaeoinfiirtahit  for  thi  BriiMi  dM  ria^  woidd  ind  k  the 

than  acctpi  dw  harrii  aktnntivo  of  ktvpiag  up  in  expen- 
sive HiiHwtfT  Mi^lMMncM  in  the  colonv.  Abmmk  dM 
nuuijr  esuMinei  iriM  Mfved  the  Bounon  CMee  in  um  wwk 
of  tdninc  iqp  kodi  penceAil  mhImv  md  nIhiiIcn  invMn 
againtt  an  auAottar  iiHMdi  nnw  dMn  no  iaoaM  caote  mt 


haticdf  paina|w  nc  'noai  ■noraif  was  tnc  AbM  iM  Loutrai 
Tkat  tUs  viforaaa  darie  dsveiad  dM  bulk  of  hn  cneifpa* 

give  dM  BcidA  audwririaa  eveij  concrivable  troiMe  haa 
beoi  ahnndandy  psovod  bjr  FsritflMn,  «ritaae  invesd|pNieM 
of  dM  docunMnti  ai^  cowsspondimce  fsladng  to  Afadiaii 
affiurs  u  diis  period  have  sarvad  u  jdacc  Um  t;uJi  of  hit 
wnous  cnaig^  aajronn  an  MNaoao*  iit*Bs{.  im  i«uuuv  a 
I  ei^lok  waa  UM  bunting  of  t.^  I>t:kAaMhn 
at  Basiibassin  by  Us  Micraac  ai-  .i.-M^tMi  fst- 
m  175a  The  Bikadi  aodMritieahai  ^^  ji<4;^  r.'*  a^ 
taUnb  a  gtfrison  dMic,  in  oidar  bmmv  cftctua: )'  tv  cc^.tiat 
the  nonhua  pan  of  dM  Acadfan  paniniaia,  but  '  ^  i.anin 
1  tiMt  if  a  ijuiiaou  weaa  peatcd  at  BeMnassiB  dM 

clainMd  hf  dM  Flcnd^  niftlMf  nocdk  Fatnag  to  Mdnce 
dMOi  to  do  dMs»  bis  faiw  est  five  to  ^  setdeoMBt  and  hid 
waste  tbe  surrowidbig  disoic*,  thus  cosap^ng  m^'^rvtiiw. 
Tbe  Biktsh  ssiablishsd  a  (L.  Mi  post  on  tbe  apot,  ^'itk  m 
hot  baste  a  §enm  of  Fmcb  traopa  was  sent  horn  Canada 
to  entt  and  fMtify  a  peat  at  B*a«B^ir,'on  dM  Ficatb  aide 
of  the  ditpund  bw.    TIm  rsspactive  garrison 


HMHMHtmaMi 


174  CAS  ADA  AND  BK17ISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

La^  "H!?  "P°"  '^^^  °'^''  "">«  Aadi«n  question 
r.2ul     ^""f  * "?  P°«' W|ty.  whUe  .  me«  accident  might 

nf  »!i  *"*'p^""«\"'  Nonh  America,  but  dw  the  nation, 
of  we«ern  Europe  m  a  general  war.  The  Acadian  question 
had  become  a  matter  of  European  concern. 

But  It  was  not  out  of  the  developments  in  Acadia  that 
rte  conflic.  was  eventually  to  precipiute  itself;  for  while 
both  countries  looked  upon  their  claims  to  the  miiritime  ter! 

St  uThe're^r'^T'  '°  ■^""  °^  '^  '"g^*"*  '«="»i°n. 
IZ  «r»K  ""*'''  moreimportanf  iuue  between  them 

lS.L  u^^  temtones.     Ever  since  the  time  of 

Frontenw,  the  French  authorities   in  Canada  had   been 

Euioof  *  r"  *"  t  ''^'"*^"  °^*«  Ohio  and*^ 
Mississippi.  It  wa,  to  this  end  that  trading  posu  had  been 
successively  esublished  at  Cauraqui,  Ni^ra,  Detro^T 
Mackinac  a:;^  even  on  the  lower  «lte„  ,fTe  Ohio  By 
pnonty  of  possession  the  French  had  ceiaiinly  made  good 
their  rlain»s  to  the  territories  westward  line  wK 

w^fJ*  5*.v"r^T.  ^«"'-'  ^°  *»»«  ^°^"  Ohio,  butt^. 
ward  of  this  their  claims  were  ve^r  dubious.     Nor  had^y 

of  the  governors  down  to  ,748  made  any  serious  attem« 

Lake  tne  and  the  upper  waters  of  the  Ohio.  It  remained 
fo  the  Comte  de  la  Galissonniere, ,  succeeded  Suir- 
^^!ZT'  °^  ^"f*^ '"  '74,.  -m  to  grasp  the  Zl 
t^7„^^  ,  rr'^'*^'^'^"*^**'" °f *Ws wedg; of  terri- 
F«„'c^V°  ^*  ''^  '"""'  ''"^P' '"  '^'^  *"«i°"  «f  asserting 

l^JJ*^  J*^  '^"^  "'8«^"^y  °<"  ™'ne'««e  advances  in  this 
direction,  the  more  so  as  English  traders  were  nrw  ^ne- 
^«ng  from  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  into  the  rejon^and 

the  assent  of  the  royal  authorities,  Galissonniire,  durinf 


HMitti 


rHS  CONFUCT  TIMS 


>7S 


1749,  despstched  one  of  hit  muted  lieutenants,  Celoron  de 
Bienville,  to  the  territory  in  question,  partly  with  a  view  to 
finding  out  its  possibilities  and  partly  to  take  a  formal  pos- 
session of  it  in  the  name  of  the  French  sovereign.  Bien- 
ville performed  the  latter  part  of  his  task  with  vigor,  dotting 
the  country  with  leaden  plates,  bearing  the  insignia  of 
France,  in  token  of  possession.  On  his  return,  he  rt> 
ported  that  the  territory  would  be  invaluable  to  the  con- 
tesunt  first  establishing  its  chums,  but  that,  owing  to  the 
influx  of  British  traders  into  the  region,  only  the  immediate 
occupation  of  the  territory  would  secure  it  to  France.  But 
Galissonni^  was  recalled  before  any  measure  looking 
to  the  possession  of  the  territories  could  be  devised.  His 
successor  was  La  Jonqui&re,  an  older  man,  but  not  inferior 
in  vigor  and  ambition.  La  Jonquiire  had  instructions 
from  his  superiors  to  spare  no  means,  short  of  war,  to  drive 
the  British  from  Oswego  and  to  establish  French  suzerainty 
in  the  west.  The  authorities  of  Virginia  and  the  other 
British  colonies  were  not  less  alert  and  active,  and  encour- 
agement was  freely  given  to  those  who  sought  permission 
to  trade  along  the  headwatere  of  the  Ohio;  in  fact,  a  com- 
pany known  as  the  Ohio  Company  had  already  been  formed 
under  Virginian  auspices  to  exploit  the  region.  La  Jon- 
quiere  was  now  fuUy  convinced  that  France  and  Great 
Britain  would  sooner  or  later  come  into  collision,  and,  in 
order  that  French  troops  might  be  moved  to  the  upper  Ohio 
with  rapidity,  a  new  fort  was  erected  at  La  Presentation, 
now  Ogdensburg,  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  old  posts  at 
Cataraqui  and  Niagara  were  repaired  and  strengthened.  But 
amidst  these  miliary  activities  La  Jonquiire  had,  throu^ 
his  private  avarice,  made  himself  many  enemies,  among 
them,  leaders  of  the  Jesuit  order.  Consequently  he  found 
that  his  military  activities  were  made  the  basis  of  all  man- 
ner of  complaints  to  the  home  authorities  on  the  part  of 
these  opponents,  who  charged  openly  that  his  zeal  in  the 
west  was  prompted  only  by  a  desire  t  j  esttblidi  lucrative 
trading  posts  for  the  benefit  of  his  own  friends  and  to  his 


Hi 


176         CMADd  AND  BRtrUH  NOMTH  JMilUCJ 

own  penonal  enrichment.  WhUe  the  governor  had  verr 
probabty  a  genuine  desire  to  wrve  the  bett  intemtt  of  htt 
•overeign  in  the  west,  be  gave  grounds  for  the  cfaaiges  bv 
the  fact  that,  although  his  salaij  was  it.Mg«tfiftiit,  he 
nanaged  during  his  dMNt  say  in  the  cokmy  to  anaas  a 
large  fortune.  At  his  own  reqiwst  he  was  iccalled  in  1752, 
but,  broken  down  by  morttScation  at  the  outcome  ot  hk 
plans,  he  died  at  Quebec  before  his  successor  could  arrive 
The  new  representative  of  the  French  crown  in  r.n.^, 
the  Marquis  Du  Quesne,  had  been  wcU  coached  byGaS- 

•onni^  as  to  the  true  interests  of  Fruice  in  North  America, 
and  nme  out  to  the  colony  with  the  firm  determinarion  to 
see  these  thorou^y  saftguaided.  Du  Chiesne  wm  not 
without  abilityi  he  possessed  a  dogged  will  and  an  mcom. 
promising  spirit,  which  augured  well  for  a  meedy  dadi 
with  any  opposing  interest.  Furthermore,  the  home  gov- 
emment  had  given  him  explicit  instruaions  of  an  agncssive 
nature  which  brae  unmistakably  the  earmarks  of  Gain- 
sonni^,  and  these  instructions  he  lost  no  time  in  carrying 
into  efeci.  TTie  erection  of  a  chain  of  posts  to  cooam 
Lake  Erie— which  the  Frmch  fully  controUed—wkh  the 
Lerfwaters  of  the  Ohio  was  at  once  decided  upon,  and 

^qwrations  f<H- the  &patch  of  a  coMtrucrion  fime  escorted 

by  troops  were  forthwith  made.     In  the  southwest  corner 

of  what  II  now  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  near  Ae  preseM 

siteof  Pittsburg,  the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  and  Monoa. 

gabela  with  die  Ohio  formed  a  convenient  passage  from  the 

cwMry  east  of  the  Alleghany  Mountaiaswotwafd,  and 

misiipot  the  French  emissaries  had  hm  selected  as  the 

gateway  of  the  West.     The  power  contraUing  this  point 

could  control  the  territoiy  westwaid,  or,  at  any  rate,  wouM 

have  a  decisive  strategic  advantage  in  any  coniict  for  its 

control.     France  had  never  attempted  overt  posa^ion,  but 

tad  on  several  occasions  claimed  tlw  it  was  wMun  the 

^rench  s^re  of  iniuence;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  bodl 

Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  had  aasetted  thu  it  lay  witto 

thek  respective  JHrisdicUonsi  for  dw  bmmAuy  lines  T 


m 


M 


m 


gggm 


TMM  coHTUcr  mu 


«77 


dMW  two  colonitr  were  not  jrcc  definhdjr  fduL  Pmhh- 
■jrlvuki  wkh  itt  doniatat  Qyaker  pt^ubtioii,  ai^  im- 
•omUjr  be  covmed  apm  m  VkAy  to  oftr  no  dedaivc 
fwimnce  to  Fiendi  mcwnclimtntt  \  VnipnMf  on  uw  otncf 
IuumI,  wtSk  the  fierjr  Dtnwid^  at  the  head  of  afinn  wo«dd 
cemikikf  cndeavw  aa  best  h  m^^  to  prevent  anj  coa- 
tumnatkHi  of  the  French  ^an. 

Du  Qpetne  waa  detenniaed  to  be  fint  on  dw  graoad, 
and,  a»  toon  aa  the  apring  of  1753  opened,  dtapatched  a 
conatderabk  force  to  conuaence  irark  on  the  liiw  of  foita 
wtitA  waa  to  hem  in  the  KitWi  between  d»  Alkgbaniea 
and  the  aea.  Of  theae  poeta  dMre  were  to  be  foor  in  alL 
The  fint  was  eetaMlAed  at  ?feaqu'tle  on  the  soi^wra 
■bore  vX  Lake  Erie,  the  aecoad  at  Frendi  Craak,  aooM 
miks  inhnd,  and  to  diis  htte*  dw  name  «^  Foft  Le  Bavf 
waa  given.  From  this  point  t:  descent  in  cMwas  could  be 
made  along  French  Creek  to  the  AO^ghanjr,  where  the  * 
post,  Venango,  was  constructed,  and  hesioe  the  ' " 
permitted  an  ea^  joiimejr  to  ita  jaactioa  wifli  die 
where  dw  final  estabUahaMtt  wh  to  be  made.  As  it 
extreme^  desinMe  that  the  whole  woik  hknmI  be 
{deted  before  aqr  actiaB  on  dw  pait  of  tie  Briddi  cnleahi 
cottU  be  ofganiaed,  work  on  dw  imt  dwse  peats  'mm 
pushed  on  widi  ttreksa  eaogf  dwiag  dw  iHwb  suawsari 
and  ^  the  tiaw  winter  had  set  in  dwae  had  beaa  caaipletad, 
whUe  cvr^-tUni  waa  in  wadlnsw  to  piUMli  widi  dW 
yrfftinn  M  Ae  anal  Boat  oa  Ae  oaaid^  tM  Aa  foHooAaa 
sprtog.  For  Ak  purpoae  dMM  ^rae  hmimi  mea  vife 
Iwpt  m  garriaoa  at  PMm|i^  dMou^^Mat  dw  uteir. 

Meaawhile,  nadan  had  harried  to  rtinwiddta  widi  news 
of  the  Fraadi  advance,  aad  i^j^catwa  was  tt  ooee  nwda 

oMt  dw  Freaeh  fraai  dwv  aew  poairiaai.  This  waa 
readily  fofdwomiag,  bat  before  awaaa  couU  be  had  tc 
equi^  a  force  in  V^gWa  dw  Awsmhly  had  to  be  coaveaed. 
Th»  waa  deae  widMat  dalay,  bet  aa  was  tee  oAni  dw  ease 
themeoAefs  HI  kiia  flipaiii  ngpBdhig  the  «^  ia  whU 


I 


\n 


178         CANJDJ  AND  MRtnSM  NOHTH  JMiRlCJ 

meant  could  be  best  procured  and  valuable  time  wat  wasted. 
Dinwiddle  determined  to  use  the  interim  which  winter 
afforded  to  despatch  an  («cer  to  the  Ficnch  posts,  with  a 
formal  demand  for  their  evacuation,  and  to  w«wkf  a  formal 
assertion  of  the  British  claims;  and  this  task  he  intrusted 
to  George  Washington,  then  a  youth  of  twenty-one,  who 
held  the  rather  pretentious  title  of  adjutant  of  his  majesty's 
Virginia  militia.     With  some  half-dosen  guides  and  inter- 
preters,  the  dauntless  young  officer  made  his  way  to  Fort 
Le  Boeuf  in  the  depths  of  midwinter,  and  deUvned  his 
ultimatum.     He  was  treated  with  chancteristic   Ficnch 
courtesy,  but  was  pven  answer  diat  the  garrisons  were  in 
possession  by  onfer  of  the  Bourimn  king,  and  by  his  (»den 
alone  could  they  be  withdrawn.     With  considerable  diffi- 
culty and  no  little  danger,  Washington  and  his  companions 
made  their  way  through  the  forestt  back  to  the  Vininian 
capital,  with  this  suave  French  defiance,  to  find  that  the 
slow-moving  Assembly  had  at  last  given  its  assent  to  the 
governor's  plans.    Dinwiddie  had  urgently  asked  assistance 
from  the  other  colonies,  but  none  showed  any  concern. 
The  redoububle  ^liriey,  of  Massachusetts,  however,  always 
ready  for  a  fray,  agreed  to  make,  in  the  language  of  his 
despatch  to  Dinwiddie,  a  "fiunt"  in  the  direction  of  Lake 
Champlain,  in  order  to  draw  off  the  French  forces  avaihOile 
for  operations  on  the  Ohio. 

By  the  spring  of  1754,  the  Virginian  expedition  of  a  few 
hundred  regulars  and  ill-equipped  militiamen  was  sent  to 
the  front  in  two  (fouchments,  Washington  commandiiw  the 
foremost.  But  before  the  MonongalMla  was  reached,  news 
arrived  that  the  French  had  already  constructed  their  fourth 
poK,  Fort  Du  Quesne,  at  the  junction  of  the  Monongaheb 
with  the  Ohio.  Funhermme,  it  was  now  learned  that  their 
gvriscm  at  that  post  numbered  well  over  a  thousand  men, 
a  formidable  force  in  view  of  the  paucity  in  numbers  and 
poverty  in  equipment  of  the  Vitginian  forces.  WashiMtoo, 
therefore,  decided  to  fortify  himself  where  he  was,  ami  to 
await  both  developnentt  and  reinforcements.   In  three  days 


THE  COMFLKT  TIMM 


«79 


he  Ind  constructed  ■  rude  ihelter,  to  which  he  gave  the  nmne 
of  Fort  Necessity.  And  none  too  soon,  for  the  Fi«nch 
forthwith  advanced  from  Du  Quesne  and  proceeded  to  dis- 
lodge him.  A  vigorous  assault,  bating  throu^ut  the  greater 
part  of  a  dajr,  brou^t  the  little  garrison  to  itt  knees:  Wash- 
ington opened  his  porious  miliury  career  with  an  ingbrious 
reverse.  Next  day,  4th  of  July,  1754,  the  little  force 
marched,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  its  suneader,  back 
to  Vir^ia;  the  first  clash  of  arms  in  the  ^antic  stnig^e 
for  a  continent  had  occurred.  The  French  had,  for  the 
time  being,  mack  good  their  pretensions,  and  the  vut  ex- 
panse of  territories  west  of  the  Alle^anies  knew  no  banner 
but  the  feur-de-lis  of  the  Bourbons. 

MeanwhBe,  under  instructions  from  England,  a  confer- 
ence WM  being  held  at  Albany  by  delegates  appointed  from 
the  various  colonies  with  the  idea  of  conceiting  measures 
for  the  common  safety.  United  action  appeared  essentkl, 
not  akme  to  repel  the  encroachments  of  the  French,  birt  in 
onter  to  secure  the  neutrality,  if  not  the  support,  of  the 
Indians  in  the  impending  strung.  From  this  conference 
very  Ihtk  of  importance  resulted.  Under  the  inspiration 
of  Benjamin  Franklin,  one  of  the  delegates  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  OMiference  adopted  a  tentative  project  of  union 
providing  that  fw  certain  specified  objects,  including  com- 
mon de^cc,  the  joint  interestt  of  the  colonies  should  be 
intrusted  to  a  Grand  Council  elected  by  the  popular  branches 
of  the  various  colonial  Assemblks.  But  to  put  the  phm 
into  practice  k  was  necessary  to  have  the  anent  both  of  the 
home  government  and  (rf*  dw  cdonial  Assemblks  concerned } 
and  from  neither  quaner  was  thu  assent  forthcoming  when 
asked.  To  the  British  authorities  the  project  was  dis- 
tasteful, as  tending  to  stimulate  dw  deraocnok  tuidencies 
of  the  cokmists:  to  the  colonial  Assemblies  k  fiiSad  to  ap- 
peal, since  it  a^eared  to  them  but  a  new  means  of  Brkkh 
concentiatton. 

The  disastm-  at  Fort  Neccsttty  was  a  bitter  humilia- 
tion to  Dinwiddk,  the  more  so  since  those  of  his  brother 


1  ) 


I    ! 


h 


j 


if 


ii'- 


u 


lie  CJSJDJ  AND  MRiriSH  NORTH  AMMUCJ 

gQvemon  who  had  refuted  to  Mum  him  at  the  outiec 

chuckled  over  hii  failure.  From  them  he  could  count  on 
no  anistance,  nor  did  the  slender  miliury  resources  of  the 
Old  Dominion  afford  much  hope  that  the  French  couU  be 
eftctually  dislodged  from  the  Ohio  valley  without  aswt- 
ance  from  the  home  government.  So  Dinwiddie  sppiAd 
urgently  to  London  for  both  men  and  supplies.  And  Mt 
in  vain.  The  English  ministers,  fully  alive  to  the  skuttioa, 
made  haste  to  despatch  a  force  of  a  thousand  icgulan,  under 
the  command  of  Major-general  Edward  Braddock,  to  the 
assistance  of  the  energetic  Virginians  and  to  give  assurance 
of  further  aid  in  case  such  should  be  required.  Akhou^  at 
the  same  time  |»cific  assurances  were  given  to  the  Fimch 
authorities,  the  latter  did  not  neglect  to  strengthen  their 
forces  in  Canada.  During  the  course  of  1 755,  nearly  three 
thousand  men,  under  the  leadership  of  Baron  Dieskau,  were 
transported  to  Canada,  despite  the  vigilance  of  the  British 
Hect,  and  safely  landed  at  Quebec  and  Louisburg.  At  the 
same  time,  Du  Quesne,  whose  health  now  bt^an  to  fail, 
gave  place  to  a  new  governor,  Pierre  Francois  de  Vaudreuil, 
son  of  a  forni*r  go/crrior  of  New  France.  Popular,  vigor- 
0U8,  capable,  the  fact  th«  he  was  the  last  French  governor 
of  Canada  was  his  misfortune  rather  than  his  fault :  that 
France  was  fated  to  lose  her  best  colony  was  due  to  no 
incapacity  on  the  part  of  the  men  whom  she  sent  to  guard 
her  interests  in  the  closing  years  of  the  old  r^me. 

By  the  month  of  March,  Braddock  had  arrived  in  Vir- 
^ia,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  confer  with  the  various 
colonial  governors,  whom  Dinwiddie  had  summoned  to 
meet  him,  with  the  object  of  nuturing  a  comprehensive 
plan  of  cami»ign.  Practically  al!  these,  including  Shir- 
ley, of  MMsachusetts,  were  on  hand,  and  little  time  was 
lost  m  ag^wing  upon  four  lines  of  operation.  BnMldock, 
with  the  newly  arrived  regulars  and  such  bodies  of  n^ytia 
as  Virginia  and  ttK  other  southern  colonies  could  be  induced 
to  furnish,  was  to  Move  on  Fort  Du  Quesne  and  e^t  the 
dislodgment  of  the  Fnrach.    The  New  England  and  Middle 


If 


f  ,t 


I 


If- 


TMi  coHFUcr  rmt 


iSi 


coloniet  were  to  umiertake  two  oSenaive  opentioot,  the  one 
through  the  vallejr  of  the  Mohawk  to  Lake  Ontario  and 
thence  to  Niagara,  the  other  afaintt  Crown  Point.  Ofthetc 
expeditions,  tlw  fimnerwat  to  be  pbced  in  charge  of  ^iriejr 
himaelf,  whik  the  latter  was  to  be  commanded  by  William 
Johnson,  of  New  York.  Both  were  to  start  from  Albany. 
Finally,  an  expedition  from  Halifiu(,with  Colonel  Monckton 
of  the  r^ular  forces  as  commanding  officer,  was  to  drive 
the  French  from  their  post  at  Beau^jour  in  the  disputed 
Acadian  territory.  The  successful  issue  of  these  expeditions 
would,  it  was  hoped,  force  the  French  to  confine  themselves 
within  their  proper  sphere,  according  to  the  British  inter- 
preutifm  of  boundaries.  Had  the  resources  and  capabilities 
of  the  respective  British  leaden  been  at  all  commensurate 
with  their  ambitions  and  confidence,  the  looked-for  result 
might  have  be«i  achieved  (  it  was  far  otherwise,  as  will  be 
seen  by  a  considention  of  the  operations  of  the  expeditions. 
The  expedition  against  Fort  Du  Quesne,  the  most  im- 
portant of  the  four,  commenced  iu  march  under  decidedly 
unpromising  auspices.  Its  commander,  Braddock,  was  in 
many  ways  a  capable  officer,  as  British  generals  went  in 
those  days  of  the  eighteenth  century  before  Pitt  assumed 
the  direction  of  affairs.  He  was  not  lacking  in  personal 
courage }  of  this,  in  fact,  he  had  more  than  most  men  of  his 
time,  nor  could  anyone  justly  question  his  stem  fidelity  or 
high  sense  of  hcmor.  As  for  service  in  European  war&re, 
he  had  seen  more  than  Im  share,  not  without  maiked  credit 
to  himself.  But  his  inordit>ate  self-confidence,  his  blunt 
untactfulness,his  sneering  underestimation  of  the  difficulties 
of  forest  warfare,  as  well  as  his  characteristic  notions  as  to 
the  superiwity  of  regulars  over  militiamen — all  these  pre- 
saged difficulties,  if  nothing  worse.  From  the  very  outset, 
the  expedition  found  itself  hampered  by  want  of  transport 
focilities,  for  it  had  been  expected  that  these  would  be  fur- 
nished by  the  colonists  of  Pennsylvania.  But  the  Quakers 
had  no  heart  in  the  whole  affair,  and  even  the  mi^ty  in- 
fluence of  Franklin  did  not  suffice  to  obtain  m<»e  tlum  a 


I 


1 1 

r  I 


iW 


i  > 


lla         CMfJDJ  4ND  iUTUM  HOMTH  MMMUCd 

■ofctir  of  tht  MCCMuy  canvtjrMCM.     Even  afktr  a  coB- 
Merabk  ponton  of  the  bagpfe  huA  been  kft  iMUod  fer 
UiM  icuaa,tlit  expedition  wm  Kill  overburdened  and  midi 
^  WB7  widi  cnqwrKing  sloiracM.     Thui  th««  wm  no 
dewA  or  time  fitr  bickcfinp  between  tbc  i^ular  and  colo- 
iubI  oMccr^  who  aeem  to  have  deqpteed  CKh  other  with 
miitiul  cofdialitjri  whik  the  iaceamt  drilling  and  diKipUning 
of  the  militiamen,  upon  which  Braddock  imiited  withun- 
pwdonable  obetinacjr,  woiv  out  their  tempera  and  exhaueted 
theirmhuaiami.  ^Agpinat  aU  this, WadUngton, who  Mrred 
on  the  general  atatt,  protested  Mvenuousijr,  but  to  little  avail. 
I  *«^'*R»"'»f  of  •  ""toy  J«irf  «h«  expedition  had 
reacb^  the  Monoi^^aheh  not  ht  (torn  For  Du  Queuie 
and  passed  the  stream  in  safctjr.    Braddock  had  ftdlyuttci- 
pated  opposition  u  this  point,  and  had  taken  aU  neccssaiy 
precautbns  to  protect  his  force.     But  not  a  Franchman 
appeared.    TTiis  lack  of  opposition,  howevmr,  was  no  inten- 
tional overmght  on  the  part  of  the  Ou  Quesne  nrrisoni 
for,  on  the  receipt  of  information  as  to  BnuUock's  adirance, 
Contrecanir,  who  commanded  the  fort,  had  detached  a 
strong  force  under  Beaujeu  to  meet  the  advancing  English 
at  the  ford.     But  the  Indian  auxiliaries  delayed  the  detach- 
ment, >o  that  the  advance  guard  of  Braddock's  command 
was  encountered  by  Beaujeu  about  a  mik  befoic  he  reached 
the  ford.     Most  historians  have  charged  that  Braddock, 
through  lack  of  precaution,  allowed  hi*  men  to  be  surprised 
in  ambuscade.     Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth. 
If  there  was  any  surprise,  it  was  at  feast  mutual)  Beaujeu 
was  in  full  march  toward  the  river  and  had  |»epaKd  no 
ambuscade.     But  immediately  the  two  forees  came  into 
touch,  the  French  and  Indians  quickly  dispMcd  themselves 
behind  the  trees,  whence  they  poured  forth  a  destructive 
fire  into  the  compact  British  repments.     The  Virginia 
militiamen,  equal  to  the  situation,  souf^t  simifer  shelter 
and  miriit  have  saved  the  day,  had  not  Braddock,  enraged 
at  this  breach  of  European  military  etiquette,  forced  them 
out  into  line  formation,  where  they  were  mowed  down  by 


Tjw  coMrucr  rau  1I3 

■cores.    VoUmeraMilMfyuidBii^Mlvatefafifflafy 
eKtctmA  mMAu  i 


to  dw  MM^kM  kanaod  vwjr 
of  tkc  dwlttt«4  FnttBlMMa  imI  latiaM.  In  dM  wltolt 
anmb  of  ■akanr  Mnoij  tlww  b  ■owcthr  •  mnmn  iatunf 
af  tenoua  hliiniiiriM  or  of  mora  wnirtrirTttWT  biiwiiww 
th«  phis  drannds  of  a  critical 


Not  •vcB  dM 
fiiriout  cibrts  of  WmMmma  wM  bmig  ovdnr  oat  of 
the  impMiUdad  dum.    Tiio  pfeifiil  terib  of  tiw  imtmA 
ing  rout,  dM  ftvomd  rMvnt,  in  which  DrdHocIt  hfandf 


ImSSt 


was  that  doinu  dM  htlttr-tfrt^Tf 
ana>,giUM,an4  p^wa  mmj  hara  ha  paawd  ovtr.  On 
doek*a  dhathf  Coloaal  Dunhar  attccaeM  to  dM  cooMmnd 
and  HMHMgad  tolaad  tha  pidahk  band  of  atrM|^  back 
acroN  tha  fivntkr  of  PMuajrlvaaia.  On  tha  naach  aida, 
the  Auhing  Beuujeu  nMt  his  end,  a  serioiia  Uowi  in  tank 
and  fik,  however,  their  total  Ion  was  comparativaljr  ti^^ 
In  VinrMa*  whence  tha  lar|Bst  coatr&irtiona  in  mwtia 


and  suniBes  had  come,  the 

dM 

preparttions  For  rsnewing 


waa  hitteify  Mt|  but 


buoyant  Dinwiddie  iti  not  allow  chagrin  to  say  his 
larttions  for  rsnewint  dM  fiiht  at  dM  earlieat  poaiiUa 


qq^ortunitjr.  In  the  nwantiwM,  however,  dM  eneifatk 
govonor  found  ymaelf  fullr  occu^  wkh  dM  task  ot 
protecting  his  own  ftoittiers,  for  the  calamttjr  on  the  Monoi.- 
gahda  had  left  these  open  to  the  full  Airy  of  the  enemy. 

The  second  expedition,  dnt  against  Niagpua,  had  in  the 
meantime  effected  ks  remleavous  at  Albany.  Aboitt  oim 
thousand  five  hundred  militiamen  made  up  the  force  under 
the  personal  comnand  of  Shiriey,  who  now  for  dM  firat 
time  obtained  dM  loauMou^  opp«tuntty  of  showing  his 
skill  as  a  tactickn.  The  cxpedkion  proceeded  throu^  the 
valley  of  the  Mdttwk  and  across  OM  portage— near  the 
present  site  of  R«ne,  N.  Y. — to  Oswqp>,  on  the  southern 
shore  of  Lake  Ontario.  It  was  Shirley's  intention  first  to 
secure  possession  of  Fort  Frontenac  acroas  the  lake,  whence 
a  trip  of  five  days  bf  canoes  would  take  his  force  to  Niag- 
ara. But  on  arrival  he  found  that  the  astute  French  had, 
from  the  papers  captured  among  Braddock's  baggage,  learned 


*MCMCOrr  MXKUTION  TBT  OMIT 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


ki 

|M 

m 

■■■ 

ta 

|U 

in 

Hi 

■u 

lit 

IB 

|A0 

U 

1-25  iu 


I 

HhIs 


■  2.0 
1.8 

1.6 


/1PPLIED  IM/OE    Inc 

16SJ  Cost  Main  StrMI 

RochMttr,   N««   Yortt         U609       USA 

(715)  ♦a2  -  0300  -  Phon. 

(716)  288  -  M8S  -  Fo. 


I 


I 


184  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  hi,  intentions  and  had  taken  the  precaution  to  reinforce 
J-ort  Frontenac  in  such  way  as  to  make  its  capture  an  ex- 
tremely difficult  matter.  Nor  could  Shirley  veiy  well  pro- 
ceed  to  Niagara  with  the  garrison  at  Frontenac  in  a  position 
to  cut  oif  his  communications  by  way  of  Oswego.  There 
was  therefore  nothing  to  do  but  abandon  the  main  objects 
of  the  expedition,  for  the  time  being  at  any  rate.  So  SWrlev 
set  his  men  at  the  work  of  converting  the  defenceless  t«d- 

he  left  this  in  chaige  of  about  seven  hundred  men  and  with 
the  rest  of  his  force  retu*d  to  Albany,  whence  he  pushed 
on  back  to  Boston  and  resumed  his  civU  duties.  From 
every  point  of  view  Shirley's  expedition  was  an  utter  failure 
and  a  rude  shock  to  his  unbounded  ambition.  The  net 
result  of  the  whole  operation  had  been  to  leave  an  inad" 
quate  garrison  m  a  perilous  position,  where  it  could  be 
besieged  more  readily  than  succored,  and  to  invite  the 
crowning  disaster  of  the  foUowing  year! 

tJ'^'V''  *""*^'''  1°*^."°"'  ^''*"y  •>**•  "'^^'^i"  been  made 
the  starting  pomt  of  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point. 

Composed  likewise  entirely  of  militiamen,  it  had  as  its  com- 

mandant  William  Johnson,  then  commissioner  of  IrZn 

with  the  aboriginal  population  of  that  colony.  In  fact  it 
was  mainly  on  this  account  that  he  had  bien  given  die 
command.  He  was,  indeed,  able  to  gather  around  his  ex- 
pedition a  considerable  force  of  Indian  auxUiaries,  who  ren- 
dered  him  very  effective  assistance  during  the  course  of  his 
operations.  In  all,  he  was  able  to  muster  nearly  th!^°L„! 
sand  warriors,  both  white  and  red,  including  many  of  the 
nulitjamen  of  iMassachusetts  and  New  York^  It  had  bien 
hoped  that  Crown  Point  could  be  taken  before  the  Fre^J 
codd  learn  of  the  project  and  send  reinforcements,  bu7"he 
capture  of  Braddock's  papers  and  the  slow  progr^s  mde 

eL&r  °l  ^"-  ^''J'  *"«''''  to  Lake  Chalplain  had 
SL  P  K^'  authorities  at  Quebec  to  send  a  large  force  down 
the  Richelieu,  under  the  able  leadership  of  Dieskau.    It  was 


n    * 


TH£  CONFUCr  TIME 


i«S 


the  end  of  August  before  Johnson  reached  the  foot  of  Lake 
George,  by  which  time  Dieskau  had  reached  Crown  Point 
and  pushed  on  down  with  the  intention  of  atucking  his 
opponent's  rear.  Encamped  at  the  foot  of  the  hdce,  Johnson 
learned  of  Dieskau's  approach,  and  detached  a  force  of  a 
thousand  men  under  Colonel  Ephraim  Williams  to  thwart 
the  French  plans.  But  Williams,  less  than  three  miles 
from  the  main  camp,  fell  into  a  well-laid  ambush  which 
Dieskau  had  speedily  prepared.  A  sharp  encounter  cost 
the  Massachusetts  colonel  his  life  and  sent  his  shattered 
force  in  headlong  rout  back  to  camp.  Dieskau  was  not 
slow  to  follow  up  his  advantage,  and  in  the  afternoon  of  the 
same  day  assaulted  Johnson's  camp  on  the  lake.  But  the 
latter's  forces  had  utilized  the  intervening  hours  well  in 
preparation  for  an  immediate  attack,  and  repulsed  it  with 
heavy  loss  to  the  attacking  force.  Dieskau  hinself  was 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  while  his  force  retired  to  Crown 
Point  and  to  their  neighboring  fortress  of  Ticonderoga.  Had 
Johnson  followed  up  his  success,  these  French  posts  on  the 
hke  might  have  been  secured,  but  this  he  foiled  to  do,  pre- 
ferring to  await  reinforcements.  When  these  arrived,  winter 
was  at  hand  and  it  was  decided  to  defer  any  further  ofiensive 
operations  until  the  next  spring.  Meanwhile,  the  forces 
had  been  employed  in  the  erection  of  a  fort  near  the  site 
of  the  camp  at  the  foot  of  Lake  George.  This  was  named 
Fort  William  Henry.  When  it  was  completed,  a  garrison 
was  left  in  charge,  and  the  surplus  troops  were  marched 
back  to  Massachusetts  and  New  York  to  be  dispersed  to 
their  homes.  The  authorities  in  England  regarded  John- 
son's worit  with  favor,  gave  him  a  grant  of  money,  and 
made  him  a  baronet.  The  whole  aiSair,  however,  was  a 
failure  enlivened  with  one  incidental  success,  which,  how- 
ever brilliant,  gave  the  British  cause  no  tangible  advantage 
whatever. 

Of  the  four  expeditions,  that  against  Fort  Beaus^jour  In 
Acadia  had  the  least  difficult  task  before  it.  For  this  exploit 
Shirley  had  mustered  several  New  England  regiments  at 


!    t 


•    :' 


l86  CASADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

Boston,  whence  they  were  transported  to  Annapol»-    From 
there,  after  a  short  delay,  the  expedition,  accompanied  by 
part  of  the  regular  garrison,  sailed  up  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to 
within  sight  of  Beausejour  and  effected  a  landing  without 
opposition.    Colonel  Monckton,  of  the  regular  troops,  com- 
manded, with  Winslow,  of  Massachusetts,  as  his  chief  sub- 
ordinate. The  fort  was  in  charge  of  Duchambon  de  Vereor, 
who  owed  his  position,  it  seems,  more  to  his  influence  in 
high  places  than  to  any  merit  of  his  own.     With  him  was 
the  indefatigable  Le  Loutre  and  his  horde  of  Micmacs,  but 
expected  reinforcements  from  Louisburg  had  not  arrived 
and  the  garrison  was  in  no  condition  to  withstand  success^ 
fully  the  superior  numbers  brought  against  it.   After  a  sharp 
cannonade,  the  besieged  agreed  to  capitulate  and  were  forth- 
with transported  to  Louisburg,  under  parole  not  to  serve 
for  the  si»ce  of  six  months.     The  fort  was  rechristened 
Fort  Cumberland.    The  British  were  now  in  possession  of 
the  disputed  territory,  and  one  of  the  four  expeditions  had 
achieved  its  object. 

The  capture  of  Beausejour  had  raised  the  difficult  prob- 
lem as  to  what  should  be  done  with  the  Acadians.     Many 
of  these  had  served  in  the  French  ranks;  not  a  kv,  had 
been  found  among  the  surrendered  garrison;  while  all  were 
known  to  be  as  disloyal  as  they  dared  to  be.     It  was  there- 
fore decided  that  all  should  be  required  to  take  the  oath  of 
Jlegiance  and  then  for  the  future  held  to  its  responsibilities. 
But  this  most  of  them  stubbornly  refused  to  take,  although 
the  majority  had  been  born  under  British  rule  and  on  British 
soil.     What  was,  then,  to  be  done?     To  leave  a  disloyal 
population  in  possession  of  a  province  where  the  British 
hold  was  none  too  secure  would  be  an  invitation  to  con- 
tinual friction  if  nothing  worse.     Shirley,  for  his  part,  was 
thoroughly  convinced  that  nothing  short  of  expulsion  of  the 
Acadians  would  ever  solve  the  Acadian  quesoon  as  far  as 
ii.eat  Britain  was  concerned;    while  Governor  Lawrence 
held  much  the  same  view.   A  recommendation  to  this  effect 
was  accordmgly  despatched  to  the  home  authorities,  with 


i.^  ;&£'_        -.t^JJ* 


THB  CONFUC  TIMM  j$j 

the  ultimate  result  that  it  was  decided  to  adopt  the  extreme 
measure  of  expatriation  as  the  only  solution  of  the  whol^ 
problem.  Nor  was  the  carrying  out  of  this  decision  ezi<, . 
For  if  the  Acadians  were  to  know  what  was  contemplated, 
they  might  assuredly  be  expected  to  defend  their  homes  with 
vigor.  Arrangementt  were  therefore  made  for  the  despatch 
of  several  detachments  to  the  various  settlements  in  order 
that  the  designs  might  be  carried  out  before  any  concen- 
trated movement  on  the  part  of  the  people  could  take  place. 
On  arriving  at  Grand  Prf,  Chipody,  and  the  othrr  Acadian 
hamlets,  the  respective  commandants  of  these  detachments 
summoned  all  the  male  inhabitants  of  the  community  into 
the  parish  churches,  alleging  that  important  orders  were  to 
be  communicated  to  them.  In  most  cases  the  people 
promptly  acceded}  and  when  securely  within  the  building 
found  that  they  were  held  there  under  guard  until  arrange- 
ments for  the  deportation  had  been  perfected.  All  were 
allowed  to  gather  what  they  might  of  their  personal  effiscts; 
and  these,  with  the  Acadians  themselves,  were  placed  on 
board  a  number  of  vessels  and  transported  from  Acadia  and 
dispersed  here  and  there  among  the  British  colonies  to  the 
south.  In  these  they  were  given  lands  and  were  more  or 
less  favorably  treated  by  the  people  among  whom  they  came. 
Some  few  made  their  way  to  the  French  provinces,  but 
the  number  permanently  expatriated  ran  well  up  into  the 
thousands. 

In  the  history  of  civilized  warfare  the  student  will  find 
few  more  harrowing  episodes  than  that  in  which  a  prosper- 
ous people  were  ruthlvssly  torn  from  their  homes  and  dis- 
persed among  strangers  in  a  strange  land.  Yet,  withal, 
sympathy  with  misery  must  not  be  permitted  to  bwloud  or 
bewilder  judgment.  That  the  Acadians  were  not  the  peace- 
ful and  loyal  folk  which  the  sympathetic  and  generous  Long- 
fellow has  with  the  pen  of  his  genius  pictured  them,  is 
beyond  all  doubt.  For  the  widespread  existence  of  rank  sedi- 
tion among  them,  unprincipled  meddlers  of  the  Le  Loutre 
type  were  doubtless  primarily  to  blame;  yet  the  rank  and 


«#f '. 


f:;f 


i 


iM       cjNje::,j  jnd  mutism  north  aukuca 

file  who  foUowed  to  willingly  could  hanlly  hope  to  escape 
the  consequence  of  their  disaffwtion.     From  the  British 
authorities  for  twoscore  years  they  had  received  the  utmost 
consideration;  they  had  reciprocated  by  manifestations  o( 
very  .IMisguised  hostility  on  every  possible  occasion.  To  the 
New  Englandor  of  the  twentieth  century,  as  he  scans  his 
early  local  histories,  streaked  page  by  page  with  the  blood 
prints  of  butchering  raiders  both  white  and  red,  it  is  difficult 
to  see  how  the  expatriation  of  the  Acadians  can  appear  other 
than  as  a  comparatively  humane  measure.     That  it  was  a 
nuliury  necessity  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  those  who 
represented  British  interesu  in  the  Mew  World  at  the  time, 
and  tt  IS  not  unnatural  that  the  British  authorities  at  home 
should  have  trusted  the  judgment  of  those  most  familiar  with 
the  facts.     Doubtless  there  were  some  needless  hardships 
which  might  have  been  avoided  by  more  careful  attention  to 
the  details  of  embarkation}  the  separation  of  members  of  the 
same  family  from  one  another  was  not  a  necessaiy  incident 
of  the  general  policy.     But  for  this  we  must  bhune  only 
those  whose  lot  it  was  to  execute  the  painful  task,  not  un- 
forgetful,  however,  of  the  difficulties  and  dangen  attendant 
upon  Its  execution,  and  of  the  fact  that  the  military  ethics 
of  the  eighteenth  century  were  not  those  of  the  twentieth. 
The  expatriation  was  an  extreme  measure,  justifiable  only 
on  the  ground  that,  with  States  as  with  men,  self-preserva- 
uon  IS  the  first  law  of  nature. 

On  the  whole,  the  campaign  of  1755  had  brought  but 
scant  credit  to  the  Brit..  ,  arms;  on  the  Monongahela,  on 
the  Lakes,  and  in  the  Lake  Champlain  region  the  French 
had  held  their  opponents  most  successfully  at  bay.  Only 
in  Acadia  had  matters  been  even  temporarily  improved. 
Fecuharly  enough,  the  two  parent  Sutes  were  as  yet  nomi- 
nally  at  peace  despite  the  bitter  conflicts  in  their  respective 
colonies.  By  the  end  of  1755,  however,  it  had  become 
apparent  that  the  struggle  could  be  no  longer  locaUzed  and 
formal  declarauons  of  war  were  issued  early  in  the  foUowine 
year.  * 


r^  M 


CLA^..4Qi.^At^U)f9r9i^;^. 


Letter  from  Montcalm,  dated  Augutt  17,  1757,  addrened  to 
Lutbiniete  at  Fort  Carillon  on  Lake  George.  fre«»  /**  trigmaJ  in  tbt 
Emmtt  CoiltclUH. 


«■ 


p 

m 


i 


<tll 


1 


1^ 


11 

r 


H'* 


CHAPTER  VIII 


THM  CONFUCT  fIMM    (CmliMMid) 

Foa  the  campaign  of  1756  bodi  ctmibatantt  made  the 
most  vigorous  prepuationa.  As  has  been  said,  France  and 
Great  Britain  were  yet  nominally  at  peace,  dcM^  the  bitter 
conflicts  at  their  respective  outposts  of  empire.  But  the 
frequent  captures  of  French  owrchantmen  by  Britidi  cruisers 
finally  goaded  the  Bourbon  monarchy  into  an  open  dedara- 
tion  oflMstiltties.  The  preliminaries  had  been  passed:  the 
real  stnigg^  for  a  continent  had  no«r  begun.  Both  coun- 
tries, it  was  dear,  were  in  deadly  earnest,  as  was  diown  by 
their  spirited  efibrts  to  strengthen  their  alliances  in  Eiuopt. 
Britain  was  especially  fcwtunate  in  her  league  with  Prussia, 
for  die  indefittig^d>le  Frederick  proved  hinudf  able  to  hold 
the  whole  military  power  of  France  in  constant  check,  and 
throu^bout  the  war  gave  Louis  XV.  scant  opportunity  to 
reinforce  adequately  the  French  contingents  in  America. 
It  was  this,  together  with  naval  superiority,  as  will  be  seen, 
which  served  most  of  all  to  turn  the  scales  of  military  fortune 
in  Britun's  fiivor. 

Politically  speaking,  Great  Britain  entered  the  final  stage 
of  her  great  duel  undn  most  serious  handicaps.  George  if., 
old  and  phl^matic,  had  an  unfortunate  in&tuation  for  his 
German  Duchy  of  Hanover:  where  its  security  was  con- 
cerned, the  salvation  of  Great  Britain  or  of  her  growing 
colonid  interestt  was  a  matter  of  minor  importance;  and 
this  pervernon  of  military  perspective  was  likely  to  aSket 

189 


wm 


I/' 


«' 


190         CJNJDA  AND  BUriSH  NORTH  JMMMJCJ 

injurioiwly  the  conduct  of  campaigni.  The  Duke  of  Cum. 
beriand,  the  younger  ion  of  George  II.,  held  the  pott  of 
comiiMnder-in-chief  of  the  wmy,  but  at  Fontenoy  he  had 
•ignaJIy  fiuled  at  a  critical  moment  to  dUpIay  militaiy  genius, 
nor  did  the  nation  put  trust  in  his  qu.Jitics  of  leadership. 
The  prime  minitter,  Newcattle,  a  bluff  and  blundering  old 
aristocrat  with  little  statesmanship  and  less  enthusium,  had 
surrounded  himself  with  a  coterie  of  colleagues,  most  of 
whom  were  on  the  ume  plane  of  mediocrity  as  himself.  As 
far  as  official  Britain  was  concerned,  there  was  hardly  a 
promise  of  military  or  political  genius.  Since  1 748,  more- 
over, matters  had  drifted  sorrowfully  j  the  army  had  been 
reduced  in  numbers)  the  navy  had  been  neglected;  polit- 
ical corruption  had  honeycombed  every  biwich  of  both 
services. 

France,  to  be  sure,  did  not  present  a  state  of  aifiurs  in 
very  marked  contrast.  If  anything,  political  affairs  were 
worse  than  they  had  ever  been;  two  centuries  of  neglect 
had  sapped  the  ttrength  of  the  monarchy;  the  same  period 
of  arbitrary  taxation,  perversions  of  justice,  centralization  of 
aoministration,  and  general  misgovemment  had  weakened 
the  nation  in  every  way.  But,  despite  her  growing  senUity, 
J  ranee  was  now  about  to  put  forth  her  utmott  energies; 
for  those  who  misgoverned  her  were  not  ignorant  of  the 
gravity  of  the  ttivggle  and  of  the  enormous  issues  which  it 
was  to  decide.  In  miliury  matters,  at  any  rate,  a  degene- 
rate and  undeserving  monarchy  has  seldom  found  itself  as 
faithfuUy  and  ably  served  as  were  the  Bourbons  during  the 
Seven  Years*  War.  * 

n  A'/""  f  •  America  was  concerned,  the  superiority  of  the 
British  colonies  in  point  of  population  was  counterbalanced 
^the  various  strategic  advantages  possessed  by  New  France. 
The  French  in  America  held  decisive  control  of  the  Missis- 
sippi nnd  Ohio  valleys,  as  well  as  the  great  water  route  by 
way  of  the  Great  Lakes  from  the  wettem  territories  to  the 
****!  ?".S*  northern  frontiera  of  New  England  their  hold 
on  Lake  Champlain  was  deemc*  secure,  while  the  frowning 


THE  COt/nJCT  TtMi 


191 


nunpam  o(  Loiusbun  dBciently  guarded  the  Atlantic  big))- 
wav  to  Canada.  Tm  Britith  coloniea,  on  the  contrary, 
were  expoaed  at  almoat  every  point;  .  e  wtn  few  fron> 
tier  poata  of  importance,  and  even  t}  .  .4ongeat  of  these 
could  (^er  little  resistance  to  serious  Mtack.  The  An^o- 
Saxon  pushed  his  j^ettlemenu  out  on  the  frontiers,  where 
he  could  not  be  efiectively  |mitected  and  where  he  invit'-< 
disaster.  From  east  to  west  the  British  frontier  in  Amer- 
ica was  vulneralle  at  alnrast  every  point.  Moreover,  the 
whole  adult  male  population  of  New  France  was  organised 
for  war,  whereas  in  the  more  peacefully  inclined  British 
colonies  to  the  south  it  was  often  found  well  nigb  impos- 
sible to  enroll  militiamen  for  aggressive  action.  Penn^l- 
vania  was  in  this  regard  a  model  of  apathy,  and  even  the 
raidins  of  its  own  borders  did  not  always  suffice  to  rouse 
the  oTd  Quaker  colony  to  a  sense  of  iu  obligatrans  to 
Great  Britain. 

From  the  standpoint  of  military  leadership,  France  found 
herself,  for  the  time  being  at  any  rate,  much  the  more 
admirably  served,  for  the  arrival  of  Montcalm  had  infused 
new  vigor  into  her  colonial  military  system.  A  soldier  by 
genius  and  training,  selected  on  his  merits  and  on  these 
done,  he  was  particularly  well  fitted  for  the  all-important 
part  which  he  was  defined  to  phy  in  this  and  succeeding 
campaigns.  That  France  ultimately  lost  her  American 
possessions  was  due  in  no  wise  to  faulty  generalship,  for 
in  Montcalm  she  had  indoubtedly  die  »blett  strategist  of 
the  whole  war.  Under  ordtnar<  circum  inces.  Governor 
Shiriey,  of  Massachusetts,  mi^  hav.  idted  for  a  high 
military  post,  even  if  usage  o|^>osed  tht  .atrusttng  of  vital 
interests  to  a  colonial  oflker.  Fw,  akhai^  not  a  soldier 
by  profession,  Shirinr  had  displayed  >~^  mk  gci.us  for 
organization,  especially  in  connection  '  r^t  expedition 
i^;ainst   Louisburg  in   1745.     But   ii  expedition   to 

Oswego,  Shirley  had  utterly  failed  to  ^  M  Us  qualities 

of  leadership  in  any  way  approximue-  ui  wganizing 
ability,  so  that  even  in  his  own  colony  k&  sem  of  prestige 


I 


19a         CAMJIDd  MtD  MUnWi  NOMTM  AMFUCd 

hni  bten  Mriout.  At  ua  ntt,  in  the  allotttnc  of  com- 
OMndt  the  iioaie  authoriott  kft  bim  completNy  out  of 
comkknukNi,  the  chief  coamand  bcti^  ikpuMd  to  the 
Eari  of  Loudoun,  w^  Qeneralt  Abereronbie  and  Webb  aa 
his  ehieft  of  maS.  Theae  appointments  were  abundantly 
chancteristie  of  the  ministers  who  ma>'e  them,  for  it  maj 
wdl  be  doubted  wheth.T  a  mora  indiSeient  trb  were  ever 
inflicted  at  a  single  blo;ir  upon  the  British  forces  in  any 
part  of  the  world.  AlthoHfh  this  supersession  was  a  with- 
ering blow  to  the  ftithAii  Shirley,  he  went  <m  with  his 
preparations  with  no  diminution  in  v%or,  mustering  the 
whole  available  forces  of  the  northern  colonies  at  Albany 
with  a  view  to  renewing  operations  agsinst  Forts  Frontenac 
and  Niag^ua.  The  new  commu-<kr-in<<hicf  was  not  iri»le 
to  leave  London  at  once,  but  he  despatched  his  two  sub- 
wdinates,  Webb  and  Abererombie,  in  advance  {  and  in  due 
course  these  arrived  at  Albany,  where  the  latter  took  over 
the  command. 

Meanwhik,  Montcalm  had  not  been  idle.  A  huve  force 
had  been  prepared  for  a  (tescent  in  the  direction  of  Osw^o, 
for  Montcalm  deemed  it  wise  to  draw  off  the  British  at 
Albany  from  any  cmicentrated  effort  against  his  poctt  on 
Lake  Champlain.  Whether  he  merely  intended  a  feint  on 
Osw^  as  a  cover  for  aggressive  movements  elsewhere,  or 
whether  he  intended  to  assault  Oswego  while  diminishing 
his  garrisons  elsewhere  to  tlM  point  of  danger,  was  known 
to  no  one  but  himselfj  and  it  was  this  strategy  whit  h 
placed  the  forces  at  Albany  in  a  difficult  pontion,  nor  was 
this  ren^red  any  less  difficult  by  the  &ct  that  the  ne\s-l7 
arrived  generals  were  unwilline  to  make  any  -  ux'e  on  the  r 
own  responsibility.  Even  before  their  arrival,  Shiriey  had 
been  extremely  anxious  to  succor  the  post  at  Oswego, 
especially  as  provisions  there  were  known  to  be  running 
low.  To  this  end,  he  had  already  despatched  the  energetic 
Colonel  Bradstreet  with  a  force  of  armed  boatmen,  re- 
cruited from  all  parts  of  the  country,  with  such  munitions 
and  supplies  as  they  were  able  to  convoy  to  the  threatened 


IV 


i'? 


THB  CONFUCT  nUE 


«93 


fort.  Bndstreet  accomplished  his  mission  with  distinct 
success  and  had  begun  his  return  toward  Albany,  when  he 
was  attacked  by  a  considerable  force  of  French  and  Indians 
which  Montcalm  had  sent  around  the  rear  of  Oswego  with 
a  view  to  cutting  off  its  communications  and  preventing 
relief  of  the  garrison  by  reinforcements.  Bradstreet  cut  his 
way  through  successfully,  but  the  presence  of  a  large  force 
of  French  in  the  rear  of  Oswego  gave  rise  at  Albany  to 
gloomy  forebodings  concerning  the  French  projects.  Shirley 
would  gladly  have  marched  at  once  to  the  relief  of  the  post, 
but  Alwrcrombie  was  unwilling  to  take  the  responsibility 
of  any  movement  that  had  not  been  sanctioned  by  Loudoun. 
Much  valuable  time  was  therefore  lost,  the  forces  lying 
inactive  between  Albany  and  Lake  George,  varying  the 
monotony  of  camp  life  by  continual  bickerings  among 
themselves.  Those  encamped  at  the  lake  accomplished 
something  in  the  way  of  constructing  bateaux  and  sloops, 
while  the  rest  were  set  to  work  improving  the  road  from 
Albany  to  the  lake  shore.  It  was  August  when  Lou- 
doun finally  arrived  and  found  at  his  disposal  some  seven 
thousand  ill-equipped  and  discontented  men.  The  arrival 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  however,  did  little  to  hasten 
the  march  of  events,  as  far  as  the  British  were  concerned. 
The  French  were  reported  to  have  at  least  six  thousand 
men  at  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  and  Loudoun  held 
that  any  attempt  to  dislodge  them  must  fail  unless  more 
troops  were  placed  at  his  disposal.  Montcalm,  with  ample 
sources  of  information  at  hand,  was  not  slow  to  recognize 
that  a  man  of  Loudoun's  calibre  might  reasonably  be  ex- 
pected to  utilize  this  excuse  for  inaction.  So,  regarding 
Ticonderoga  as  safe  for  the  time  being,  he  hastened  to 
strike  at  Oswego.  His  Napoleonic  rapidity  of  movement 
on  this  occasion  stands  out  in  vivid  contrast  to  the  un- 
pardonable lethargy  of  his  opponents  and  emphasizes 
strongly  the  superiority  of  French  leadership  during  the 
earlier  campaigns  of  the  war.  Hastening  from  Ticonden^ 
to  Montreal,  he  had  held  a  hasty  conference  with  Governor 


194 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


iwm 


m 


Vaudreuil,  in  which  he  secured  pronipt  approval  of  his  plan. 
Eight  days  later,  he  was  at  Fort  Frontenac  with  all  the 
forces  the  colony  could  spare,  two  regiments  being  brought 
from  Montreal  and  one  from  Niagara.  Besides  these,  he 
was  able  to  count  on  the  timely  arrival  of  a  formidable  host 
of  western  aurturs  dt  bois  and  Indians.  By  the  en<l  of  the 
first  week  in  August,  he  was  able  to  face  Oswego  with  an 
enthusiastic  force  of  nearly  three  thousand  men. 

The  post  at  Oswego  consisted  of  three  rough  forts,  of 
which  Fort  Onurio  was  counted  the  strongest.  It  was  a 
star-shaped  afFair,  built  of  hewn  timbers  set  upright  in  the 
ground  and  closely  fitted  together.  Across  the  river  to  the 
west  was  Fort  Oswego,  a  rough  stone  post  protected  by 
earthworks.  As  it  was  thought  that  Fort  Ontario  would 
protect  its  eastern  flank  from  attack,  this  post  was  left  open 
on  its  eastern  side.  The  third  fort,  called  Fort  George, 
was  some  distance  away,  and  was  too  weak  to  be  thought 
worth  defending.  At  first  it  was  deemed  best  to  attempt 
the  defence  of  the  other  two  forts,  but  the  opening  opera- 
tions showed  that  the  timber  post,  while  defensible  enough 
against  musketry  assaults,  could  not  long  withstand  the  fire 
of  the  French  artillery ;  hence,  it  was  decided  to  withdraw 
the  garrison  from  Fort  Ontario  and  to  concentrate  the  whole 
British  force  in  Fort  Oswego,  where  walls  of  masonry  and 
ramparts  of  earth  promised  better  protection  against  bom- 
bardment. All  in  all,  its  ramparts  now  sought  to  protect 
about  fourteen  hundred  troops,  with  nearly  five  hundred 
non-combaunts.  However,  the  besiegers  outnumbered  them 
two  to  one ;  and  although  Colonel  Mercer,  who  was  in 
command,  directed  the  defence  most  skilfully,  until  he  was 
shot  down,  the  cause  was  a  hopeless  one  from  the  surt. 
The  vigorous  cannonading  of  the  French  gunners  swept  the 
earthen  ramparts  of  their  few  guns,  while  a  spirited  infantry 
assault  carried  by  storm  the  outer  intrenchments.  A  council 
of  war  viras  hastily  called  within  the  fort,  and  it  was  decided 
to  capitulate  without  delay  and,  if  necessary,  without  con- 
ditions.    A  surrender  was  soon  ananged,  and  the  whole 


THE  CONFUCr  TIME 


«95 


garrison,  together  with  their  munitions  and  stores,  were 
carried  to  Montreal;  what  was  left  of  the  fort  was  razed 
to  the  ground.  On  the  site  the  French,  in  irony,  set  aloft 
a  tall  cross  bearing  the  Crusaders'  motto:  In  h»c  signe  vinctt^ 
and  turned  the  place  over  to  the  beasts  of  the  wilderness. 

The  capture  of  Oswego  was  the  most  striking  success 
which  the  French  had  yet  achieved  in  North  America.  The 
victory  on  the  Monongahela  was  portentous  enough  in  its 
results,  but  it  was  at  the  best  a  fortunate  accident  due  less  to 
military  skill  on  the  part  of  the  French  than  to  a  criminal 
lack  of  it  on  the  part  of  their  opponents.     Besides,  it  was 
primarily  an  Indian  victory,  whereas  the  capture  of  Oswego 
had  been  boldly  planned  and  skilfully  executed  by  the  French 
themselves,  their  savage  allies  taking  little  part.     The  suc- 
cessful issue  of  Montcalm's  plan  had  driven  the  British  from 
the  west,  and  had  enabled  the  French  to  concentrate  their 
whole  strength  on  Lake  Champlain.     On  the  British  side, 
the  blame  for  the  disaster  must  not  be  placed  upon  the  im- 
mediate defenders  of  Oswego,  for  the  post  could  not  have 
held  out  against  such  odds,  but  upon  those  at  Albany  who 
had  withheld  succor  until  it  was  too  late.     Webb  had, 
indeed,  made  a  belated  attempt  with  a  handful  of  men  to 
relieve  the   post,  but  had  not  reached   the  head  of  the 
Mohawk  when  the  news  of  its  fall  reached  him.     But  his 
arrival  would,  in  all  probability,  not  have  altered  matters 

materially. 

For  the  disaster  at  Oswego,  Shirley  was  made  the  scape- 
goat, and  with  gross  unfairness.  To  be  sure,  he  had  com- 
mitted a  grave  error  when,  during  the  preceding  year,  he 
had  established  a  post  in  a  district  where  an  attack  could  be 
delivered  more  rapidly  than  reinforcement  could  be  de- 
spatched. But  that  a  determined  effort  had  not  been  made  to 
save  the  situation  was  due  to  no  fault  of  his;  his  preparations 
for  the  despatch  of  a  strong  reinforcement  were  well  under 
way  when  the  procrastinating  Abercrombie  arrived  to  uke 
the  control  of  affairs  out  of  his  hands.  But  Loudoun,  Webb, 
and  Abercrombie  all  joined  in  the  chorus  of  criticism  against 


196 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


mi 


the  doughty  governor,  with  the  result  that  the  home  authori- 
ties deemeid  his  recall  to  England  advisable.  Eventually, 
he  was  given  a  minor  administrative  post  in  the  Bahamas. 
Never  have  British  interests  in  America  had  a  more  ener- 
getic and  loyal  friend :  it  was  his  misfortune  to  have  planned 
more  boldly  than  his  means  of  execution  safely  justified. 

During  the  winter  of  1 756-1 757,  Loudoun  coiicentrated 
his  ten  thousand  men  along  the  route  from  Albany  to  Lake 
George;  while  Montcalm,  with  a  force  numerically  some- 
what weaker,  intrenched  himself  snugly  bebind  the  ramparts 
of  Ticonderoga.  Along  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia,  the  bitterest  of  partisan  warfai  t  kept  the  outlying 
settlements  of  those  colonies  in  perpetual  terror,  but,  save 
for  several  brisk  skirmishes,  no  important  operations  were 
attempted  by  either  leader.  While  the  forces  thus  sullenly 
faced  each  other,  with  only  the  frozen  expanse  of  Lake 
George  between  them,  detached  bands  from  both  sides  came 
into  almost  weekly  conflict.  Major  Robert  Rogers,  with 
his  intrepid  *^  Rangers,"  scouted  on  several  occasions  tc 
within  sight  of  the  French  positions,  returning  sometimes 
with  grea:  difficulty,  but  never  without  their  quc:a  of  infor- 
mation and  scalps.  The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  played 
this  sort  of  game  with  almost  equal  skill,  winding  up  the 
winter's  forays  with  a  determined  reconnaissance  in  force 
to  Fort  William  Henry  just  before  the  ice  on  the  lake  was 
ready  to  give  way.  This  move  was  planned  and  put  into 
force  by  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil,  brother  of  the  governor  and 
already  familiar  to  New  Englanders  as  the  captor  of  Fort 
Massachusetts  a  decade  before.  But  although  Montcalm 
put  at  his  disposal  a  force  of  about  sixteen  hundred  men, 
the  little  garrison  of  a  few  hundred  at  Fort  William  Henry 
repulsed  his  reconnaissance  with  vigor  and  sent  him  scurrying 
in  unseemly  haste  to  Ticonderoga. 

Spring  opened  with  a  bustle  of  preparation  en  both  sides. 
Montcalm,  for  his  part,  had  decided  to  make  his  position 
at  Ticonderc^  an  impregnable  one  and  there  to  temain 
on  the  defensive  until  some  blunder  on  the  part  of  his 


%i  s 


•■;>  .1*f 


THB  CONFUCr  TBtB 


197 


opponents  should  give  him  the  opportunity  for  aggressive 
action  either  southward  or  elsewhere.     And  for  this  he  did 
not  have  long  to  wait.    Loudoun  had  little  heart  for  an  attack 
on  Ticonderoga  with  the  forces  at  his  disposal;  moreover, 
he  had  convinced  himself  during  the  winter's  activity  that 
the  capture  of  Louisburg  was  much  more  to  be  desired 
than  the  ousting  of  the  French  from  Ticonderoga.     So  he 
decided  to  leave  a  portion  of  his  forces  to  maintain  the 
..  /M  f*0  in  the  i^ons  of  the  upper  Hudson,  and  with 
lae  rest  to  set  sail  from  New  York  for  Halifax.    At  the 
latter  point  he  proposed  to  await  reinforcements  from  Eng- 
land and,  escorted  by  a  strong  squadron,  to  move  on  the 
island  fortress  of  the  gulf.     But  the  early  months  of  sum- 
mer came  and  went  while  Loudoun  lay  at  New  York  await- 
ing convoy,  and  it  was  the  end  of  June  before  he  trusted 
to  fortune  sufficiently  to  set  off  with  what  ships  he  had. 
Halifax  waj  reached  safely,  and  Loudoun  found  himself  at 
the  head  of  nearly  eleven  thousand  men.     But  a  strong 
French  squadron  lay  within  the  landlocked  harbor  of  Louis- 
burg, and  Loudoun  was  not  the  man  to  attempt  a  blow  unless 
the  chances  were  decidedly  in  his  lavor.    So  he  pursued  his 
usual  course  of  waiting  for  naval  support,  until  the  middle 
of  August,  by  which  time  he  was  able  to  convince  himself 
that  the  season  for  effective  operations  was  too  far  gone  to 
admit  of  the  execution  of  his  plans.     Sheltering  himself 
under  the  advice  of  a  council  of  war,  he  reembarked  his 
force  for  New  York  just  in  time  to  be  out  of  sight  when 
his  long-awaited  naval  reinforcements  arrived.     All  in  all, 
it  is  doubtful  if  a  more  inglorious  campaign  has  ever  found 
its  way  into  the  military  annals  of  any  people.     But  this 
was  not  all.    The  miserable  venture  had  stripped  the  upper 
Hudson  of  its  quota  of  defenders,  so  that  Montcalm  was 
given  his  opportunity.   Had  supplies  been  to  hand,  he  would 
doubi        have  descended  on  the  British  lines  with  that 
prom       iS  which  /as  his  wont,  but  it  was  July  before  the 
incomp«tentt  at  Quebec  forwarded  him  sufficient  munitions 
and  supplies  to  make  any  aggressive  action  possible.    In  the 


lU 


m. 


198 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


f   iW.  I 


r«E-»v 


r'J- 


interval^  however,  he  found  his  energiet  fully  taxed  in  the 
uncongenial  usk  of  humoring  hii  Indian  aUie*,  to  whom 
the  season  of  enforced  inaction  grr-v  intolerable.  But  by 
ntid-summer  he  surted  with  nearly  eight  thousand  m»  n,  an 
unwieldy  host  representing  all  degrees  of  c'.vilization  and 
savagery,  from  the  gilded  officer  of  the  Royal  Roussillon  to 
the  painted  Indian  of  the  Ottawa  valley.  But  for  a  decisive 
st.ake  there  \m  nothing  lacking;  an  adequate  flotilla  of 
bateaux  and  canoes  had  been  provided,  and  the  trip  to  the 
head  of  Lake  George  was  quickly  nude.  The  British 
outposts  v/ere  skilfully  surprised  and  captured,  so  that  no 
tidings  of  the  French  approach  reached  Fort  William  Heniy 
until  the  attacking  force  was  almost  within  striking  distance. 
Fort  William  Henry  was  built  in  the  form  of  a  ba>- 
tioned  square  with  earthen  embankments,  surmounted  by 
a  rampart  of  heavy  timbers.  Or  its  exposed  flanks  an 
attempt  had  been  made  to  strengthen  it  further  by  long 
trenches.  Within  the  post  was  a  garrison  of  some  two 
thousand  men,  mostly  militia,  comnunded  by  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Munro,  of  the  Thirty-fifth  Regiment,  a  brave  and 
able  Scotch  veteran.  Fourteen  mUes  away,  at  Fort  Edward, 
where  the  portage  touched  the  Hudson,  General  Webh 
with  a  force  of  some  cwo  thousand  men  had  his  heacf- 
quarters.  Webb  had  made  up  his  mind  to  move  his  com- 
mand up  to  Fort  William  Henry  on  the  first  intimation  of 
a  probable  French  attack,  but  the  swiftness  of  Montcalm's 
descent  had  forestalled  him.  A  rough  survey  of  the  fort 
convinced  Montcalm  that  any  attempt  to  carry  it  by  ass7.ult, 
even  with  his  overwhelming  force,  would  be  xutwhi:  and 
costly;  moreover,  he  had  ample  artillery  for  a  siege.  So 
he  did.  exactly  what  Abercrombie  should  have  done  in  the 
following  year  when  he  found  himself  in  a  like  position. 
Without  delay,  he  sent  a  portion  of  his  forces  around  the 
British  rear  to  occupy  the  road  leading  to  Fort  Edward  and 
thus  effectually  to  frustrate  any  attempt  which  Webb  might 
make  to  succor  his  subordinate.  Then  he  opened  a  vigor- 
ous bombardment,  not,  however,  until   he  had   formally 


rHE  CONfUCT  TIME 


199 


demanded  from  Munro  the  surrender  of  the  port,  a  <^^  j 
which  the  Utter  refuted  in  no  unceruin  langu^e.  With 
hit  forty-odd  gum  in  position,  Montcalm  made  woe««J 
havoc  among  the  timber  battlementi^  yet  for  a  fuU  week 
the  garrison  gave  forth  no  sign  of  weakening}  on  the  con- 
trary, they  showed  their  dogged  courage  in  a  couple  of 
energetic  but  unsuccessful  sorties.  It  was  only  when 
smallpox  broke  out  within  the  lines,  and  when  the  artillery 
ammunition  was  aU  but  exhaurted,  that  a  councU  of  war 
decided  to  accede  to  the  French  terms.  Thv  ^  were  ttat 
the  garrison  should  be  escorted  safely  bac'.:  to  Fort  Edward, 
while  the  victors  should  possess  themselves  of  the  fort  and 
its  contentt.  It  was  arranged  that  the  prisoners  should 
marr.i  off  the  next  morning;  in  the  meantime,  Montcalm 
detailed  a  re^ment  of  reguUr  troops  to  assure  them  pro- 
tection against  the  fury  of  the  savages. 

Those  who  were  presumed  to  be  in  auth  mty  among  the 
Indian  auxiliaries  had  given  Montcalm  their  solemr  assent 
to  these  terms  of  capitulation,  but  the  latter  '      .v  the 
savage  character  too  well  to  impose  any  great  trua  m  such 
formal  assurances.   The  pity  is  that  his  weU-timed  measures 
were  not  carried  out  as  he  seems  to  have  desired.     It  had 
been  arranged  that  the  prisoners  should  be  carefiilly  guarded 
during  the  afternoon  and  evening  of  the  day  on  which  the 
capitulation  had  been  signed,  and  that  on  the  foUowmg 
morning  they  should  march  out  to  Fort  Edward  under  a 
French  escort.     Some  of  the  captured  garrison,  however, 
fearing  violence  in  spite  of  these  assurances,  tried  to  get 
away  unescorted  before  daybreak,  and  these  had  not  gone 
far  before   they  were  captured  by  skulking  savages  and 
ruthlessly  tomahawked.     That  this  was  the  outcome  wa» 
no  fault  of  the  French  general,  for  those  who  undertook  to 
get  clear  of  the  French  lines  in  this  manner  did  so  at  their 
own  risk.    But  for  his  failure  to  provide  an  adequ^e  escort 
for  the  main  body  of  the  captive  garrison,  when  this  set  off 
later  in  the  day,  Montcalm  has  much  to  answer.    Knowing, 
as  he  did  full  weU,  the  extreme  difficulty  of  rettrainmg  hit 


li^t. 


aoo         CJNADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

alliet,  he  should  have  taken  paint  to  provide  tuch  an  escoit 
u  would  have  made  an  assault  on  its  charge  beyond  possi- 
bility, instead  of  intrusting  the  usk  to  a  paftry  two  or  three 
hundred.  At  any  rate,  the  march  toward  Fort  Edward  had 
hardly  begun  before  the  Indians  surrounded  and  began  to 
harass  the  slow-moving  column.  Such  accoutrements  and 
equipment  as  nuuiy  happened  to  have  with  them  were  taken 
by  the  savages;  those  who  resisted  were  promptly  stricken 
down,  and  in  the  general  m&6e  which  followed  the  escort 
was  cowed  a- J  powerless.  The  number  of  men,  women, 
and  children  who  were  dragged  out  from  the  column  and 
either  massacred  or  carried  off  by  the  savages  numbered 
well  up  into  the  hundreds;  the  remainder  made  their  way 
in  terror  to  the  fort. 

Montcalm  and  his  officers  rushed  to  the  scene  in  hot 
haste  and  did  all  they  could  to  restrain  the  Indians,  but  the 
havoc  had  been  already  wrought.  To  his  eternal  credit  it 
must  be  said,  however,  that  he  spared  neither  money  nor 
eneigy  in  his  endeavors  to  obtain  the  release  of  those  whom 
the  savages  had  captured,  in  which  endeavor  he  was,  how- 
ever, only  partially  successful.  To  the  trench  general  the 
whole  afiair  was  a  heart-breaking  occurrence,  for  which  he 
never  could  forgive  himself;  he  never  ceased  to  regret  his 
own  connection  with  it.  The  memory  of  that  awful  morn- 
ing filled  New  England,  from  the  Hudson  to  the  Atlantic, 
with  a  deep  and  revengeful  bitterness,  and  many  a  Canadian 
and  Indian  during  the  next  two  years  sued  in  vain  for  a  life 
before  the  bayonet  of  the  victorious  British  colonial. 

The  French  had  no  apparent  desire  to  attack  Fort  Ed- 
ward, if,  indeed,  the  capitulation  on  the  lake  would  have 
permitted  such.  Nor  had  they  an  apparent  desire  to  main- 
tain themselves  in  their  newly  acquired  position.  So  they 
raied  Fort  William  Henry  to  the  ground,  made  bonfires  of 
the  timber  ramparts,  and  left  the  place  a  wilderness.  This 
done,  the  whole  army  moved  back  to  Ticonderoga.  The 
sur  of  French  power  in  America  had  reached  its  zenith; 
it  was  now  to  begin  its  wane.     For  three  years  the  French 


S-. 


tHi  CONFUCT  mtB 


aoi 


bad  outienertUed  and  beaten  tbeir  rivala  at  almort  every 
point*  and  tbe  fortunet  of  Britain  in  tbe  New  World  had 
reacbed  tbeir  lowest  ebb.  But  tbe  tide  was  now  about  to 
turn,  for  in  the  political  chang^  which  took  place  in  Great 
Britain  at  tbi«  time  tbe  salvation  of  her  colonial  interettt 
was  being  worked  out.  ,  «  . .  u 

With  the  opening  days  of  1758,  the  direction  of  Bntuh 
military  afiairs  was  taken  from  the  bands  of  Newcastle 
and  confided  to  the  rising  young  statesman,  William  Pitt. 
♦*I  know,"  said  the  young  minister,  "that  I  can  save  Eng- 
land, and  I  know  that  no  other  man  can."     As  subsequent 
events  served  amply  to  show,  this  was  the  soberest  of  truths  \ 
for  Pitt  possessed  a  genius  for  organization  and  an  eye  for 
tbe  selection  of  men  such  as  nature  has  rarely  combined  in 
one  man.     Himself  a  young  man,  he  placed  his  confidence 
in  young  men  much  as  did  the  first  of  the  Bonapartes  when 
he  astonished  Eur.  pe  with  the  power  of  regenerated  France 
some  decades  later.     Like  Napoleon,  Pitt  cast  seniority, 
precedent,  and  privilege  to  the  windu,  and  proceeded  to 
select  bis  generals  with  an  eye  only  to  their  individual  ca- 
pacities for  the  task  in  hand.    Englishmen  of  tbe  old  school 
stood  a^iast  at  his  disregard  of  miliury  tradirions,  but  m 
the  armies  of  Great  Briaun  his  earnestness  kindled  an  out- 
burst of  patriotic  ardor  which  soon  spread  to  tbe  nation  at 
large.     One  of  Pitt's  first  oflBcial  acts  was  prompUy  to  re- 
call tbe  blundering  Loudoun.    Had  tbe  minister  been  given 
bis  own  way,  Abercrombie  would  have  been  similarly  dealt 
with-,  but  the  political  difficulties  in  the  way  of  this  seemed 
too  great,  and  Pitt  had  to  content  himself  with  appointing, 
as  Abercrombie's  second  in  command.  Lord  George  Augus- 
tus Howe,  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  dashing  officers  of 
his  day.    Pitt  r^btly  judged  that  Howe  would  be  tbe  guiding 
spirit  of  any  command  to  which  he  mi^t  happen  to  be 
attached.     Abercrombie  and  Howe  were  to  attack  Ticon- 
deroga  and  expel  tbe  French  from  the  region  of  Lake 
Champbun.     For  the  expedition  a^st  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
Ktt  selected  Brighter  Fori>es,  a  Scotch  officer  of  merit  and 


aoa         CANADd  AND  MRtTISH  NORTH  AMMUCA 

energy,  while  the  proposed  UMult  on  Louitburg  was  ia- 
tnitted  to  Colonel  Jeffirey  Ambertt,  who  wm  now  nused  to 
the  fink  of  major-general.  Amhent  was  known  as  an 
extremely  cautious  i  'Beer,  but  he  had  the  tenacity  of  a 
bulldog,  and  in  the  continental  wars  had  shown  conspicuous 
ability  to  overcome  difficulties.  With  him  were  to  be  sent 
three  brigadiers,  Charles  Lawrence,  who  had  already  served 
with  brilliancy  in  the  attack  on  Fort  Beaus^ur  a  few  yearv 
previously;  James  Whitmore,  who  proved  a  steady  and 
reliable  officer;  and  James  Wolfe,  the  youngest  and  most 
promising  of  the  three.  Of  good  military  ancestry,  young 
Wolfe  had  entered  the  army  while  yet  a  mere  boy,  and  had 
acted  as  adiutant  at  Dettingen  when  he  was  but  sixteen. 
By  personal  merit  he  had  reached  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
colonel  when  he  was  twenty-two,  an  almost  unprecedented 
rise  even  in  times  when  promotions  came  quickly.  In  the 
annals  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  the  name  of  Wolfe  is 
the  most  deeply  written;  his  selection  stands  forth  as  the 
most  conspicuous  tribute  to  Pitt's  tare  genius  in  the  selec- 
tion of  men.  Britain,  for  the  first  time  in  numy  decades, 
found  her  interests  in  America  committed  to  men  of  vigor 
and  worth. 

France,  with  very  good  reason,  continued  to  place  her 
hopes  in  the  gifted  Montcalm,  for  the  achievemenu  at 
Oswego  and  Fort  William  Henry  had  given  him  a  tow- 
ering prestige  alike  in  Old  as  in  New  France.  Under 
him  were  De  Livis,  Bourgainville,  De  Ramezay,  and  Bour- 
lamaque,  a  quartette  of  able  and  experienced  officers,  loyal 
in  their  support  and  confident  in  the  capacity  of  their 
commander-in-chief.  But  from  the  civil  authorities  of  New 
France,  Montcalm  received  little  either  of  support  or  en- 
couragement. Governor  Vaudreuil  was  a  native  of  Canada, 
having  been  bom  there  during  his  father's  term  as  governor, 
and  he  sha-ed  to  a  laige  extent  the  natural  disinclination  of 
the  colonial  toward  the  regular  officer.  This  antipathy,  it 
is  only  fair  to  add,  however,  was  never  so  conspicuous  in 
New  France  as  in  the  English  colonies,  where  it  led  on 


THt  pONfUCT  TIMi 


a03 


imm  than  oat  occmkhi  to  serious  dificukks.    VaudnuU, 
moicovcr,  wss  proud  and  egocistkt  he  upired  to  comaMnd 
the  situation;  and  the  inttances  in  which  his  meddlesome 
interference  shackled  Montcalm's  hands  were  not  few.    In 
the  end  the  stMer  usually  had  his  way,  but  often  not  with- 
out a  severe  tax  on  his  own  patience.    Clustered  about 
Vaudreuil  were  as  corrupt  a  coterie  of  oficial  paruites  as 
ever  preyed  on  a  luckless  colony.    There  was  the  intcnd- 
ant.  Bigot,  who  has  been  mereikssly  pilloried  by  historian 
and  novelist  as  the  most  insatiable  rasod  of  the  lot.    TIm^ 
in  truth,  he  was,  for  as  a  public  plunderer  he  has  had  fe* 
peers  in  the  whole  range  of  colonial  history.     The  com 
missaiy-general,  Joseph  Cadet,  erstwhile  a  Qyebec  butcher 
but  now  through  his  peculations  become  one  of  the  riche 
men  in  the  colony,  was  but  little  less  active  in  his  raids  o* 
the  public  tieasunr.    Neither  the  critical  needs  of  Uie  colw 
nor  the  honor  of  his  sovereign  proved  any  restraint  on  b 
unbounded  avarice.    Little  less  conspicuous  on  the  infamo 
roll  of  official  (wlferen  were  Pten«— whose  wife  was  t 
avowed  mistress  of  the  intendant^ — ^Varin,  Martel,  Deeek 
naux,  and  a  dosen  others.     All  vied  with  one  anothe 
the  neferious  work  of  converting  public  resources 
private  fortunes.     It  is  not  a  matter  of  wonder  that  Mt  «« 
calm  found  supplies  most  difficult  to  procure  {  a  ma/    ot 
less  resouree  would  hardly  have  been  able  to  take  the  irid 
at  all.    The  king  found  that  supplies  in  the  color     cost 
him  ten  times  their  price  in  France,  yet  so  faithful!)     d  the 
troop  of  official  jackals  stand  by  one  another  in  covering  up 
their  depredations  that  little  could  be  done  by  way  of  remedy. 
Montcalm  protested  with  all  his  vigor  to  the  minister  of 
war  that  the  loss  of  the  colony  was  being  nuide  ceitain  hf 
those  to  whom  its  civil  administration  had  been  given  in 
charge,  but  to  no  avail}  for  the  time  being,  the  culprits 
found  ample  shelter  in  the  exigencies  of  the  war. 

Taking  all  in  all,  Montcalm  had  scant  ground  for  optim- 
ism. The  recent  harvests  had  been  poor,  owing  mainly  to 
the  absence  of  the  btUtanU  on  military  service,  while  the 


V 


I   : 


a04         CdNADJ  AND  BUTUH  NORTH  AMUUCA 

British  commaiMi  of  the  mm  rendered  it  increasinglj  ««<»- 
cult  to  procure  •u|q>liea  from  France.  The  total  popula- 
tion of  the  colony  was  Kmicwhat  leu  than  eighty-five 
thousand  loult,  of  whom  len  than  fifteen  thousand  could 
be  put  in  the  fold  even  for  a  short  time.  The  ragular 
forces  numbered  only  ei^t  regiments,  together  with  a  few 
companies  of  artillery.  In  point  of  numbers,  Montcalm 
kne\  full  well  that  his  opponents  had  the  advantage  of  at 
Itast  tvs  ^  to  one,  yet  he  did  not  relax  his  seal,  although  be 
now  b^an  to  look  with  misgivii^  on  the  final  outcome. 
Writing  to  the  French  minister  early  in  1758,  he  expressed 
the  fear  that  *«  barring  some  unexpected  good  fortune, 
Canada  must  fall  in  this  or  the  next  campaign,"  but  he 
aaed  throughout  as  if  he  felt  absolutely  confident  of  suc- 
cess, and  thorou^y  inspired  his  subordinates  with  the  same 
spirit  of  optimism. 

As  has  been  pdnted  out,  Pitt  had  in  mind  offensive 
operations  against  Canada  along  the  four  time-honored 
lines;  the  objectives  being  Louisburg,  Ticonderoga,  Fort 
Frontenac,and  Fort  Du  Quesne,  respectively;  and  althourii 
these  operations  were  conducted  for  the  most  part  contem- 
poraneously, they  may  be  best  described  each  by  itself. 

For  the  atuck  on  Louisburg  a  formidable  array  of  regular 
troops  was  despatched  early  in  the  spring  of  1758,  under 
the  convoy  of  Admiral  Boscawen's  fleet  of  forty  armed 
vessels.  General  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst  was  in  command  of 
the  land  forces  of  the  expedition,  being  given  as  well  general 
charge  of  all  the  operations  in  America.  Boscawen  was  a 
rough  and  unpolished  sea  dog,  but  he  could  be  counted  upon 
to  rival  in  aggressiveness  those  who  directed  the  land 
operations,  and  this  was  much  more  than  could  be  con- 
iid>ntly  predicted  concerning  most  of  his  naval  contem- 
poraries. For  the  spectacle  of  sailor  thwarting  soldier  had 
bPen  presented  to  the  eyes  of  Britons  with  rather  tedious 
frequency  during  the  preceding  campaigns. 

Calling  at  Halifax,  the  expedition  took  aboard  a  quou 
of  regulars  and  militiamen  stationed  there,  and  proceeded 


THi  CONFLICT  TIMM 


MS 


on  to  Lottiabiirg,  arriving  thert  in  tiM  opming  dajn  of 
Junt.    TIm  MDunkirlc  of  the  NoRhf"  u  FicndUBcn  dc> 
li^tted  to  call  the  fortma,  ms  now  mueli  mora  ationdx 
fortified  t'  ui  in  the  dare  when  the  iturdjr  F^ppcrdl  led  bit 
yeomen  of  New  Engfauid  ag»init  its  ramparts,  for  since 
1748  many  million*  of  francs  had  been  ungni^i^x  be- 
stowed <m  its  WMks  and  equipment.    Two  miks  of  solid 
masonry,  mounted  with  nnrty  four  hundred  cannon,  en- 
circled the  four  thousand  French  regulars  and  militiamen 
who  now  con^ently  bade  defiance  to  itll  the  hosts  of 
Englami,  OU  and  New.    There  were  three  or  four  places 
a!ong  tlw  coast  not  far  froir  **«•!  fortress  where  a  lamUng 
might  be  attempted,  and  tb-i'         cawen  and  Amherst  im- 
mediately proceeded  f  o  '  The  little  bay  known  as 
Fresh  Water  Cove  ws.       jAj  selected,  and  the  dificulty 
of  landing  the  forces  th       under  cover  of  a  feint  by  thie 
fleet  at  another  point,  wak  intrusted  to  Wolfe.    Although 
the  cove  was  stron^y  guarded  by  a  force  of  a  thousand 
Frenchmen,  strongly  supported  by  artillery,  Wolfe  gaUantlv 
rushed  his  men  to  the  strand,  driving  his  opponents  back 
within  ranee  of  the  city's  guns.     In  due  course  the  whole 
army  was  hnded  without  appreciable  loss  and  encamped  in 
a  semicircle  around  the  fortress.   Drucour,  who  commanded 
within  the  ramparts,  thou^  it  wise  to  withdraw  all  his 
outposu,  abandmiing  even  those  batteries  which  commanded 
the  harbor  entrance  and  trusti/ig  to  the  efficacy  of  sunken 
ships  to  keep  Boscawen's  vessels  outside.    Amherst  eagerly 
seized  the  abandoned  points  of  vantage,  and,  running  his 
trenches  each  day  nearer  the  doomed  town,  kept  up  a 
merciless  fire  upon  the  garrison.     A  sortie  from  within  was 
tried  with  desperate  courage,  but  this  was  easily  repelled, 
while  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  a  krge  force  of  Acadians 
and  friendly  Indians  to  break  through  the  besiegers'  rear 
was  brilliantly  thwarted.    By  the  middle  of  June  the  British 
forces  had  advanced  to  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the 
outer  ramparu,  and  the  artillery  duel  for  days  was  a  terrific 
Some  of  the  French  vessels  within  the  harbor  were 


one. 


206  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

•«  afire  by  bombs,  and  the  flames  spread  to  the  buildings 
of  the  town.     Gun  after  gun  was  dismounted  by  the  accu- 
rate fire  of  the  British  artillerists;  the  barracks  were  de- 
molished; a  pitiless  hail  of  shot  and  shell  swept  every 
part  of  the  place  night  and  day.     Absolutely  hopeless  as 
the  situation  seemed,  Drucour  and  his  garrison  defended 
themselves  heroically,  and  his  heavy  guns  did  good  execu- 
tion amongst  the  ranks  of  his  opponents.     But  by  the  last 
week  in  June  the  town  was  totally  in  ruins ;  all  but  two  of  his 
guns  had  been  put  out  of  action,  and  his  officers  uipsd  him 
to  agree  to  terms  rather  than  expose  his  exhausted  forces  to 
the  havoc  of  an  assault.     Amherst  would  accept  nothing 
but  an  unconditional  surrender,  and  to  this  Drucour  very 
relucuntly  acceded.     The  prisoners  were  forthwith  trans- 
ported to  England,  and  the  fleur-de-lis  once  more  disappeared 
from  the  gulf.     For  the  time  being,  a  strong  British  garri- 
son was  stationed  on  the  ground,  but  a  couple  of  years  later 
It  was  decided  not  to  attempt  any  reconstruction  of  the 
works.    What  remained  of  the  fortifications  was  demolished 
and  the  place  abandoned.    Thenceforth  a  struggling  fishing 
village  has  served  to  mark  the  spot  where  the  Bourbons 
reared  and  sought  to  maintain  the  mightiest  outpost  of  their 
colonial  empire. 

The  fall  of  Louisburg  was  a  dire  disaster  to  France,  for 

w-  I.T  °^"  *''*  ^^  '■°"**  *°  ■"  *^^^^  "Pon  Quebec. 
With  Louisburg  frowning  in  his  rear,  no  British  commander 
would  have  hitherto  ventured  upon  this.  To  Great  Britain 
It  was  the  first  great  break  in  her  lo.ig  and  tedious  chain  of 
revenes,  and  as  such  it  was  doubly  welcomed.  Especially 
did  the  result  inspire  confidence  in  the  young  statesman 
under  whose  direction  the  expedition  had  been  oreanized, 
for  Amherst  and  Wolfe  had  abundantly  justified  their 
•election.  "' 

jiP"*  "*.*"°*"  <!"*«"  events  had  moved  in  a  somewhat 
di^rent  direction.  For  the  operations  in  the  Lake  Cham- 
plain  distna,  Albany  had  been  made  the  base  as  usual,  and 
thither  Abercrombie  had  betaken  himself  early  in  May.   But 


THE  CONFUCT  TIME 


ao7 


the  ineviuble  causes  of  delay  occurred ;  militiamen  from  the 
various  colonies  were  late  in  arriving  and  were  inadequately 
equipped  when  they  did  arrive.  It  was  well  on  toward  the 
end  of  June  before  Abercrombie  and  Howe  were  able  to 
advance  with  their  force  of  nearly  fifteen  thousand  men, 
and  July  was  at  hand  when  they  reached  the  head  of  Lake 
George  and  encamped  on  the  spot  where  Fort  William 
Henry  had  stood  a  little  over  a  year  before.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Pitt  had  no  confidence  in  Abercrombie's 
abilities,  but  had  put  his  trust  in  the  probability  that  Howe 
would  make  himself  the  soul  of  the  force,  despite  his  sub- 
ordinate rank.  And  in  this  the  sagacious  statesman  was  not 
mistaken.  By  his  cordiality,  energy,  and  rapidly  acquired 
grasp  of  colonial  conditions,  Howe  soon  became  the  most 
popular  officer  in  the  expedition  and  managed  to  infuse  a 
great  deal  of  his  own  enthusiasm  into  every  branch  of  it. 
It  was  due  largely  to  his  energy  that  the  force  had  made  its 
nurch  without  greater  delays.  Little  time  was  lost  on  arrival 
at  the  head  of  the  lake  before  the  force  was  under  way  toward 
Ticonderoga,  and  two  days  sufficed  to  bring  it  to  the  nar- 
rows where  Lake  George  pours  its  waters  over  miles  of 
rapids  on  the  way  to  Lake  Champlain.  Here  it  was  decided 
to  land  the  forces,  with  the  idea  of  pushing  around  to  a 
suitable  camping  place  west  of  the  French  position.  The 
landing  was  eincted  without  opposition,  and  the  advance 
guards,  piloted  by  Major  Robert  Rogers,  pushed  out  into 
the  forest.  Howe,  as  might  be  expected,  was  with  this 
very  foremost  deuchment.  They  had  not  gone  far,  how- 
ever, before  the  darkness  of  the  dense  underbrush  caused 
Rogers  to  lose  his  way.  Montcalm,  in  the  meantime,  had 
sent  a  body  of  three  hundred  men  under  Captain  Langy  to 
feel  the  English  advance;  and  in  the  gloomy  forest,  where 
midday  difiered  little  from  midnight,  the  two  deuchmenu 
came  into  touch  with  one  another.  But  Rogers  was  in  no 
wise  bewildered  by  this  turn  in  afiairs;  his  men  rallied,  and 
after  a  sharp  skirmish  captured  most  of  Langy's  force.  But 
a  very  disastrous  success  it  was,  for  among  the  few  shin 


u 


irm  > 


ao8  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

wai  the  gallant  Howe,  who  had  been  shot  through  the  heart 
at  the  first  volley.  The  overpowering  damper  which  Howe'a 
death  placed  on  the  whole  expedition  is  not  easy  to  imagine. 
The  soul  of  the  army  seemed  to  have  vanished,  and  enthu- 
siasm gave  place  to  consternation;  for  the  expedition  had 
come  to  recognize  in  Howe  the  real  leader  of  the  operations, 
and  few  there  were  who  had  any  confidence  in  Abercrom- 
bie's  unsupported  direction.  The  taking  off  of  one  man 
seems  to  have  been  the  undoing  of  the  whole  project. 

Another  day  brought   the    force   to  a  position  on  the 
northwest  of  Ticonderoga.     The  French  fort  itself  was  a 
substantial  stone  structure,  but  Montcalm  had  not  trusted 
to  this  alone.    Across  the  peninsula  he  had  erected  a  zigzag 
parapet  of  tiuiber  and  earth,  and  behind  this  the  French 
were  to  make  their  first  sund.     To  render  an  assault  on 
this  parapet  difficult,  Montcalm  had  covered  the  ground  for 
some  distance  in  front  with  felled  trees,  intertwisted  boughs, 
and  all  sorts  of  obstacles.     Behind  the  intrenchments  were 
his  trusted  lieutenants,  L^vis,  Bourgainville,  and  Bourla- 
maque,  with  about  three  thousand  regulars  and  militiamen, 
most  of  whom  were  seasoned  veterans.     While  the  French 
position  had  been  well  protected  against  an  assaulting  force, 
it  was  very  far  from  being  impregnable.     No  one  knew 
better  than  Montcalm  himself  that  a  few  heavy  guns  would 
make  short  work  of  his  parapet;  in  feet,  the  sagacious 
Frenchman  had  for  some  time  debated  the  advisability  of 
abandoning  the  position  and  taking  up  a  position  at  Crown 
Point.      In  trusting  that  his  opponent  would  attempt  to 
carry  Ticonderoga   in    assault,  the   French   general  took 
greater  chances  than  sound  military  tactics  ordinarily  al- 
lowed, but  he  probably  expected  that,  if  driven  from  Ticon- 
deroga, he  could  still  fall  back  to  Crown  Point.     But  had 
Abercrombie  made  proper  disposition  of  his  forces,  any  such 
movement  would  have  been  beyond  the  range  of  possibility. 
There  seems  no  complete  explanation  for  Montcalm's  de- 
cision to  stake  practically  the  whole  issue  of  the  campaign 
on  the  chances  of  defending  a  comparatively  weak  position. 


Map  of  Lake  Ocurge  and  surrounding  country.     From  tkt 
coUectton  »f  Gtorge  BarrU,  Jr. 


r 


'  ■  i 


III 

m 

fix 


M^.'' 


THE  CONFUCT  tIMB 


ao9 


exctpt  that  he  reckoned  well  with  the  chance  of  hiving  a 
blunderer  in  front  of  him  who  would  either  attcnpt  an 
assault  and  be  repulsed,  or  who,  if  he  attempted  a  siege, 
would  neglect  to  adequately  cut  off  Ticonden^  from 
Crown  Point. 

Abererombie  had  taken  plenty  of  artillery  from  Albany, 
but  had  left  it  all  at  his  landing  place  six  miles  back.  There 
was  nothing  especially  blameworthy  in  this;  in  Act,  there 
would  seem  to  be  no  reason  why  he  should  have  exposed 
his  heavy  guns  on  a  forest  trail  until  he  had  placed  his  army 
in  secure  position  and  had  decided  whether  die  French  posi- 
tion was  to  be  stormed  or  besieged.  To  enlighten  himself 
on  this  point,  he  directed  his  engineers  to  report  on  the 
strength  and  vulnerability  of  the  French  position.  It  is  a 
rather  striking  commentary  on  the  efficiency  of  the  British 
engineer  corps  at  this  time  to  find  that  the  ** chief  engineer" 
accompanying  the  expedition  was  an  untried  youth  who  had 
been  appointed  to  a  lieutenancy  less  than  six  months  before. 
This  optimistic  stripling  reported  that  the  parapet  could  be 
carried  by  assault;  and  as  Abererombie  had  in  some  way  or 
other  possessed  himself  of  the  notion  that  Montcalm  was 
likely  to  be  reinforced,  he  eagerly  accepted  this  opinion  as 
a  basis  of  action.  On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  July  the 
first  assault  was  delivered,  the  whole  force  moving  on 
the  parapet  in  a  compact  bayonet  charge.  As  mi^t  have 
been  foreseen,  the  solidarity  necessary  for  such  an  onslaught 
was  rendered  almost  impossible  by  the  broken  ground  and 
the  obstacle*  mentioned,  while  the  defenders  of  the  parapet 
poured  such  a  fusilkde  of  musketry  into  the  disordered  ranks 
that  the  assailing  forces,  after  attempting  to  reply  with 
volleys,  finally  fell  back,  foiled.  Had  Abererombie  been 
capable,  he  would  have  accepted  this  conclusive  proof  of 
his  error  and  would  have  changed  his  tactics.  Had  he 
ordered  his  guns  broi^t  up« — a  matter  of  a  few  hour* 
only, — the  position  was  still  open  to  siege.  But  to  have 
sent  his  decimated  forces  again  and  again  over  the  same 
ground  when  every  assault  meant  meroless  slau^ter  wa* 


110  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


:v«'^ 


«  pertittence  in  error  which  cannot  be  adequately  explained 
except  on  the  joint  grounds  of  ungovernable  stubbornnen 
and  blind  disregard  of  the  value  of  human  life.  The  six 
successive  assaults  between  noon  and  nightfall  of  that  indo- 
rious  day  cost  the  British,  in  killed  and  wounded,  upward 
of  two  thousand  rank  and  file,  yet  no  results  were  achieved. 
Even  yet  a  siege  was  still  open.  With  the  guns  at  his 
disposal,  Abercrombie  could  probably  have  pounded  the 
French  fortifications  into  d&ris  within  a  few  days  at  most, 
or,  at  the  worst,  he  might  have  cut  off  his  opponents'  com- 
munications and  surved  them  into  submission  within  a 
fortnight.  Even  Abercrombie's  acquaintance  with  civil 
conditions  in  France  and  Canada  should  have  convinced 
him  that  to  count  on  a  scarcity  of  supplies  within  any 
French  position  was  to  reckon  with  a  practical  certainty. 

But  Abercrombie  was  not  only  a  blunderer,  he  was  a 
craven.  With  his  effective  forces  still  outnumbering  his 
opponents  four  to  one,  with  Montcalm  obviously  in  no  posi- 
tion to  uke  the  oflfcnsive,  he  thought  of  nothing  but  the 
rapidity  with  which  his  own  retreat  could  be  effected.  His 
demoralized  forces  were  hurried  back  down  the  lake  and 
were  occupied  during  the  autumn  with  work  upon  a  new 
fortress  to  uke  the  pkce  of  old  Fort  William  Henry. 
Montcalm,  on  his  part,  could  hardly  convince  himself  of 
the  outcome.  "Never,"  he  wrote  to  his  mother,  "has  a 
general  been  placed  in  a  more  critical  position.  God  alone 
has  delivered  me." 

The  two  minor  operations  of  1758,— the  expeditions 
agamst  Fort  Frontenac  and  Fort  Du  Quesne,— may  be 
passed  over  briefly,  for  the  issue  of  the  main  struggle  was 
not  to  be  decided  by  the  success  or  failure  of  expeditions 
against  the  western  posts.  Some  of  the  colonial  officers 
had  been  desirous  that  an  expedition  should  be  sent  across 
the  Mohawk  valley  against  Fort  Frontenac  at  the  same  time 
as  the  expedition  against  Ticonderoga.  But  Abercrombie 
promptly  vetoed  this  project,  as  he  deemed  every  available 
man  needed  urgently  for  his  own  operations.    But  now  that 


TH£  CONFUCr  TIME 


ail 


these  had  failed  and  hit  forces  were  again  unemployed.  Colo- 
nel Bradstreet,  who  had  successfully  provisioned  Oswego 
before  iu  fall,  and  who  had  rendered  very  signal  service  in 
the  more  recent  operations,  urgently  insisted  that  he  be 
allowed  to  tmdertake  the  capture  of  Fort  Frontenac.  A 
council  of  war  supported  him,  and,  taking  about  three  thou- 
sand men,  he  was  soon  on  his  way.  Passing  by  the  ruins 
of  Oswego,  he  crossed  Lake  Ontario  at  its  junction  with 
the  St.  I^wrence,  pounced  on  the  fort,  denuded  as  it  was 
of  most  of  its  garrison  owing  to  the  pressing  exigencies  of 
the  French  in  c^er  quarters,  and  eficaed  its  capture  with- 
out much  difficulty.  About  a  hundred  prisoners  were  se- 
cured, together  with  a  small  quantity  of  stores;  the  fort 
itself  was  demolished.  It  was  not  thought  wise  to  rebuild 
Oswego,  but  the  authorities  s^preed  on  the  advisability  of 
having  some  post  west  of  AllNuiy,  if  only  for  the  purpose 
of  holding  the  Iroquois  in  alliance,  the  disasters  at  Oswego 
and  Ticonderoga  having  rudely  shaken  their  fidelity  to  the 
British  cause.  Consequently  a  post,  hereafter  known  as 
Fort  Stanwix,  was  erected  on  the  portage  between  the 
headwaters  of  the  Mohawk  and  the  lake,  and  this  Brad- 
street  g^soned,  on  his  return,  with  about  a  thousand  men. 
The  success  at  Fort  Frontenac  was  of  some  importance, 
for  it  not  only  somewhat  rehabilitated  British  prestige  with 
the  Indians,  but  it  broke  a  strong  link  in  the  chain  of  French 
communications  between  Montreal  and  the  Ohio  valley. 

The  fourth  expedition — that  against  Fort  Du  Quesne — 
had  been  intrusted  by  Pitt  to  Colonel  John  Forbes.  With 
him  were  Washington  and  Bouquet,  the  latter  a  capable 
Swiss  officer  who  distinguished  himself  in  the  later  Indian 
wars.  The  force  at  Forbes's  disposal  numbered  well  up 
into  the  thousands,  his  men  being,  for  the  most  part,  Vir- 
ginia and  Pennsylvania  militiamen.  Forties  decided  not  to 
follow  the  route  taken  by  Braddock  in  1755,  but  to  move 
directly  westward  throu^  southern  Pennsylvania.  Owing 
to  his  cautious  methods,  his  prepress  was  exceedingly  slow, 
for  he  never  moved  widiout  esublishing  secure  baises  as  he 


r 


IK. 


1  1 


I  I 


r 


aia  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

went — a  procedure  which  contrasted  very  markedly  with 
that  adopted  by  hit  unfortunate  predecessor  of  three  yean 
before.   The  French  garrison  at  Fort  Du  Quesne  was  small, 
and  Vaudreuil  had  sought  to  strengthen  it  by  the  despatch 
of  Indian  allies  to  its  assistance.      But  th<;  savages  lent 
themselves  very  reluctantly  to  the  tedious  routine  of  garri- 
son duty,  and  it  required  more  influence  than  the  French 
commandant  could  exert  to  prevent  them  from  making  off 
homeward.     Forbes  and  Washington  knew  the  Indian  dis- 
position well  enough  to  conclude  that  the  longer  the  attack 
could  be  delayed,  the  greater  the  chance  of  getting  the  savage 
auxiliaries  of  the  French  out  of  the  way.    Hence,  the  British 
expedition  moved  leisurely,  and  it  was  September  before 
their  final  base  was  esublished,  some  fifty  miles  from  the 
fort.     At  this  point  the  rash  impetuosity  of  one  of  the  offi- 
cers accompanying  the  expedition,  Major  James  Grant, 
came  well-nigh  thwarting  the  entire  project.     Grant,  with 
a  thousand  men,  was  intrusted  with  the  task  of  reconnoitring 
the  fort;  but  his  incautious  bravado  led  him  to  provoke  a 
fight  with  the  garrison,  in  the  course  of  which  he  was  badly 
worsted  and  sent  scurrying  back  to  the  main  column  with 
wenous  loss.     But  this  success  did  not  materially  better  the 
French  position,  for,  meanwhile,  the  news  from  Fort  Fron- 
tenac  had  reached  the  Ohio  valley,  and  the  Indians  made 
off,  leaving  the  meagre  garrison  at  Fort  Du  Quesne  to  de- 
fend itself  as  best  it  might.     The  commandant  deemed  his 
force  too  small  to  offer  any  creditable  resistance,  and,  on 
the  approach  of  Forbes,  retired  to  Presqu'lle,  whence  he 
made  his  way  down  the  river  to  Montreal.     When  Forbes 
reached  Du  Quesne,  the  partly  ruined  fort  was  temporarily 
reared,  and  in  the  following  year  it  was  entirely  rebuilt 
and  rechnstened  Fort  Pitt,  the  surrounding  hamlet  being 
given  the  name  Pittsburg.     To  the  present  day,  the  mem- 
ory of  the  "Great   Commoner"   is  perpetuated   in   the 
name  of  one  of  America's  most  flourishing  centres  of  in- 

f**^\ir^""  ^l*'"  ****  ^"*''''  •'**'  possessed  themselves 
of  the  Western  Gateway,  and  the  yeomen  of  Virginia  and 


nmum 


ll 


t 


rui  coNnwT  nma 


aij 


Pfennsjrlvuiki  fek  tliemMlvct  freed  fiom  the  tcourie  of 
border  warfiue. 

Thua,  with  the  exception  of  the  operations  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  the  whde  campaign  of  1758  h»d  been  a  succesaion 
of  disaster*  to  the  French  arms.  In  Europe,  moreover,  the 
(lower  of  the  army  had  been  worsted  at  Minden,  while  their 
fleets  had  been  driven  tram  the  seas  by  the  brilliant  victories 
of  Boscawen  and  Hawke  at  Lagos  Bay  and  Qj^ibenm. 

Canada,  however,  was  seemingly  secure,  for  the  route  by 
way  of  Lake  Champlain  wu  yet  strongly  guarded  and 
Quebec  was  deemed  impregnable  to  any  force  which  might 
be  brought  aninst  it.  Both  combatants  reco^zed  t&it 
the  future  of  French  empire  in  America  would  hinge  on  the 
ability  of  Montcalm  to  beat  off  his  opponenu  at  these  two 
points.  To  justi^  his  sovereign's  iMpes  in  this  direction 
Montcalm  strained  every  resource,  but  he  had  scant  hope 
of  success.  Espedally  was  he  chasrincd  at  the  continued 
malfeasance  of  those  in  charge  of  ue  supplks,  for  he  had 
convinced  himself  that  Bigot,  Cadet,  and  the  other  corrupt 
officials  at  Qtiebec  would  welcome  the  lots  of  the  colony 
to  France  as  a  possible  cloak  to  their  pecuhuions.  Vapdivuil 
had  not  sunk  so  low  in  the  slough  of  adminatiative  iniquity, 
still  he  could  not  have  been  unaware  of  the  course  which 
things  were  taking.  Montcalm  implored  the  home  author- 
ities for  reinforcements,  but  Frederick  of  Prussia,  by  his 
prodigious  powers  of  recuperation,  was  kee|Mng  the  armies 
of  France  in  Europe  fully  employed.  Even  had  it  been 
possible  to  spare  tro<^  (tarn  the  continental  ccmflict,  the 
British  command  of  the  seas  would  have  rendered  their 
truisporution  to  America  a  matter  of  extreme  danger.  So 
that  all  Montcalm  received  during  the  winter  was  the  anur- 
ance  that  the  king  relied  on  his  zeal  to  save  the  cdony  with 
the  forces  already  at  his  disposal.  During  the  early  spring, 
however,  a  flodUa  of  supply  ships  eluded  the  Britidi  fleet 
aiid  managed  to  reach  Quebec  with  a  goodly  store  of  muni- 
tions. But  for  this  most  welcome  assistance,  Montcalm 
would  have  found  his  situation  OMSt  jMtcarious. 


i 


JBMMIIU 


214  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

In  England,  enthusiasm  was  at  its  height,  and  prepani> 
tions  for  the  despatch  of  over  twenty  t  o-jsand  men  were 
made  during  the  winter  months  of  i  -  5  jj- 1 ;  59 .  Tb«  British 
colonies  in  America  were  likewise  bf  sought  to  dc  their  share, 
and  most  of  them  responded  with  r  acr/ty.  Msssa.-husetts 
as  of  old  came  to  the  front  with  its  ccntributiun  c/  nearly 
seven  thousand,  while  even  the  phlegmatic  and  ijimilitary 
Pennsylvania  did  itself  justice,  for  the  first  time  in  its 
history,  with  its  modest  array  of  two  thousand.  All  in  all, 
a  formidable  host  of  nearly  fifty  thousand  men  of  all  ranks, 
regulars,  volunteers,  and  marines,  were  to  follow  the  plan 
*  of  campaign  which  Pitt  had  marked  out  for  the  final  effort 
in  the  struggle. 

The  strategy  of  the  campaign  of  1759  was  distinctly  pre- 
Napoleonic;  that  is  to  say,  it  distributed  the  available  force 
to  various  points,  giving  each  division  its  own  objective 
rather  than  concentrated  the  whole  array  on  several  points 
in  succession.  TTiis  was  the  "orthodox"  strat^y  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  was  characteristic  not  alone  of 
the  French  wars,  but  of  the  Revolutionary  War  as  weli. 
It  remained  for  the  great  Corsican  to  teach  Europe  the  effi- 
ciency of  a  sequence  of  single  blows  struck  with  full  force. 
Of  the  great  strategic  points  held  by  the  French  at  the 
opening  of  the  war,  three,  Louisburg,  Fort  Frontenac,  and 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  had  been  secured  by  the  British.  But 
three  or  four  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  French. 
Their  post  at  Niagara  might  still  serve  as  a  base  of  opera- 
tions against  Fort  Pitt.  At  Ticonderoga  the  fleur-de-lis 
of  the  Bourbons  floated  defiantly.  British  interests  in 
America  could  not  be  permanently  made  secure  until  the 
French  had  been  expelled  from  both  these  points.  Pitt 
went  even  further:  nothing  short  of  the  capture  of  both 
Quebec  and  Montreal,  together  with  the  entire  expulsion 
of  France  from  her  North  American  possessions,  would 
definitely  guarantee  the  security  of  New  England.  Since 
France  had  little  respect  for  frontiers,  the  entire  elimina- 
tion of  frontiers  seemed  desirable.     Consequently  the  plan 


iii- 


rHB  CONFUCT  TIME 


lis 


of  campaign  for  1759  comprised  three  expeditions,  one 
against  Niagara,  one  against  Ticonderoga  and  Montreal,  and 
the  third  directly  against  Quebec.    The  first  had  a  compara- 
tively easy  task,  for  Montcalm  found  it  urgently  desirable 
to  withdraw  most  of  his  troops  from  the  west  for  the  defence 
of  more  vital  poinu  in  the  east.     It  set  out  from  Albany, 
five  thousand  strong,  under  the  command  of  General  Pri- 
deaux,  who  was  ably  supported  by  Sir  William  Johnson. 
Johnson  now,  as  when  he  had  vanquished  Dieskau  four 
years  before,  was  hi^  in  influence  among  the  Iroquois,  and 
rallied  a  considerable  number  of  their  tribesmen  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  expedition.     Moving  along  the  old  route  to 
Oswego,  Prideaux  left  Colonel  Haldimand  to  restore  and 
defend  the  old  post,  and  he  pushed  along  the  southern  shore 
of  the  lake  by  boat  and  canoe  until  within  striking  distance 
of  Niagara.     Pouchot,  the  French  commandant  there,  de- 
cided to  defend  his  post,  trusting  to  the  arrival  of  assistance 
from  Detroit  and  Mackinac.    Although  subjected  to  a  vig- 
orous siege,  he  held  out  very  bravely  foi  two  weeks.    Mean- 
while, the  French  in  the  west  had  rallied  such  traders  and 
Indians  as  could  be  quickly  mobilized  and  had  descended 
to  Detroit,  whence,  with  the  garrison  of  that  post,  they 
hurried  to  Pouchot's  assistance.     On  the  approach  of  this 
force,  Johnson,  who  w?8  now  in  command,  Prideaux  having 
been  killed  during  the  siege,  moved  out  to  meet  them. 
Disposing  his  forces  with  a  shrewdness  bom  of  long  expe- 
rience in  forest  warfare,  Johnson  turned  the  flanks  of  the 
French  and  sent  them  in  utter  rout  back  to  Detroit.     Pou- 
chot had  now  no  alternative  but  surrender,  and  Niagara 
became  for  the  first  time  a  British  post.   French  communica- 
tions with  the  western  countries  were  now  cut  oflF.    While 
the  siege  of  Niagara  was  in  progress,  a  band  of  batitants  and 
Indians  under  La  Come,  a  partisan,  had  ascended  the  St.  Law- 
rence from  the  French  fort  at  La  Presentation — Ogdens- 
burg — with  the  design  of  surprising  the  British  force  under 
Haldimand,  which  had  been  left  to  restore  Oswego.    The 
alertncM  of  the  commander,  however,  frustrated  this  attempt. 


2l6  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


l\ 


The  expedition  against  Ticonderoga  was  given  in  charge 
to  General  Amherst  with  a  force  of  about  thirteen  thou- 
sand.    Amherst's   instructions  were   to   push  through  to 
Montreal  as  fast  as  possible,  then    f     descend  the  river 
to  Quebec  in  time  to  cooperate  witi.  the  forces  there. 
Montcalm  himself  was   at   Quebec,  devoting  his  whole 
energies  to  the  defence  of  his  capital,  but  he  had  left  French 
interests  on  Lake  Champlain  in  capable  hands  when  he  in- 
trusted  them   to   his   brilliant  subordinate,  Bourlamaque. 
With  the  latter  were  four  thousand  troops,  considerably 
more  than  Montcalm  himself  had  had  at  his  disposal  when 
he  repulsed  Abercrombie's  misguided  host  of  the  preceding 
year.     Amherst  moved  down  the  lake,  effected  his  landing, 
and  faced  the  historic  parapets,  now,  if  anything,  stronger 
than  before.     Bourlamaque  nude  no  stir  within,  and  the 
British  scouts  reported  the  position  unoccupied.     But  Am- 
herst was  not  given  to  any  rash  action  on  such  information, 
and  rightly  concluded  that  the  French  had  withdrawn  within 
the  stone  walls  of  Fort  Ticonderoga,  knowing  full  well 
that  no  British  commander  would  repeat  an  assault  on  the 
outer  works   and    that   an    artillery  bombardment   would 
speedily  render  them  untenable.     Amherst  proceeded  with 
the  preparations  for  a  siege,  but  during  the  night  Bourla- 
maque, acting  under  instructions  /rem  Quebec,  blew  up  his 
fort  and  retired  to  Crown  Point  ten  miles  further  down  the 
lake.     Had  Amherst   pushed  on  rapidly  he  might  have 
fellen  on  Bourlamaque's  rear  and  caused  him  heavy  loss, 
but  now,  as  always,  his  extremely  cautious  nature  impelled 
him  to  follow  slowly.     When  he  reached  Crown  Point,  he 
found  that  Bourlamaque  had  halted  only  long  enough  to 
destroy  the  fortifications  there  and  had  betaken  himself 
to  lie  aux  Noix,  where  Richelieu  River  leaves  the  lake. 
Again  Amherst  delayed,  spending  valuable  time  in  repairing 
the  abandoned  French  posts  when  he  should  have  hastened 
on  to  assist  Wolfe  before  Quebec.     It  was  September  be- 
fore he  faced  the  French  position  at  lie  aux  Noix,  only  to 
find  that  a  small  French  flotUla  was  in  a  position  to  assist 


THE  CONFUCr  TIMS 


ai; 


vigorously  in  repelling  any  attack  which  he  might  make. 
Accordingly  he  waited  until  his  men  could  construct  a  few 
armed  sloops  to  assist  his  operations,  a  little  saw  mill  at 
Ticonderoga  being  pressed  into  service  for  this  work.  The 
monotony  of  several  weeks  was  relieved  only  by  the  cour- 
ageous exploit  of  Major  Robert  Rogers,  who  pushed  around 
the  French  rear  and  destroyed  a  number  of  French  and 
Abnaki  settlements  on  Lake  St.  Francis,  returning  safely 
but  with  some  difficulty.  Toward  the  middle  of  October, 
Amherst  had  his  sloops  in  readiness,  and  mounting  some 
of  his  smaller  guns,  set  off  for  lie  aux  Noix.  Encounter- 
ing the  French  flotilla  he  demolished  some  of  the  opposing 
vessels,  but  found  that  Bourlamaque  had  utilized  his  time 
effectively  in  strengthening  his  oosition.  As  the  season 
seemed  too  far  advanced  for  a  p.-otracted  siege,  Amherst 
decided  to  withdraw  his  forces  into  winter  quarters,  espe- 
cially since  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Quebec  hsul  just  reached 
him  and  there  was  no  longer  any  urgent  need  of  aggressive 
action.  As  matters  bter  showed,  however,  it  would  have 
been  much  better  had  he  kept  Bourlamaque  and  L^vis  fully 
employed  during  the  winter  months:  his  failure  to  do  so 
gave  the  French  their  opportunity  to  attempt  the  recapture 
of  Quebec. 

Amherst's  dow  progress  had  thrown  on  Wolfe  the  onus 
of  carrying  the  city  alone,  and  it  is  to  the  immortal  credit 
of  the  young  general  that  in  the  hour  of  his  overwhelming 
responsibility  he  was  not  found  wanting  in  courage  or  con- 
fidence. Very  early  in  the  spring  of  1759,  Wolfe  and  his 
troops,  escorteid  by  the  fleet  of  Admiral  &iunders,  had  made 
their  way  to  Halifax,  whence,  after  a  short  delay,  they  had 
proceeded  up  the  gulf,  calling  at  Louisbuig  to  pick  up  a 
part  of  the  garrison  stationed  there.  Wolfe  counted  in  his 
command  somewhat  less  than  nine  thousand  men,  regulars 
and  colonial  militiamen,  when,  late  in  June,  his  transports  and 
coi)voy  anchored  off  the  Isle  of  Orleans  in  full  view  of  the 
towering  heists  of  Quebec.  The  city,  for  the  most  part, 
rested  on  the  summit  of  a  high  ridge,  two  hundred  feet 


ai8 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


aix)ve  the  water's  edge^  that  pan  which  hy  on  the  shore 
had  been  abandoned.  Just  east  of  the  city  a  considerable 
stream,  the  St.  Charles,  empties  into  the  St.  Lawrence, 
while  six  miles  further  east  the  turbulent  Montmorenci 
hurls  its  waters  down  the  cliflF.  Between  these  points  the 
shore  is  rather  low,  rising  precipitously  a  short  distance 
back  from  the  water's  edge.  West  of  the  city,  towering 
cliiB  overhang  the  water  for  miles,  and  here  a  small  force 
could  undoubtedly  hold  at  bay  many  times  its  own  number. 
The  Isle  of  Orleans,  a  few  miles  below  the  city  gave  no 
special  strategic  advantage,  and  Wolfe  was  allowed  to  dis- 
embark here  without  opposition.  The  low-lying  shore  at 
Point  Levis,  directly  across  from  the  city,  was  likewise  at 
his  disposal,  for  the  French  had  convinced  themselves  that 
British  batteries  stationed  there  could  do  little  damage  to 
the  city  twelve  hundred  yards  away.  To  hold  the  shore 
between  the  St.  Charles  and  the  Montmorenci,  Montcalm 
had  made  every  conceivable  preparation.  Every  available 
able-bodied  man  in  the  colony  had  been  pressed  into  ser- 
vice, and  these,  with  the  regular  troops,  numbered  about 
sixteen  thousand.  As  Montcalm  deemed  the  lines  east  of 
the  city,  known  as  the  Beauport  shore,  to  be  the  most 
vulnerable,  he  sutioned  only  smaU  bodies  of  troops  on  the 
cliffs  westward  and  left  but  a  small  garrison  in  the  city, 
concentrating  the  bulk  of  his  men  and  guns  between  the 
Charles  and  the  Montmorenci.  The  mouth  of  the  former 
river  he  took  care  to  have  securely  blocked.  Bourgainville 
was  given  chai^  of  the  district  west  of  the  city;  De  Ra- 
mezay  commanded  within  the  city  itself,  while  Montcalm 
assumed  personal  charge  of  the  Beauport  lines.  These  had 
been  laboriously  intrenched,  while  heavy  batteries  had  been 
carefully  placed  at  frequent  intervals. 

Wolfe  was  not  slow  in  concluding  that  to  carry  any  part 
of  the  position  with  a  numerically  inferior  force  was  a  task  of 
great  difficulty.  There  seemed  little  to  do  but  to  encamp 
his  forces  on  the  island,  to  establish  batteries  at  Point  Levis, 
and  to  harass  the  French  as  much  as  possible  until  the 


TKM  CONFUCT  TIME 


319 


arrival  of  Amhent  should  give  the  Britidi  the  advantage  in 
numbers.  During  July,  however,  Wolfe  concluded  that 
a  position  east  of  the  Montmorenci  might  be  seized,  and 
this  a  portion  of  his  force  accomplished.  Some  batteries 
were  put  in  position,  but  they  did  nut  serve  to  drive  the 
French  from  their  positions  across  the  river.  On  the  western 
bank  of  the  Montmorenci,  just  where  it  -.umbles  into  the 
St.  Lawrence,  Montcalm  had  established  a  strong  redoubt, 
and  this  Wolfe  decided  to  assault  from  two  quarters.  The 
forces  stationed  east  of  the  Montmorenci  were  to  ford  the 
shallows,  below  the  falls,  while  troops  were  to  cooperate 
with  them  direct  from  the  Isle  of  Orieans.  It  is  doubtfiil 
whether  Wolfe  confidently  hoped  for  any  tangible  result 
from  this  operation,  but  his  spirited  soul  chafed  under  the 
continued  inaction  and  he  felt  that  if  an  assault  failed  here 
it  must  fiiil  anywhere.  The  assault  was  well  delivered,  and 
the  French  were  driven  from  their  redoubt.  But  when  the 
assailants  attempted  pursuit,  a  hail  of  musketry  from  the 
crest  of  the  ridge  above  decimated  their  ranks.  With 
signal  gallantry  two  regiments  attempted  to  scale  this 
ridge,  Imt  were  mowed  down  by  scores,  and  Wolfe  very 
wisely  withdrew  them  to  the  island,  protectl  <  "heir  reem- 
barication  as  best  he  could.  This  fiiilure  disiieartened  the 
whole  expedtti<m,  and  August  dragged  on  wearily,  the  ships 
aiid  batteries  keeping  up  a  desultory  bombardment  which 
seemed  to  accomplish  nothing.  Wolfe  himself  lay  on  a 
sickbed  and  the  entire  failure  of  the  expedition  seemed 
imminent,  for  no  hope  was  now  held  out  of  Amherst's 
cooperation.  Montcalm  was  buoyant  with  hope  and  per- 
mitted fHUt  of  his  militiamen  to  return  home  for  the  har- 
vest. It  was  at  this  point  that  Wdfe,  tossing  on  his  bed 
in  a  little  farmhouse  near  the  Montmorenci,  decided  to 
attempt  a  <m^  which  proved  to  be  the  final  and  most  bril- 
liant success  of  the  whic^  war.  Thot^  only  half  recovered 
from  his  illness,  the  general  made  a  personal  inspection  of 
the  cliffii  west  of  the  town  with  a  view  to  selecting  the 
most  vulnendde  spot.     At  Anse  du  Foukm,  now  called 


220  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


.J  i 


Wolfe's  Cove,  he  found  a  narrow  path  which  zigzagged  its 
way  up  to  the  plateau  known  a<  the  Plaint  of  Abraham. 
Could  his  forces  be  drawn  up  there,  he  felt  that  he  could 
force  Montcalm  to  battle  on  even  terms.  Audacious  as 
the  plan  was,  Wolfe  decided  on  its  adoption. 

As  a  preliminary  to  the  carryiiig  out  of  his  plans,  Wolfe 
first  abandoned  his  position  east  of  the  Montmoienci  and 
increased  his  quou  of  troops  at  Point  lAv'u.  Saunders's 
fleet  was  sent  up  the  river  to  Cap  Rouge  to  absorb,  osten- 
sibly, the  energies  of  Bourgainville's  forces,  but  in  reality 
to  carry  the  bulk  of  the  forces  to  a  point  above  the  city 
whence  they  could  be  floated  down  in  small  boats  by  night 
to  Wolfe's  Cove.  This  move  greatly  perplexed  Montcalm, 
especially  since  the  camp  on  the  Isle  of  Orleans  appeared 
still  thronged  with  soldiers.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there 
were  not  many  men  there,  but  those  who  were  took  care 
to  parade  ostentatiously  in  sight  nf  the  Beauport  lines. 

The  night  of  September  lath  was  selected  for  the  etupy 
and  during  the  day  the  mysterious  movements  of  both  troops 
and  transports  perplexed  the  defenders  more  than  ever.  Up 
and  down  the  river  they  went,  threatening  to  land  at  many 
points,  and  keeping  the  whole  French  force  on  the  alert. 
The  night  came  on,  starlit  and  calm.  As  midnight  ap- 
proached, the  ships  in  the  river  near  Cap  Rouge  began  to 
distribute  their  men  into  small  boats  which  lay  clustered 
about  the  vessels,  waiting  for  the  outgoing  tide  to  take  them 
down  the  river.  It  was  two  hours  after  midnight  when  the 
boats  began  to  move,  steered  by  their  muffled  oars  and  carried 
by  the  ebbing  tide.  As  they  moved  noiselessly  along,  Wolfe, 
deep  buried  in  thought,  was  heard  to  repeat  in  a  low  voice 
the  verses  of  Gray's  Eiegy  in  a  Country  Cburcbyard: 

"The  boMt  of  henldry,  the  pomp  of  power, 
And  all  diat  beauty,  all  that  wtaldk  e'er  gave. 
Await  alike  the  inevitable  hour — 
The  paths  <rf' glory  lead  but  to  the  giave." 

The  dramatic  events  of  the  coming  day  were  to  exemplify 
once  ^ain  the  truth  of  this  last  line. 


«■■  PunciMi.  SBcwrrABT  or  no*  im 


"     4 
I     -• 


Plan  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Sillery  to  the  Fall*  of  1 
5th  of  September,  1759.     Fnm  th*  cofftrf 


he  Falls  of  Montmortnci,  with  the  operations  of  the  siege  of  Quebec  down  to  the 
tJu  ctfftrplate  i*  the  Sew  fork  Public  Libraty,  Ltnox  Brauth. 


TMi  COMrUCT  riMB 


aai 


In  an  hour  or  more  the  foremott  boau  had  rounded  into 
the  cove,  and  from  the  dark  shore  came  a  prompt  chalknge 
which  one  of  the  British  officers  answered  in  such  a  way  as 
to  completely  disarm  the  sentry's  suspicimis.  A  few  min- 
utes later  the  advanced  boats  had  touched  the  shore  and 
their  occupanu  had  scrunbled  up  the  clifF  to  bayonet  the 
small  guatd  at  the  summit.  As  the  misty  dawn  came 
the  whole  force  was  clambering  up  the  sigzag  path)  an 
hour  later,  the  rising  sun  looked  down  upon  the  red<oated 

Spmenu  of  Britain  drawn  up  in  battle  array  on  the  plains, 
ontcalm  had  spent  the  night  on  the  Beauport  shore,  where 
part  of  Saunders's  fleet  had  successfully  feinted  an  attempt 
to  buid  troops.  As  day  broke,  however,  the  French  general 
became  suspicious  of  these  naval  manoeuvres  and  rode  hastily 
to  the  ci^,  only  to  find  his  suspicions  fully  verified.  There 
was  nothing  to  do  but  to  summon  his  forces  in  hot  haste  from 
the  Beauport  trenches  and  move  out  to  meet  his  adversary 
on  the  plains.  Delay  would  ^ve  the  British  time  to  in- 
trench and  bring  up  their  artillenr}  if  attaclttd  at  once,  the 
conflict  mi^t  be  prolonged  until  BouivainviUe  could  come 
up  on  their  rear  from  Dip  Rouge.  By  eig^t  o'clock  the 
firing  had  commenced,  and  two  hours  kter  the  whole  French 
line  moved  out  to  a  general  atuck.  Wolfe  allowed  them 
to  move  within  forty  yards  before  he  delivncd  his  first 
volley.  The  eflect  of  this  was  to  check  the  French  ad- 
vance} it  was  followed  by  other  volleys,  which  caused  them 
to  waver,  then  &11  back.  The  command  for  the  advance 
of  the  whole  British  line  had  just  been  given,  when  Wolfe 
himself  fell,  mortally  wounded.  His  lut  act  was  to  give 
orders  desipied  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  French  across 
the  St.  Charies.  Montcalm  sou^t  to  rally  his  fleeing  bat- 
talions, but  to  no  avail;  pushed  backward  in  the  confu- 
sion toward  the  city,  he  was  struck  by  a  musket  ball  and 
carried  within  the  vralls  only  to  die  before  the  next  morning. 
The  British  command  had  devolved  upon  Brigadier 
Townshend,  who,  with  wisdom,  drew  back  his  forces  from 
the  pursuit  lest  the  approach  of  Bourpinville  should  find 


-T* 


aaa         CdSADd  4ND  BlUTtSH  MOUTH  JIMMICJ 


1^ 


hit  rear  luukfended.  Aiui  none  too  soon,  for  the  move- 
ment had  haniljr  been  accoraplUhed  before  tlw  French 
from  Cap  Rouge  began  to  appear.  But  Bourgainville  waa 
convinced  that  it  waa  too  late  to  retrieve  matten,  and  re- 
tretted  u  hurriedly  as  he  had  come.  Within  the  citjr,  Vau- 
dreuil  called  a  council  of  war.  Some  of  the  oficera  favored 
amxher  stand }  but  othen  opposed  it,  and  Vaudreuil  waa 
guided  by  their  counsel.  It  was  decided  to  withdraw  the 
rest  of  the  army  out  of  the  British  reach,  a  small  force  being 
left  in  the  city  to  make  what  terms  it  mi^t.  So  with  haste 
a  force  which  still  outnumbered  its  opponents  made  its  way 
toward  Jacques  Cartier  River.  To  De  Ramesay,  who  was 
still  in  charge  of  the  city,  there  was  no  alternative  but  capit- 
ulation, and  on  September  i8,  1759,  terms  were  arranged. 
In  brief,  the  garrison  was  to  be  accorded  all  the  honon  of 
war  I  the  troops  were  to  be  transported  to  Francei  the 
inhabitants  were  to  be  protected  in  all  their  property  and 
privileges  until  such  time  as  a  treaty  of  peace  should  deter- 
mine their  stttus. 

The  surrender  was  wrcepted  none  too  soon,  for  De  L^is 
and  his  forces,  hurrying  up  from  Montreal,  had  joined  his 
troops  with  those  of  Vaudreuil  and  Bourgainville,  and  was 
now  drawing  near  the  city  with  the  hope  of  preventing  its 
capituUtion;  but  it  was  too  bte;  he  reached  the  environs 
only  to  see  the  British  flag  floating  from  the  bastion  of 
Cape  Diamond.  De  L^is  determined  to  encamp  near  by 
and  await  his  opportunity.  The  British  ^neral,  Murray, 
who  had  succeeded  Townshend  when  the  latter  sailed  for 
England,  was  in  a  dilemma,  for,  although  all  the  mores  from 
the  vessels  had  been  landed,  he  had  scarcely  enou^  sup- 
plies w  munitions  for  his  seven  thousand  men.  The 
fleet  had  sailed,  and,  as  the  inhabitants  were  bitterly  hostile, 
no  supplies  could  be  expected  until  navigation  should  open 
in  the  spring.  De  Livis  had  a  force  superior  in  numben  and 
was  able  to  drew  on  the  whole  colony  for  sup(dies.  Mumy, 
in  truth,  found  himself  besieged  in  his  own  city.  Through- 
out the  winter  the  British  forces  in  the  city  were  put  upon 


ifitrtm^t^ 


THE  CONFUCT  TtMM 


aaj 


•hort  ntiont  and  raieKd  grnuly  from  the  ttmcaMConied 
cdd  of  an  ununially  rigMous  Canadian  winter.  Aa  awing 
•pproadiedt  it  became  evident  tlutt  De  L<via  would  not 
long  delajr  an  attack}  late  in  Aprils  the  advance  of  bit 
forces  rioae  to  the  citjr  made  the  matter  a  certainty.  Murray 
allowed  his  boldness  to  get  the  better  of  his  prudence  and 
reachni  the  hasty  determination  to  move  out  to  meet  his 
adversaries  on  the  plains.  On  the  snow-covered  ground 
the  two  forces  engaged  in  a  desperate  conflict,  in  which  the 
French  had  decidedly  the  better  of  the  day.  Murray's  forces 
were  driven  back  into  the  city,  losii^  some  of  their  heavy 
guns  and  more  than  a  thousand  men  m  killed  and  wounded. 
The  French  loss,  however,  in  killed  and  wounded  had  been 
almost  as  Urge,  end  the  check  De  Ldvis  received  |M«vented 
him,  for  the  time  being,  from  attempting  further  aggressive 
action.  This  engi^ement,  properly  called  the  battle  of  St. 
Fo)re,  akhou|^  more  often  termed  the  <*  Second  Battle  of 
the  Plains,"  was  one  of  the  severest  of  the  war.  The 
British  position  was  rendered  very  precarious  by  it*  result, 
and  the  forces  within  the  city  worked  niiht  and  day  on 
barricades  in  anticipation  of  a  final  assaiut.  Both  com- 
batants anxiously  awaited  the  opening  of  navigation,  for 
with  this  might  come  naval  reinforcements:  the  fate  of  the 
city  seemed  to  hang  upon  the  priority  of  their  arrival.  Early 
in  May  a  sin^e  frigate,  the  advance  guard  of  a  British  fleet, 
beat  her  way  up  the  river.  The  other  diips  followed  a  fow 
days  later,  and,  having  provisioned  the  town,  proceeded  up 
the  river  to  demolish  the  French  squadron  which  had  brought 
De  lAvh't  force  down  from  Montreal.  The  naval  engage- 
ment was  decisive,  resulting  in  the  entire  destruction  of 
the  Fre-  :  h  vessels;  and  De  Livis,  having  now  no  choice 
but  retreat,  abantfoned  his  camp  and  foil  back  toward 
MontreaL 

The  fourth  siege  of  Quebec  had  come  to  an  end{  so,  too, 
had  French  dominion  in  North  America,  for,  although 
Bouriamaque  Rill  held  the  passage  of  the  Richelieu,  and 
De  lAytM  was  still  in  possession  of  Montreal,  whence 


rj?  M 


224 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


Vaudreuil  had  now  tmisfeired  tut  government,  the  fiue  of 
the  colony  had  been  practically  decided. 

The  fate  of  Montreal  was  soon  settled,  for  Amherst  had 
determined  to  move  on  the  city  by  way  of  Oswego  and  the 
St.  Lawrence  rather  than  to  undertake  to  fight  his  w^y 
inch  by  inch  through  the  Richelieu.  Embarking  from 
Oswego  early  in  August,  he  proceeded  to  Fort  La  Pr6senta- 
tion,  which  promptly  surrendered  at  discretion.  Moving 
down  the  river,  AnJierst  landed  below  Montreal  on  the 
6th  of  September,  and  his  troops  encamped  around  the  city, 
awaiting  the  arrival  of  some  of  Murray's  forces  from 
Quebec.  Bourlamaque,  meanwhile,  had  abandoned  his 
position  on  the  Richelieu  and  thrown  that  route  open.  By 
the  8th  of  September,  1760,  a  force  of  sixteen  thousand 
men  invested  the  defenceless  town;  and  on  the  same  day 
Vaudreuil,  realizing  the  utter  hopelessness  of  the  situation, 
signed  the  convention  which  severed  Canada  from  France 
forever.  The  terms  were  much  the  same  as  those  received 
by  De  Ramezay  on  the  capitulation  of  Quebec. 

In  Europe,  tlie  war  dragged  on  with  varying  fortunes  for 
three  years  more  before  the  Peace  of  Paris  confirmed  the 
British  authorities  in  their  possession  of  Canada. 


im 


CHAPTER  IX 


ACJDU 

Whin  De  Moms  and  OamplMn  tunied  their  attendon 
away  from  the  little  wttkineiit  at  Port  Rojral  in  Acadia, 
Poutrincottrt  decided  to  anume  the  responubility  of  foster- 
ing the  infant  colony.  So,  in  1610,  the  young  Frenchman 
returned  to  the  pUue,  taking  with  him  his  son,  Biencourt, 
ami  a  few  settlers  In  the  fidl  of  the  next  year  BiencouR 
sailed  back  to  Fnmce  for  m<»e  colonists  and  stmes,  and 
when  he  returned  was  accompanied  by  the  Jesuits  Biaid  and 
IAmmmL  a  good  friend  of  the  Jesuits  in  France  Ittdbou^ 
th«B  a  share  in  Pmitriocourt's  aiterprise.  As  the  respective 
si^res  of  auAority  allotted  to  the  prietts  and  retained  by 
Poutrincourt  were  not  clearly  delimited,  quarrels  soon  arose 
between  the  two  parties,  but  in  the  end  diese  were  amicably 
arranged.  Difficulties,  however,  a^^eared  from  anothor 
quarter.  The  settlement  at  ?on  Royal  was  regaided  1^ 
the  Ei^Jish  settlos  in  Viiginw  as  an  intrusion  into  the  terri- 
tories <^  that  cdony,  and  a  kxet  from  die  south,  under  the 
kaderdiip  of  AigaU,  was  sou  northward  to  eject  the  Port 
Royal  settkrs.  On  his  arrival,  AmU  found  the  settlement 
almost  defenceless,  for  most  of  tte  inhabitantt  were  off 
tra^ng  among  the  Indkns.  So  the  ^ace  was  phmdered 
and  burned. 

Shortly  after  thn  disasto"  the  elder  PotttrincouR  died,btt 
die  wo4^  was  taken  up  by  Kencourt.  With  Urn  was 
assodttt,^  Qttrks  dc  La  Tour,  a  young  Hi^uenot  of  am- 
bitim  and  abi%,  and  die  associated  eibfta  of  the  twain 

125 


aa6 


CANADA  AMD  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


enabled  the  Ittde  settlement  to  make  tome  progren.  Bioi- 
court  and  Charles  de  La  Tour  devoted  their  attention  to 
Port  Rojral,  while  Claude  de  La  Tour,  father  of  Charles, 
established  a  new  trading  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot. 
Some  few  years  later  Biencourt  de  Poutrincourt  died} 
whereupon  Charles  de  La  Tour  despatched  a  memorial  to 
the  French  king,  setting  forth  that  the  deceased  Biencourt 
had  committed  all  his  proprietary  rights  in  Acadia  to  the 
two  La  Tours  and  praying  that  a  coounission  mi^t  be 
issued  by  his  majesty  confinning  them  in  their  possession 
and  appointing  the  younger  I^  Tour  governor  of  the 
struggling  colony.  In  the  meantime,  the  elder  La  Tour 
had  been  driven  from  his  trading  post  at  the  Penobscot  by 
an  expedition  from  the  Plymouth  colony  further  south,  and 
he  it  was  who  now  undertook  to  carry  the  memorial  to  the 
king.  This  he  did  in  the  summer  of  1627.  But  in 
the  following  year,  when  returning  to  Acadia  with  pro- 
visions and  stoics  for  the  Acadian  settlemenu.  La  Tour 
was  captured  by  the  Kirke  expedition,  which  in  that  sum- 
mer was  operating  against  Quebec.  Taken  as  a  prisoner 
to  England,  La  Tour  came  into  communication  with  Sir 
William  Alexander,  an  enterprising  Scotchman  who  had 
been  maturing  designs  for  the  establishment  of  a  Scottish 
colon)  'n  the  New  World,  and  who  had  shortly  before  this 
time  received  from  Charles  L  ratification  of  a  grant  made 
by  James  L  in  162 1,  of  all  the  territory  extending  from  the 
New  England  colonies  northward  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  captive  La  Tour  readily  entered  the  service  of  Sir 
William,  mr'  1  an  Englishwoman,  and  renounced  his 
French  a'  :.  A  couple  of  diips  were  fitted  out  at 

Alexandei  -  .ise,  and  La  Tour  was  given  charge  of  the 
colonisu  T  *»  cdese  were  to  convey  to  Acadia.  Alexan- 
der's grant  ..aa  given  him  authority  to  confer  titles  on  such 
as  shtMild  assist  him  in  his  work  of  colonisation,  and  before 
the  expedition  sailed  both  the  La  Toure  were  made  baro- 
nets of  Nova  Scotia,  as  the  new  colony  was  to  be  named. 
The  yminger  La  Tour  was  still  at  his  post  in  Acadia, 


JCJDU 


a27 


JH«  It  WM  «|K«ed  th«  lie  would  i»ia»  adti«  hinttdf  to 
the  new  order  of  evenu,  accept  Sir  Wiflttm't  fcvor^  and 
surrender  hu  fort.     But  the  Kurdy  young  Frenchman 
promptly  refiiwd  to  entertain  any  such  proponls.     En- 
ttwtiet  and  thrnta  were  alike  tried  in  vain,  then  mort  was 
ftad  to  force.     But  young  La  Tour  was  aUe  to  beat  back 
the  aattultt  of  his  fathei?.  force  and  to  send  the  latter  in 
discomfiture  to  Port  Royal,  where  the  colonists  weie  landed. 
Two  years  hter  (1632),  tht  Treaty  of  Saint-Germain- 
en-Laye  handed  Acadia  back  to  France,  whereupon  Charles 
de  I^  Tour  lost  no  time  in  welcoming  his  fitther  back  into 
tte  French  service.     It  was  agreed  that  a  new  fort  should 
l»e  constructed  at  the  mouth  of  St.  John  River,  and  that 
tfte  elder  La  Tour  should  be  given  command.     This  was 
«xom|dish«l  durins  the  next  few  yean.     The  French 
monireh  did  not  allow  the  fidelity  of  the  young  La  Tour 
to  go  unrewarded,  for  a  commission  as  Lieutenant-general 
of  A(»dia  was  forthwith  issued  to  him,  and  some  lit^  time 
ttter  he  received  a  supply  of  stores  and  munitions.     But 
before  Acadia  could  be  taken  back  into  the  Bourbon  charoe 
»me  disposition  had  necessarily  to  be  made  with  respect  to 
the  Scotch  colonisu  who  had  been  settled  at  Port  RoyaL 
This  task  was  mtrusted  by  the  French  authorities  to  Inac 
Je  Raally  a  distmguished  captain  in  the  naval  service  of 
*i«ce.    In  the  spring  of  163a,  De  RasiUy  made  his  way 
with  a  shipload  of  colonists  to  Port  Royal,  bearing  a  letti^ 
from  the  British  authorities  to  the  colonists  there.    The 
formalities  of  surrender  were  quietly  gone  through,  for  the 
^HMttish  settlers  accepted  the  new  order  of  things  without 
fewstance.     Most  of  them  remained  at  the  settkment,  and 
in  a  couple  of  generations  had  lost  their  nationality  in  their 
French  environment.    De  RasiUy  fixed  his  headquarters  at 
Cape  La  H«ve,  where  he  built  a  small  post,  deeming  the 
situauon  more  &vorabie  than  that  of  Port  RoyalfoJ  the 
pre^ution  of  the  filing  industnr.     In  his  entiLage  were 

histoiy  of  Acadia,  Nicholas  Denys,  the  historian,  and^arks 


•if 
I 


'•i 


4\ 


ail         CJMdDJ  AMD  BUnSH  NORTH  JIORICJ 

de  Menou  de  Chaminy,  who  becune  the  bitter  riwl  of 
Charie*  de  La  Tour. 

For  the  next  few  year«  De  Razilly  found  hu  handa  fuU. 
Winthrop  and  hit  energetic  adviaen  in  the  Plymouth  cdony 
weie  actively  encounging  the  eztenaion  of  En^ith  settle- 
ments to  the  northward,  whik  aome  of  the  mwe  venturesome 
of  the  Plymouth  cokmistt  had  already  established  themselves 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot.  De  Cauunisay  was  seitt  tt> 
dislodge  them,  as  a  warning  to  New  England  that  no  tres- 
passing on  the  rather  extensive  territorial  claims  of  the 
French  would  be  endured.  The  English  were  harried  out 
of  the  Penobscot  repon  and  sent  back  to  Plymouth.  There 
the  authorities  were  stirred  to  actkm,  and  the  despatch  of  a 
punitive  expedition  wa»  proposed.  But  the  two  colonies  of 
Plymouth  and  Massachusetts  Bay  were  extremely  jealous 
of  each  other  and  found  it  imposnUe  to  work  together  in 
the  natter.  A  miserably  feeble  force  was  sent  by  Plym- 
outh al<me,  but  found  itself  unable  to  accom]^  anydiing, 
and,  for  the  time  being,  the  French  were  left  masters  of 
the  Acadian  situation. 

It  was  now  in  order  for  the  various  French  leaders  to 
delimit  their  own  respective  spheres  of  influence,  and  this 
they  procMded  to  do.  La  Tour  was  left  in  possession  of 
the  posu  already  esublished»  De  Razilly  and  De  Chamisay 
were  allotted  dittricts  on  dw  west  diore  of  the  Bay  of 
Fundy;  while  Denys  was  allowed  to  exploit  the  eutem 
coast  of  Cape  Breton.  But  disputes  between  them  very 
wKMi  arose,  and  the  little  colony  was  t<»n  with  internecine 
strife.  De  Razilly  died  in  1636,  leaving  his  hdding  to  a 
brother  in  France,  but  in  some  way  De  Chamisay  managed 
to  obtain  possettion  of  it.  Left  to  themselves.  La  Tour 
and  De  Chamisay  soon  quarrelled,  for  both  were  amUrious 
and  uncompromising.  Both  desired  to  be  supreme  in  the 
colony  and  to  control  the  fur  and  fishefy  trades.  De  Char- 
nisay  had  influence  in  France,  and  by  persistent  intripws  at 
the  French  court,  fortified  by  representations  which  we 
have  every  reason  to  believe  were  for  the  most  part  &lae. 


8* 


JCJDU 


aa9 


»««^  to  gtt  from  the  long  tn  onler  deporing  U  Tour 

toF«ncefortmL    Not  the  dight«t  inkling  «J  the  coum 

««  of  L»  Tour,  but  on  receipt  of  the  royd  decision  he 
wj.  not  dow  in  mddng  up  hi,  iLd  wh«  ciwM  to^ 
The  nme  dogged  •tubbomnew  which  h«l  p«m„25Tm 

him  torn  the  royd  decree  «  naught  and  to  defy  hi.  ri«d 
to  «fo,ce  the  order  of  *n^t.^ a>»mJiZcTr^^ 
Adnot  venture  a  conSict,  but  withdrew  to  Port  RojSl  S 
2rrk??n!"*^*^/^  *«  king-    Awiatance  W^Mon 

^iHJ  H^  T"»^5  Po«  «  the  mouth  of  the  St.  M« 
^LT  ***  ^P!:?8  <»f  '643.  The  defender,  of  the ^ 
g^tly  «pul«d  an  anault,  but  De  Chami«y'.  f™e  V^ 

rirSr^  -"IrP^^onged  «.geuur4ve  «JS 
^^JmfcgjuTOon  bring  marred  into  .ubmiMion.  InS 
Jfcmma  La  Tour  took  a  bold  cow».  Slipping  thrxwS 
the  beweger.  camp  he  made  hi.  way  to  Boiiin!%be^ 

there  im«  only  too  pkawd  to  take  a  hand  in  the  trouble. 

«.?«f  "^•"^^'  "^  '**«^  **«y  demanded^ 
^JL  «°*rif<»Pen«tion,  fitted  out  a  wnaB  fiodUa 
of  ship,  and  placed  them  at  La  Tour*.  dinonL  \m 
theae  the  latter  hurried  back  to  hi.  pott  Xre  he\iS 
gtrfied  to  find  the  garriaon  «ill  holdii^;:?^**  ^ 

wrth  the  Engluh  flotilla  m  clow  pur.uit.    If  La  Tour  bul 

o^;  S!i*?  '^,![!^l*^  ''"•^  '^*'  •>*»«  been  wttled 
once  and  for  aU  by  the  capture  of  Port  Royal,  but  the  Em- 
hd,  aU«.  of  the  doughty  Freadwum  reffl  to  unS 

after  lo«hng  their  vend,  with  fur^-die  pri«  of^' 

m«tance,-diey«offferBortonr^  P™*  °f  *eu- 

Far  from  being  ended,  the  quarid  hwl  hut  bennt  and 

a.  both  contemnt.  redi«d  &.,  „,gem  i^eiST/lSp 


mm 


rt 


!*  h 


^!* 


il: 


h 


ajO         CJNMJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMBPICd 

Jf*"*"***;  »*<fc  to  their  respective  pMtisuii  in  Fnuice. 
De  Charniny  tet  off  to  Fnnce  to  urge  penoiully  hit  cause, 
while  La  Tour  sent  his  wife  on  the  same  errand.     Both 
returned  only  partially  successful,  and  matters  were  left  as 
they  were  untU  the  following  year  (1644).    During  the  hte 
summer  of  that  year,  however.  La  Tour  made  a  trip  to 
Boston,  leaving  his  wife  in  ehvf/t  of  his  post,  and  this  gave 
the  crafty  De  Chamisay  his  opportunity.     With  his  whole 
available  force  he  moved  to  the  St.  JiJin,  and  for  several 
months  laid  siege  to  his  rival's  post.    Madame  de  La  Tour 
proved  herself  possessed  of  abundant  counue,  and  throuriw 
out  the  winter  repelled  the  successive  assa  Jts  of  her  adver- 
•aiy  with  unexpected  vigor.     The  siege  was,  however,  so 
ngidly  maintained  that  La  Tour  on  hU  letum  was  himself 
unable  to  reach  the  fort.     In  the  end,  supplies  ran  low, 
there  were  traitors  within  the  walls,  and  the  straits  of 
the  garrison  were  made  known  to  the  besiegers.     As  there 
appnred  no  hope  of  ultimate  success,  Madanw  de  La  Tour 
yielded,  and  agreed  to  a  capitulation  on  condition  that  the 
defend^ra  should  not  be  harmed.   Subsequent  events  showed 
De  Chamisay  in  his  true  light.     The  capitulation  was  re- 
pudiated, and  most  of  the  garrison  were  wantonly  hanged 
on  the  spot.     Madame  de  La  Tour  was  carried  prisoner  to 
Port  Royal,  where  she  died  a  few  weeks  later,  worn  out 
with  the  worry  and  hardship  of  her  long  defence  and  broken- 
hearted with  chagrin.    Acadians  still  revere  the  memory  of 
the  dauntless  Amazon}  she  is  the  most  conspicuous  heroine 
m  the  checkered  annals  of  the  province  by  the  sea.     The 
murderous  treachery  of  De  Chamisay,  on  the  other  hand, 
has  secured  for  him  in  history  his  due  share  of  infamy. 

La  Tour  was  now  a  refugee;  De  Charaisav  was  supreme 
both  in  the  colony  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  royal  confidence 
at  home.  It  was  not  long,  therefore,  bef<»e  his  truculent 
assertiveness  led  the  victor  to  pick  a  quarrel  with  Denys, 
who  h«l  been  waxing  opulent  among  the  rich  fisheries  of 
Cape  Breton.  The  outcome  was  an  atuck  on  the  latter's 
post,  as  a  result  of  which  Denys  was  driven  from  the  island 


KkK 


JICADU 


231 


to  ttke  refuge  at  Quebec.     De  Charnitty's  aiMteiT  of 
Acadia  was,  howvver,  of  short  duration,  for  in  1650  he 
wai  drowned  at  Port  Royal.     Immediately  La  Tour  and 
Denyi  battened  back  to  their  old  haunu:   the  former 
made  his  way  to  Port  Royal,  and  there  added  another  chapter 
to  the  romance  by  manying  De  Chamisay's  widow  and  thus 
acquiring  title  to  the  possessions  of  his  ckceased  rival    But 
De  Chamisay  had  left  many  creditws  in  France,  and  one 
of  these,  Emanuel  Le  Borgne,  of  La  RocheUe,  had  obtained 
in  the  French  courts  a  ju^nent  against  the  property  of  his 
late  debtor  in  Acadia.    This  ju^ment  he  proceeded  to 
enforce  by  sailing  to  the  colony  with  two  well-armed 
vessels.     Arriving  off  Cape  Breton,  he  displaced  the  ener- 
getic Denys,  who  had  reestablished  his  fishing  post,  and 
«m©d  him  captive  aboard  hU  vessel     Moving  to  Port 
Royal,  he  found  that  La  Tour  had  proceeded  to  restore  his 
old  post  at  the  St.  Jdui}  and  after  assuming  possession  of 
the  former  settlement,  Le  Borgne  prepucd  to  follow  him 
thither. 

It  was  at  this  point  that  affiurs  took  quite  a  new  turn. 
Cromwell  had  esublished  himself  firmly  in  control  of  a&irs 
in  En^and,  and  in  pursuance  of  his  i^gressive  foreign  policy 
had  become  involved  in  troubles  with  Holland.  Among 
other  operations,  an  expedition  under  Major  Sedgwick  was 
•ent  against  Manhattan,  the  chief  post  of  the  Dutch  colony 
of  the  New  Netheriand.  Sedgwick  proceeded  to  Boston, 
where  It  was  intended  that  he  should  be  reinforced  by  a 
detachment  of  Massachusetts  volunteers.  At  Boston,  how- 
ever, news  reached  him  that  peace  between  Enghmd  and 
Holland  had  been  concluded  and  the  attack  on  Manhattan 
was  no  longer  possible.  Massachusetts  had  an  old  account 
to  settle  with  Acadia,  and  Sedgwick  was  persuaded  to  turn 
his  energies  northward.  So  the  expedition  steered  for  the 
moudi  of  the  Penobscot,  where  a  smaU  French  settlement 
was  found  and  promptly  destroyed.  Thence  the  expedition 
proceeded  to  the  St.  John,  where  La  Tour,  quite  unpre- 
parwl   for  an  assault,  surrendered  without  a  shot.     The 


li 


m 


u  •■» 


aja         CJNMJ  JND  iUTUH  MOUTH  JMMMKJ 

French  wtden  at  Cape  SaUe  and  La  Hivt  were  lilwwiw 
ntlwred  in,  and  the  expedition  at  length  appoucd  before 
Port  Royal.  Le  Borgne  attempted  a  defence,  but  to  little 
avail  I  he  was  badly  outnumbered  and  foreed  to  capitulate. 
AU  Acadia  was  now  in  Engliah  hands.  At  Pon  Royal  the 
settlen  were  allowed  to  retain  their  holdings,  and  an  Eng- 
lishman,  John  Leverett,  was  placed  in  chaife  as  governor. 
When  the  news  of  these  doings  reached  Fiance  the  author- 
ities made  vigorous  protesu  to  the  Cromwellian  government, 
but  the  Protector  firmly  refused  to  disown  the  actions  of 
his  military  subordinates. 

La  Tour  thereupon  took  a  new  shift.  Remembering 
that  Charles  L  had  made  him  a  Nova  Scotian  baronety-- 
albeit  against  his  own  willy-he  set  olF  for  England  with 
mtent  to  plead  his  case  before  Cromwell.  He  must  have 
possessed  all  the  suavity  of  a  Talleyrand,  for  he  convinced 
the  Protector  that  his  services  would  be  valuable  to  Ei^bnd, 
and  his  possessions  were  restored.  A  company  was  oinui- 
ized  consisting  of  La  Tour,  Thomas  Temple,  a  Purittn 
colonel,  and  Williun  Crowne,  a  clergyman.  To  this  trio 
was  given  a  wide  grant  of  lands  extending  from  the  head 
of  the  Bav  of  Fundy  down  to  the  borders  of  New  England, 
with  a  ful?  trading  monopoly  throu^iout  the  area.  About 
1657,  'i  i^niple  went  out  to  Acadia  and  began  to  develop 
his  new  possession  {  and  La  Tour,  now  weU  up  in  years, 
sold  out  his  interesu  to  his  partners  and  settled  down  at 
Port  Royal,  where  he  died  in  1666. 

Temple  and  Crowne  soon  encountered  their  share  of 
those  vicissitudes  which  beset  the  early  days  of  a  colonial 
enterprise.  Cromwell  died  in  1658,  and  his  decease  im- 
pelled Le  Borgne's  son  to  attempt  the  reesublishment  of 
the  post  at  La  Heve.  But  he  was  repulsed,  taken  prisoner, 
and  carried  to  Boston.  And  with  the  Restoration  the  real 
troubles  of  the  proprietors  commenced.  Charles  IL  had 
been  less  than  a  year  on  the  throne  when  thf  ">.  ach  claims 
to  the  restoration  of  Acadia  were  advanced,  and  the  English 
king  consented  to  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to 


ii 


dCADU 


«33 


Jewmfan  the  merits  of  the  mafter.    Nothiiig  rndted, 
howew,  ind  ^min  drifted  m  umU  the  two  coiimrke 
foundthenttehreeetwwonEuropewiquettioM.    ToEiw. 
hurf  the jtruggl*  wm  m  inglorious  ooet  when  it  ended^lii 
ifc.^  Tmtjr  of  Biedt  ceded  Acadia  back  to  JFtrnwre, 
«nd  bjr  the  end  of  the  following  year  the  French  had  take? 
possesion  of  the  colony.    Temple  retunied  to  England, 
Where  be  claimed  fren  the  crown  reimbursement  for  his 
expenditures  m  the  colony,  but  received  nothing.     The 
c««oii  was  ht  England  a  serious  blunder.    AowJia  wu 
»pidly  becoming  an  EngUsh  colony,  but  during  the  next 
torty-five  years  that  it  remained  in  the  hands  of  Fiance  the 
colony  became  thoroughly  French  in  eveiy  respect.     Con- 
sequenUv,  when  England  again  assumed  possession  as  the 

Iluctt^fi.  '*~^*  *^*^  "^  ^  """^  «•-  "^ 
With  the  restoration  of  the  colony  to  Fnmce  the  first 
census  was  taken,  and  from  it  we  glean  that  the  popdation 
of  A«d«  numbmd  slightly  less  £an  four  hundiS\ouS. 
urtbeseneariy  three  hundred  and  fifty  were  settled  at  Port 
Royd,  tte  remainder  were  for  the  most  part  at  the  post  on 
the  Penobscot.  The  new  officials  sent  out  to  the  colony 
mdeavored  earnestly  to  increase  the  immigration  froi^ 
France  thither,  and  it  was  not  long  before  new  arrivals 
i>egwi  to  estabhsh  themselves  around  the  Basin  of  Mines, 
the  commencement  of  those  unfortunate  settlements  which 
were  destined  to  be  so  ruthlessly  broken  up  three-quarten 
of  a  centuiy  later. 

The  first  French  governor  of  Acadia  after  the  restoradon 
WM  Huben  d  Aubigny  de  Gnmd-Fontaine,  a  man  of  much 
energy  and  ability.  He  was  instructed  to  live  on  good 
terms  with  the  English  colonists  to  the  southward,  and 
dunng  his  three  yeara*  tenure  of  office  managed  to  do  so. 
His  •uccessor  was  Chambly,  a  former  officer  in  the  R6ri- 
ment  de  Cangnan-Saliires,  whose  name  is  perpetuated  by 
the  town  on  the  Richelieu.     For  some  time,\&irt  nn 


H 


J  ' 


134         C41UM  dND  BtUnSH  MOMTH  /imUKJI 

aloag  MMMthiy  cnoti^;  jovemora  changMi  M  ftcqticm  iii- 
ccrvaitf  but  found  IMr  \.o  do  outs^  tbe  r^^yJar  raudat 
of  eAcul  duties.  Scttkrt  canw  in  ^inall  sunafacn,  aoioag 
tkm  tlie  Btron  de  Saim-Cutin,  an  advert  aro..*  qurit  with 
•  marked  tMtc  for  forest  life,  wh)  rcroRHnenced  the  settle- 
ment M  the  Penobscot,  whae,  in  liM  course  of  time,  he 
beame  embroiled  with  the  advancing  Eiidish  scttkrs. 
The  tamm  dificuify  was  that  the  Treaty  of  £«ia  had  not 
attemfMed  to  define  the  boundaries  ^r'^ween  Nf-v  jbi^^  4 
and  Acadia,  '*ith  tb«  result  i  h«  the  h  w  Engiand  s^iSon- 
ties  stiU  ImU  to  their  <ld  iia>ai  that  the  Penr  strict 

was  within  the-  ^here  of  intsence.     It  was  !        owevrr 
till  1688  that  maCMTS  reached  .n  acute  stage.         t   at  jp 
Governor  Androa,  who  had  charge  of  the  inten        (  i 
Ei^^and,  made  his  way  to  Sair.i -Cabin's  settioK     .,     =. 
without  opposition,  and  pLiiderc?  the  ph  -.    Thx^  (  mm. 
were  prompt  with  their  reve«ge,  or  theif  ;      lencf      th  the 
Indians  of  the  Acar  ^^a  and  Mai*. e  regioxis     4S  sui     lent  to 
stir  up  the  savages     >  onslao^hii^   m  At  New  England  bor- 
ders.    For  many  y<ir%  the  .  «||li  i  »       s  on  the  northern 
%mtwrt  paid  the  terrible  pcmMet  of  h    h     Incurred  French 
.isd  Indian  hostility.    It  wm  this,  toge    er  with  the  renewed 
iacuratons  froas  Mew  France  into  tih   English  tenitoriea, 
«4Hch  caused  the  autk.  net  of  Ne«  !  n^nd  to  fni^  wiA 
alacrity  the  opportuntt       hkh  the    ip  ning  of  Kteg  Wil- 
liam's War  now  afiorded  for  &<t  ts  .,p3-i  h  of  pumtivc  expe> 
dmons  againtt  both  New  Fra;    c  and  Aca<         The  New 
£b|^<  !  and  Middle  colonies  a|^m^  d  (kleptes  to 

meet  convemion  at  New  Yurk  at  mean;^  of  combating 
the  common  jerl  mignt  be  deviiec.  It  wu  agreed  that  no 
assistance  nighi  be  h^  for  from  England}  so  there  seemed 
no  ^r  rive  S.J'  to  ndertake  single-hsntfed  whatever 
atftnsi  peraii.  mij.  •  be  deemed  advisable.  Thus  it 
was  th^  unng  th  summer  of  i6qo  a  small  expedition  of 
seven  ve».jels,  ndcr  the  co  tiand  of  Sir  William  Phipps, 
set  oitt  from  ]  ston  to  efft  the  capture  of  Port  RoyaL 
The  fhce,  be  ng  in  no  ccHid'     n  lui  defence,  was  promptly 


iir*«* 


dCADU 


135 


taken  ind  pUhpd.     The  inhrfMtMt.  w«.  cdW  upon  lo 

Englith  ^  WM  hottted  over  tile  place.  A  .^  p,rt  of 
nuppt  t  force  was  detached  to  dettnw  Saint-CattiiiVDOM 
on  the  PtenobKoti  and  when  this  had  been  accompUahed! 
the  whole  force  returned  to  BoMon,  taking  with  themDe 

!2zri;i^?5r''"!.^'™"  "'■^^^'^  -.d  ««•  uxty 

•oW««»  who  had  formed  the  garriton  at  Port  Royal.     The 

^JSK^'^JUVl  "?i_'?^  8«>««  before  the  French 
rwumjd  Aeir  Bourbon  aUegiance,  and  for  the  next  few 
jreara  devoted  themaelm  eneifcticaUr  to  the  bloodv  work 
ofnidingthefaHitieiiofNewEnglind.  "^^^^ '~« 
Two  yean  after  Phippi't  capture  of  Port  RoyaL  the  New 
finglander.  rebuik  Fon  WiUi«n  Hemy  at^niS;  tS 
tune  conatnictuif  a  pretemkNia  atone  •tmcturerThTcoet 
wa«  borne  enttrefy  bv  Maaaachuaetti,  and  a  Miriaon  of  about 

tnjri!;!rr^"  '^'^-^chdetelSSl  to  attack 
the  foit  at  the  Mflieit  poanbie  opportunity,  and  three  vea- 
?el.  under  U  Mojme  d'lbervilklSriSSiehed^^ 

S'lltUr?"  .    '^''-     But  on  arriving  near  Sefort, 
pibemlle  found  an  Engiidi  frigate  in  thS  harbor  and  re! 
fRun^  from  „y  attack.     It  waa  not  dU  four  yeara  later 
(1696)  tha»  he  again  returned  to  the  taak  of  n^ucins  the 
•«w,  thM  umt  with  aucceaa.     After  putting  to  f  isht  two 
.gl.th  fngate.  which  be  eocountiied  ij  the^y  rf 
ndy,  die  djMhiiy  young  Frenchman  made  hia  w/y  to 
naquid,  foUowed  by  a  flotilla  of  Abnakia'  canoet.    After 
.  anak  but  brief  cannonade  the  fort  aurremfered,  on  con- 
dition that  the  garriaon  should  be  aUowed  to^arch  out 
unbanned.     The  French  did  not  attempt  to  hoM  the  po!^ 

In  the  foUowmg  year,  the  Peace  of  Ryawick  put  anlnd  to 
FrenX  "     ~"'™»«'  Acadia  in  the  poaaeaaion  of  the 

The  P«ce  of  1697  wat  a  very  precarioua  one;  within 
five  years  the  W.r  of  the  SpanUh  Succeuion  .»un  obced 
Acadia  in  the  throea  of  conflict.    French  priv-  'm^ 


Ill 


1 


936         CJNJDJ  JND  iRtnSH  NORTH  AMMUCd 

out  fiom  PoR  Rmral,  scouifed  the  New  England  couts, 
whik  the  fleet  of  MamchuMtt^  commanded  by  the  Muff 
old  Puritan  Ben  Church,  harried  die  Acadian  coast  aettle- 
mentt  on  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  A*  usuid,  the  French,  aided 
as  the^  were  by  the  Indians,  showed  themselves  more  adqic 
ax  ftMt  jmtrrty  and  once  again  the  Ne>  En^and  cdonies 
woe  driven  to  attempt  operations  on  a  iarge  scale.  In  the 
autumn  of  1709  a  force  under  Nicholson  set  forth  from 
Boston,  and  aain  Port  Royal,  after  a  vigorous  defence, 
went  uto  Eng^  hands.  This  time  it  wem  to  remain. 
The  name  of  the  post  was  chai^  to  Anm^oUs)  the  de- 
fences were  repaired  and  a  stroiw  garrison  left  in  cAaige. 
Saint-Castin,  with  his  horde  of  fidians,  made  a  fieree 
attempt  to  recapture  the  |^ce  durii^  die  course  of  die  year 
following,  but  widMut  avail;  Acadia  had  forever  passed  out 
of  die  control  of  Fiance.  Three  years  hter  (17 13),  when 
die  war  closed  in  accordance  widi  the  terms  of  the  Treaty 

of  Utredit,  die  Bridsh  possession  ct' Acadia  was  confirmed. 
France,  however,  was  alkwed  to  retain  lie  Royale  (Cbpe 
Breton^  with  die  rig^t  to  erect  fortifications.  As  has  been 
pointed  out  elsewhere,  this  was  the  cardinal  emv  of  British 
^piomacy  in  connection  with  die  terms  of  peace,  fie 
Royale  was  die  gateway  of  die  St.  Lawrence,  and  its  po*. 
session  by  ^  French  dqprived  die  Britidi  of  any  stiat^ 
advantage  which  dieiracquttition  of  Aca&ou^odierme 
have  givea  dMB.  At  Loui^uig  die  Frendi  ^arad  neither 
Mila«r  money  in  dieir  eftm  to  coostmet  dtt  sttw^est 
fortress  in  America,  and  ftom  beaeadi  the  ramparts  of  that 
tamif^M  Aeir  privatcos  wroq^  mccssant  damage  to 
jZ"  ^"^^  rfj^ng,  in  peace  as  in  war  time.  It  was 
chasafo  ceittre  ftom  whi^  an  active  propaganda  was  cob- 

tinualfy  carried  on  aoMMig  dw  Acadians,  wiA  dw  resttk  dttt 
Acse  new  honesdy  acnpted  BrkMi  saaenin^. 

During  the  great  peace  which  hMted  for  forty  yean  after 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  British  eokwiaatioa  made  pncti- 
cril^aoywgnss  in  Acadia.  A  smaU  gunkoB  at  Anm^olis, 
wiA  detac^meats  at  scattered  points  dseiriwre,  served  to 


iT 


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litnuy,  Lt» 


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MHaiailillililAi 


JCMU 


*37 


nuintm  tlK  imblance  <rf' Britnh  poMesaion,  but  the  cdoQv 
rnuined  ^ORNighty  French  in  language,  tradhtona,  and 
apint.  White  proftaring  neutialky,  the  inhabitanta  nrelr 
loat  an  opportuninr  to  diow,  aa  opadj  as  they  dared, 
their  beany  sjrmpathj  with  French  dn^a  for  the  ultimate 
recoveiy  of  the  colony.  Time  and  again  k  aeemed  as  if  a 
new  stnig^  were  at  hand,  for  difficulties  and  cauaea  of 
friction  diere  were  in  abundance.  But  each  time  the  war 
clouds  gathered  only  to  clear  away  once  more,  until  in 
1744  the  outimak  in  Ewrofe  of  the  war  of  the  Austrian 
Succession  brou^t  the  respective  colonies  of  France  and 
England  in  America  once  again  to  blows.  From  this  time 
down  to  1763,  when  France  finally  relinquished  her  hdd 
on  the  Western  Continent,  events  in  Acadk  loomed  larae 
in  the  general  conflict.  It  ia,  therefore,  in  the  narration  of 
this  greater  stn^^  that  these  evems  have  been  already 


^^^■Kti 

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f 

CHAPTER  X 
THE  drmiura  or  the  com^est,  17*^^-1774 

M^  '^  "  ?^.  'W  concernol,  the  capUulatton  of 
Momrnl  iMjr  be  iud  to  h.ife  doMd  the  nilitaiT  «veiitt 
of  the  Seven  Yem' War.  It  now  becwne  incumbwit  upoo 
the  victon  to  nuke  MBe  provinoa  for  the  "^■ninittmlon 
of  the  newly  •cquiied  dooniiis,  and  this  General  Amhent. 
•cung  iin«te  Inwuctionf  from  ho«e, «  o^ 
do.  To  thw  end  he  amnfed  for  the  divkion  of  the  con- 
quered  territoijr  into  three  &trict^  and  over  each  he  placed 

!fTf!I?[J?*'4!^.'^  ***  V«^  ■Jminiwation 
of  the  dMtnct.  Theae  three  diatriett  oentrad  at  QiMbec, 
M«ittBal,MdThwe  Rimt,aad  wen  phced  i«ap«Sv^ 

Cdoodftuton.  la  each  Strict,  moreover,  pw^Sowae 
made  for  tte  einhKahment  «rf  courti  of  jiuttce,  eadi  com- 

owora  tiiem  wioottt  the  mterventioa  of  iuriea.  nMrv»w 

n^mm.nT^  •«»  dWHigh  hm^  in  certain  caaet,  to  the 
5«»«M*«Hn-chief.  In  approving  tfaia  nratem,  the  Brit. 
Mh  government  espreaaly  decfaucd  it  to  be  •  war  meantre 
ooly,to  remain  in  feree  nntil  the  condimon  of  peace  ahould 
allow  die  ewabfahmentof  a  dvU  government.  And  wiaeir 
««g»for.  whifc  Q|^  had  been  won,  the  w«  in  E^ 
JiU  drapged  on,  and  diere  waa  no  guanuitee  that,  in  the  fittd 
<><«po«tM»  of  terntoriea  on  the  GondoMon  of  peace,  Qutada 
would  not  be  hmrfed  b«4  tt,  her  former  «»eST?2ve 

239 


kl-  1 


240         CAMADA  AND  MUfttH  NOJiTH  AMBUCA 

oigtnisedttlieKfefe,  a  pennanent  civU  administnition  wouM 
l»«ve  been  premature,  apart  akogether  from  the  other  w^htj 
ctrcumstance  that  the  colonv  was  inhabited  hj  a  populatton 
^ich  was  hostik  to  the  Bntish. 

That  the  war  was  not  cmicluded  in  Europe  as  weU  as  in 
North  America  was  due  more  than  aught  ebe  to  the  death 
of  George  II.,  which  occurred  during  the  year  1760.     In 
his  last  Aiys,  this  king  had  been  cxmmely  anxious  to  briiw 
the  costly  conflict  to  a  close,  and  in  this  he  was  warm^ 
seconded  by  Pitt.     And  with  reason,  for  the  struggle  had 
given  Britain  more  than  even  Pitt  would  have  dared  to  hope 
for  in  the  gloomy  days  of  1 756  and  1 757.    The  statesman 
who  had  undertaken  to  *^u.yt  En^and"  had  made  her 
salvation  a  bitter  lesson  to  her  ancient  enemy  beyond  the 
ChanneL     But  the  death  of  Geome  II.  and  the  accession 
of  his  smi,  George  III.,  thwarted  effiwtually  any  prospect  of 
«n  immediate  peace.     The  reason  is  to  be  found  primarily 
in  the  character  and  ambitions  of  the  new  king.     The  first 
two  Georges  had  taken  little  interest  in  the  internal  pditics 
of  England;  both  were  Hanoverians  at  heart  and  Germans 
in  tongue,  caring  more  for  their  continental  principality  than 
for  Great  Britain.     George  III.,  on  the  other  hand,  was,  as 
he  was  too  wont  to  proclaim  from  the  housetops, **a  Britcm 
bred  and  bom,  gbrying  in  the  fact."  But  even  this  vaunt^ 
pride  in  his  birth  and  heritage  was  eclipsed  I7  his  desire  to 
be  monarch  of  Britain  in  fiurt  as  wdl  as  in  name.    Coming 
to  the  throne  with  h^h  ideals  of  kin^  poww  drummed 
into  his  stubborn  head  by  an  ambitious  mother  and  a  med- 
dling tutor,  he  was  not  sbw  in  showing  plainly  his  aversimi 
to  following  in  the  apathetic  footsteps  of  his  sire  and  puiA- 
sire.   But  to  any  immediate  consummation  of  his  ambiti<Mis 
m  thU  direction  there  was  one  impasMOile  obstacle.     This 
was  Pitt.     To  the  "  Great  Commoner"  the  !iation  at  large 
had  justly  pven  the  lion's  share  of  ^ly  for  the  successfiil 
outcome  of  the  war,  with  the  result  that  he  was  now  the 
popular  idol  and  the  undisputed  master  of  the  administi»- 
•*«-     To  ^  new  hiug  die  (woblcm  was  extremely  nmple. 


tMM  JFTiMUTH  Of  TWI  COM^gST  ,41 

The  w«r  iMd  lude  tlw  adnittw,  dM  eondittioo  of  |mm« 
wouW,  tt  My  iwe,  put  an  end  to  hit  groiruig  populIritTi 
hem*,  PMC.  mittt  be  Mcufcd  fofthwith:  On  tl51«iniS- 
«y  of  condodmg  peace  Ktt  was,  fhmi  mucli  hi||ker  aotivea. 

eatuely  at  one  with  hi.  new  •omcip^  lH«  Tto  the  pS 
powd  terms  of  peace  they  were  ineconcilaUy  at  variance. 
For  one  thwg,  P,tt  inneted  that  Frederick  ^  Great,  wh<^ 
^  a.  a  fkithful  aUy  of  Britain,  been  vigowudy  firing 
her  battles  on  the  Continent,  should  be  protected  amSyin 
tnramenent  which  might  be  made.  But  Geone  IflT who 
h«l  iStle  .egard  for  eithSTprusri.  or  her  imSTlSi  wm 

to  make,  sugk-handed,  such  terms  as  he  could/  Further- 
more,  the  receipt  of  reliable  information  that  Spain  had 
ce«cl»ddl  a  secret  tre«y  with  Fiance,  guaianteei^  i« 
SJ-'STrlir'  ^.^  concluded,  consideiaWy  altered 
Rtt's  bebef  Uttt  the  ttme  for  ending  the  war  was  oiortune. 
Md jaused  h««  to  insist  that  hcSilities  go  on^SkS 
Bourbons  were  crushed.  On  these  poinS,  then,  the  S 
and  his  nunister  soon  found  themsdves  utterly  at  ksue,w3 

ft«»  won  for  Bntam  her  two  great  empires  beyond  the  seas 
found  himself  a  private  citiaeni  while  Lord  Bute,  whose 
m»in  merit  w  the  nes  of  his  sovereign  was  a  tested  subser- 
vency,  took  iq,  the  seals  of  oficT  The  condusioTof 
P«»cewas,  however,  not  yet  to  be  accomplished.  Spain,  in 
accordance  with  her  agreement,  declared  war.  and  tSrSew 
1™k"1  "^  fo^  the  king  to  adopt  thi  ve^o.^ 
which  his  late  minister  had  so  «amesdyidvi.ed.   ^  "~~ 

J«»»n«ion  of  Bntwh  success.  Frederick  the  Great,  when 
1^  WM  in  power,  had  been  hvishly  aided  with  Britidi  sub- 

tfte  lidd  when,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  he  wouM  other. 
w»e  have  found  himself  -  the  direst  extlemiST^ 
whiidiw  were  now  w:  .»wn— a  gross  breach  of  ftith 
wmcn  ueruMns  to  the  |MCsent  day  have  not  aUowed  to  be 


ITIti 


t4i         CJNJDJ  dUD  BUfttM  MOUTH  dMtUCd 

fergotteo— «Dd  Fredrick  caac  wttliui  an  ac«  of  bciii|  van- 
qunlKd,  only  the  sudden  chaagi  of  tmwmm  in  RuMia 
proved  luaddivenuice.  But  bjr  November,  176a,  the  geaef^ 
wcarincM  of  war  on  the  pan  of  all  concerned  induced  the 
comhatants  to  conclude  the  pfdimiaarics  of  peace.  **  Never," 
•aid  Geoffe  III.,  ^did  Ei^iand  lign  such  a  peace  hefim." 
Fnuice  relinquithed  to  Orert  Britain  all  h«r  chiaM  in  North 
America  with  the  exMpdon  of  Louisiana  and  the  two  Ihtle 
islands  of  St.  Pierre  and  Miqudon  oflF  Ncwfeundkndi  nve 
over  a  foodlv  share  of  her  poesessiuns  in  the  West  InSes, 
and  acknowledged  Arttish  ascendency  in  ImUa.  For  her 
assistance  in  the  dostjwjrear  of  the  war  France  gave  over 
to  Spain  the  Louisiana  Territories:  the  only  taMible  rem- 
nant of  her  wrecked  Empire  of  the  West.  Signed  on  Feb* 
ruaiy  10, 1763,  and  known  in  bistonr  as  dM  Peace  of  Pub, 
this  convention  nvc  substantial  acknowkdnaent  of  Brit- 
ain's victonr  in  «he  gigantic  dud  with  the  Bourbon  power 
and  placed  her  paramount  in  the  New  WmM.  Enormous  as 
were  the  cmicessions  made  hf  the  vanqui^ed,  ttk^  did  not 
satisfy  Rtt  and  his  fnends,  who  qpposed  the  ratification  of 
the  terms  by  Parlnment.  But  to  no  avail,  fi>r  the  pe^rie 
at  large  were  so  heartily  tired  oS  the  war  as  to  be  aospfy 
satisfied  with  the  territMial  accessions. 

In  the  history  of  the  North  American  continent  few 
events  have  had  such  fiw-reachii^  consequences  as  the 
expulsira  of  the  French  tx  the  close  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War.  For  upward  of  a  half  century  the  presence  of  a 
dangerous  foe,  powerful  out  of  all  praportiui  to  her  efibctivc 
numbers,  had  been  periuips  the  stnmgest  of  the  varuMis  ties 
«^ch  bound  the  British  colonies  on  the  Atlantic  seaboaid 
to  the  motherland.  Causes  of  friction  there  were  in  abun- 
dance, and  to  the  cdonists  the  yoke  of  the  Lords  of  Trade 
and  Plantations  often  seemed  to  bear  heavily.  But  with 
the  aggressive  colonies  of  France,  Mganized  primarily  for 
war,  pressing  mi  their  northern  and  wettem  frontiers,  sepa- 
ration from  the  mother  country  was  the  last  thing  which 
any  colonist  would  have  desired.     Now,  however,  this 


M^l 


mri  jnttuuTH  or  thm  coNm/ur       243 


.  i.!jpMM)d.  FiwdftwBallnMrMiaanftr.BritUi 
pratcctioa  and  rapport  no  kmgn  Mcmtd  dw  inlitpeiwiMc 
nquiito  of  ndfttact.  Gritvaacct  wm,  dMralbn,  miicli 
kn  conptaccatlj  bomt  and  were  no  longer  r^vdod  m  the 
price  of  a  necceeafjr  aanatance.  And,  uMRover,  k  was,  k 
should  be  remembered,  ^  enoroBoiM  expendhun  incurred  Iw 
the  motherland,  both  in  acquiring  and  holding  her  new  con- 
quests, which  first  impelkd  Brkish  stateemm  to  discuss  the 
question  of  raising  atleastapartofthecoetbfthe  imposi- 
tion of  taxes  upon  thoee  «donies  to  whom  the  main  braefit 
hadaccrued.  It  was,  therefore,  the  expulsion  of  the  French 
from  Canada  wkkii  broug^  the  seccssiMi  of  the  Mnten 
colonies  ft»  the  first  time  within  the  ruige  of  political  pos- 
sibilities} it  was  dM  eflorts  of  Britidi  statesmen  to  make 
the  colonkts  pay  for  dttir  new-found  securitv  that  nve  die 

latter  dmr  first  Item  in  dM  long  list  of  grievances  expressed 
in  die  Dedaradon  of  Independence. 

The  announcMBent  in  Canada  dutt  the  cohmr  had  been 
definitdy  ceded  to  Great  Arkain  was  die  s^nal  for  dM  emi- 

r  on  of  a  coBsidersble  pMtion  of  the  population.  After 
capituhtMB  of  Montreal,  in  1760,  there  had  been  an 
exodus  of  die  milkaty  forces  and  of  government  officials. 
Some  dvilnns  went  also,  but  not  a  great  manj,  for  theie 
were  not  hckii^  those  who  hk  dwt  in  some  wav  or  other 
France  would  evemuallj  receive  back  her  Canadan  eokmy 
and  sttisfy  Great  &itain  wkh  adequtte  compensadmi  else- 
where. Just  how  great  the  exodus  of  176^1764  was  in 
point  of  numbers  is  difficult  to  mj,  for  the  statMcal  data 
ate  not  of  the  best.  It  maj,  however,  be  esdaaated  at 
about  twenty  thousand,  or  sajr  twenty-^ve  per  cent  of  die 
total  ptqiubtioB.  But  k  was  not  alone  because  of  ks  num- 
bers diat  diis  hcska  weaken^  the  colony)  thoee  iriw  emi- 
gTMed  indited  oe  best  elemems  of  the  populttkw:  weahhy 
merchants,  seignrarh  and  trsdersi  in  foct,  those  iHm  could 
best  afford  to  go  and  h^mmb  Ae  eekmy  couU  lout  aiwd 
to  ^are.  Those  who  remained  were  comprised  widiin  the 
three  settlements  of  Montreal,  Qu^ec,  and  Throe  Rivera} 


I 


a44         CMUAtf  MMb  MUnUI  NOMTH  dMMUKd 

ia  tki  Hnall  hunlm  and  in  dM  NifnieriM  aioiif  Ike  St.  Lmv^ 
IMC*,  St.  M«tricc,aiia  JUdMlira,  and  in  tlw  fottifiad  poM 
■long  tiw  Omt  LOm  md  cooMctiag  riven.  In  all  of 
whM  ii  new  Ontario  there  was  not  a  aiiMde  wttleneMi 
ftofli  Montraal  to  Oetfofe  waa  an  anbtolMa  wildaiiim. 

The  British  fovernnent  had  no  immo  than  catored  into 
seotfe  possession  of  its  new  domain  when  a  new  daiyr,as 
idanaing  as  it  was  nnfereseen,  prasentod  itHrifon  the  western 
firontien.  This  wasthe«*Con^inM7of  Pamiaci*'a|enefBl 
rWi%  of  the  tribesmen  in  1763  intended  to  mark  their  die- 
pieasure  with  the  new  Older  of  thii^  estaUished  by  the  Paace 
of  Fsris.    The  dominancf  of  Britain  in  Nonh  America  was 
viewed  bv  the  Indian  chieftains  with  no  sli^  disfrvor  and 
forabundant  cause.    The  vivacious  Frenchman  had  always 
tNttwittod  the  staider  Saxon  in  the  contest  for  tribal  confi- 
dence, and  it  was  only  na^u.vl  that  the  Indian  should  view 
with  misgivings  the  enforced  depaitui*  of  his  old  friends. 
But  there  was  a  weightier  reason  for  Mvage  antipatbyt  In- 
di  n  policy  was  not  usually  moulded  by  lil»  and  dislike  of 
national  traits.  So  long  as  the  dud  between  Saxon  and  Oaul 
continued,  the  cmteaianta  vied  with  eadi  o 'i';:  in  their  e*-^. 
ness  to  secure  Indian  allmnces.    To  this  end  the  chteftains 
were  tMaered,fiked,«nd  pampered  with  coflstdeiaH    .    on- 
diture  in  the  way  of  presents  and  a  more  conrideial].  rf  1,.^ 
or  patience  onthepartofaUwhohadtodeal     >♦  th« 
vaciUutog,  and,  too  often,  evasive  allies.     For  w  -'e  -m 
the  gretf  coniict  IndLin  auxiliaries  proved  their  vdiu  :c 
the  respective  contestants  m  more  than  one  impoitant 
occasion,  ^  value  of  their  services  was  undoubtedly  ovw. 
nttmated  by  both  sides,  and  the  dSsrts  spent  in  securing 
their  assistance  was  out  of  pn^ortion  to  the  return  afiirded 
even  when  such  efibrts  culminattd  successliiily.    Now  that 
tte  Mvg^  was  over,  this  cajoling     jie  to  s  decisive  end; 
the  British  colonists  now  thm^  of  the  Indian  only  ts  a 
treacherous  humb«u|.   Elaborate  courtesy  now  gave  place  to 
contemptuous  indiflerence  or  even  to  open  rebuA  whenever 
Indian  chief  and  British  oficud  came  into  cmtaa.     Nor 


■lili 


■^aggm^g. 


THB  JrtMMJTM  or  TMi  COM^J/MtT  saj 

•w  dM  aU.  Now  tlMt  tbe  WW  WW  dcarad  of  Praadi 
offmrntaon^  Mttlen  from  Um  coJonkt  aJooi  tlw  Atlwttk 
*«b€«jl  bMM  to  «rW  bejromi  dM  AlkglHiiiw  into  dM 
fcitik  hods  of  th  Wm,  tiewlx  but  raitf^  forcing  tiM 
la^mu  dwpcr  into  die  AutlMr  wildcncM.  And  tNt 
witbotit  much  ragsrd  for  the  Minp  or  ridtts  of  dM  tribM 
coneantd. 

It  was  not  aMonidiiiur  dioi,  dmt  wkh  die  cxccpdoa  of  a 
fow  tribe*  such  as  die  ^wnen  and  Tuacaroraa  who  had 
always  been  firm  in  dicir  allmncc  widi  the  Britnh,  aU  the 
Jjeatwm  tribes  remainod  knral  to  the  vanqnidied  French. 
Durmg  die  last  few  deoMlvs  dM  tribes  of  die  Iroqtioia 
Confedeiacy  had,  to  a  constdeiaUe  dense,  loec  die  pre- 
dominance  which  dic]r  had  fomeri/  enjoyadi  anong  dw 
western  tribes,  dM  Ottawas  were  now  piomft  die  foseaoet 
in  point  of  milaary  power  and  political  ininence.  This 
tnbe  occupied  the  territory  around  Oetrtrit  and  had  at  ks 

head  an  ambitious  and  able  chief  in  dw  person  1^  die  ftmotts 
Pontiac.    While  Pontiac  had  no  oflcal  headship  over  the 
other  tribes  ai  die  West,  he  was  not  long  in  acquirim  an 
influence  over  them  which  enabled  him  to  make  hn  coun- 
sels elective  over  an  enormous  nu^  of  savage  popdation. 
Htt  onm  cause  for  amagonnm  was,  of  anirse,  dw  general 
dwlike  which  die  Indian  manifeaied  toward  die  new  rdgime, 
u  alrendy  explained,  but  he  had  an  additional  reaMm  in  a 
penonaJ  pique  against  Ma|or  Gladwin,  dw  British  com- 
inander  at  the  Detroit  post.     During  dw  course  of  176a 
>^^  O.tawa  chief  did  his  best  to  create  opposition  to  dw 
Bii'jsJi  advanw  and  to  wdd  dw  various  tribes  into  a  cmn- 
IHndwnsive  confederacy  for  a  general  tttack  on  dw  frontier 
posuofUw  West.  Pbntiac  succeeded  in  enlisting  dwsym- 
patJ  les  of  many  of  dw  tribes,  yet  widi  remariable  secrecy, 
for  although  occanonal  hints  of  impending  damwr  reached 
the  authorities  at  the  diftrent  posts  from  time  to  time,  none 
of  dw  garrisons  had  any  authentic  mfermation  of  dw 
general  conspiracy.     That  Pdntiac  wwked  oitt  the  details 
of  attack  upm  the  different  posu  k  not  probaUe,  bM  tbtt 


If 


246         CMd'yd  AMD  MUTttM  NORTH  MtEUCd 

thnc  WM  tome  gencnl  aUotmem  of  ofiensivc  tiskt 
the  dtffncnt  triba  is  byroad  a  iloubt. 

The  moit  dUBciilt  undcrttkini,  tbtt  of  icducu^  dM  fort 
M  Detroit,  PMdac  menred  for  his  own  tribe.   Detrok  was 
now  garriMoed  hj  a  drtachmew  <^  somewhat  more  than  one 
hundred  s<ddiers,  while  a  fcw  doacn  tnders  and  non-com- 
batanu  couM  be  pressed  into  service  in  any  emeigency.    It 
was  now  planaed  bjr  the  coiupintors,  in  wder  to  render 
dieir  attack  more  certain  of  success,  to  decof  die  prrison 
into  recctviiw  a  bu|e  number  of  Induuis  wMiin  the  pali- 
sades under  Oe  pretence  of  a  council   But  the  information 
reached  Ghdwin  that  the  Indians  were  fiKi^  ^die  bands 
of  their  muskets  widi  a  view  to  cooceaUng  dMse  bcneadi 
their  blankets,  and  that  a  signal  firom  Pbntiae  was  to  tnns> 
form  die  council  into  a  massacre  <^  the  unsuspecting  prri- 
son.    The  source  of  this  providei^al  mfenaatioa  has  never 
been  established.    A  docen  different  amtemporaiy  chrani- 
deis  give  as  many  diffierent  sources.     At  all  events  Gladwin 
was  put  Ml  his  |uard{  the  council  wu  held,  bitt  in  foil 
siriM  of  the  garnson  itiefm  up  with  loaded  muskets  and 
hftedin|  bayonets  ostensMy  for  their  daily  drilL    The  Ot- 
tawa defend  his  foOowcrs  dkmed  nosignof^comfituiei 
the  council  proceeded  in  harmony  and  the  Indians  departed 
kavii^  Ghdwin  serioi^y  to  doi^  dM  oe^bility  of  Ids  m- 
fermadon.  I  can  find  no  bnis  for  the  story  diat  during  the 
council,  Gladwin  threw  back  dw  chief's  Manlnt  and  di»- 
doeed  a  concealed  musket.    However,  it  was  but  a  few  days 
before Pottiac threw offhisgmse of frioMUdpt  httfoUowen 
murdered  oudying  setdm,  surveyors,  and  tnderh  foUowiM 
this  up  with  an  assauk  on  the  fort  itsdf;  whidi  wu  as  vigoiw 
ously  delivered  as  it  was  coungseu^  repdkd.   Under  dM 
pntentc  of  negodadons  IVmtiac  obtained  dw  despatch  of  two 
Arkish  offeers  to  his  camp,  and,  hoWng  dieee  as  hosttgss, 
recommenced  his  attack.    But  die  defenders  w«c  fortunate 
in  the  possession  tiS  a  cou^  of  small  armed  rissils  on  dw 
river,  and  diese  not  only  wcMried  the  tanks  of  du>  bcsiegen, 
but  enabled  the  garrison  to  keep  ks  hider  supplied.  80  dw 


mwHi 


fcffi*rr'T-~^:-*.^.!fcM.'  „jiji.}-M4.^'^ 


YWi  dmuuTH  or  tmm  com^mst       347 


ambitiottt  Otttwan  wm  coattnt,  pcrfoicc,  to  MoAKdi  • 

pvtkd  a^  «4kl^  owtiw  to  dM  vadlbtiBf  tniH  of  Indfan 
dumwtcr,  k  raquind  att  Sit  mfwnoe  to  — t-— ^t 

McMwhik,  tiw  odMr  tribM  1m4  beca  doiiv  tlwir  iwpect- 
ive  fuu.  The  pom  at  SanAnkjr,  St.  JoMph,  Miuni, 
Pmqii'Ik,  Lc  B(Buf,V«iiaiifo,aiid  MiHrilimarMiMr  w«« 
naccoHv^  aMauted,  and  i^  ■tran^cm  or  foict,  or  botk 
coabiiMd,  came  iitto  dw  pbiimmou  of  dw  tifliea.  &»  np- 
idly  did  one  aaauilt  fellow  another  that  ten  poets  who 
attacked  widdn  ais  wedut  all  save  Detroit  with  aucccM. 
The  luae  enpk^ed  hj  dw  trbesmea  in  their  capture  of 
MfrhilioMckioac  hM  becooM  clastic  as  an  instance  of  In^an 
attatafntk  Earijr  in  June,  the  umuspectit^  ganisoo,  not 
havii^  heard  ci  An  attacks  upon  the  other  poets,  acc^ted 
an  iavitttiea  to  wkness  a  gane  of  heiosae  between  two 
parties  of  aUmP'swa  Indians,  the  pame  to  be  pbjrnd  outside 
the  fert.  While  the  game  wm  bemg  contested  with  a  qpiik 
which  attracted  dM  whole  attention  of  the  onboking  furi- 
•on,  a  number  oi  squaws  bearing  concoakd  weapons  made 
dieir  way  with^  dw  fart.  Prninttty  the  baU  was  duowa 
widiin  the  pafisadesi  in  rushed  the  cemestants,and  quid% 
obtainiM  the  wc^^ms  carried  if  the  wooMn,  OHide  short 
work  ofthe  unprepared  whHes. 

For  weeks,  howewr,  dw  coursfseus  d^mdew  of  Detroit 
held  dw  poet,  and  an  earnest  eAirt  was  made  to  send  icUef 
fimn  Niagara.  But  dwt  fivt  cooM  nare  but  a  scam  feree, 
aaddwhwklen  expedidon  which  it  forwarded  lata  in  May, 
under  Ueoieaant  Cujrler,  was  s«r|ffised  and  citt  to  piecca 
hj  Pondac's  fane  just  as  it  was  about  to  rsadi  ks  dssdoa- 
don.  This  swxengrsa^nuseddwprssdge  of  the  Ottawa 
(Aief  among  dw  confaderaiet,  and  even  dw  Swwaees  were 
moved  to  renounce  dwir  ancwm  fikadddp.aad  to  nvage 
wkh  merdhsss  baibuMea  the  unprotected  ftmden  of  Ptan- 
•ylvania.  A  sscond  relief  force  from  NkiPfla  reached  De- 
troit Its  arrival  was,  howerer,  no  iwariaed  hiswing,  far  k 
was  not  siJkiendy  strong  to  raise  dw  siege,  and  ks  leader, 
DahcU,  induced  Gkdwfai  to  vcnturs  a  ni|^  attack  upon 


u 


CjUtdDJ  AND  BUTttH  NOMTH  MtMMKJ 

Ae  beuenn*  camp.  Tht  wwjr  Pontiac  had  hia  trutted 
apka  on  tbe  alert,  and  the  ^hn  was  disckiaed  to  him,  with 
Oe  reauk  that  the  aortie  waa  repubed  with  heavr  bea 
and  the  demoialiscd  defendera  thrown  back  in  diaoider 
within  the  paliaadea. 

With  the  exception  of  Detroit,  the  onljr  pott  of  cmaa- 
<g«ice  not  in  the  poaaession  of  ihe  tribes  was  now  F«t 
Iw,  the  fonner  Fort  Du  C^eane,  at  the  coniuence  of  the 
Ohio  with  the  Monongahela.  Here  Captain  Ecuyer,  with 
a  fwce  of  nearix  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  waa  statimied, 
and  toward  the  end  of  July  was  confronted  by  a  fonnidaUe 
force  of  Ddawares.    Ecuyer  had  received  due  warning  and 

had  not  been  dilatory  in  his  preparations,  to  that  the  pott  waa 
aow  as  strong  as  his  slender  resources  cwuld  make  it.  The 
Maailants  were  successfiiUy  heM  tt  bar  in  an  attack  which 
lasted  for  five  full  (bys  and  is  almott  widiout  paiaUd  in 
the  annals  of  forett  warfiuv. 

General  Amhertt  had  been  exceedingly  slow  to  realise 
the  gravity  of  the  situation,  but  the  perikMis  ritaatiaa  of  the 
defenden  tt  Detroit  and  the  annihilation  <^  the  firtt  rdirf 
force  sent  out  from  Niagara  convinced  him  of  the  urgeaer 
of  <»mprehensive  measures.  UnhappUy  he  did  not  have  tt 
hu  ^poaal  a  sufficient  force  eanly  to  felbw  this  poUcy.  His 
garrison  of  rwilar  troopa  tt  Quebec  and  MoMMri  was  little 
more  than  sufficient  to  matt  any  emergeacr  wMch  the  exiai- 
cace  of  a  still  hoatife  popdation  m%kt  createt  ^ride  a)Mt> 
ously  no  volunteer  'srce  could  be  raised  for  oMMitttt 
HWOM  tribes  whose  avowed  objea  waa  Ae  matosMiaa  of 
Ae  oM  rigime.  Nevertheleaa,  Amhertt  asade  the  bett  of 
httmeana,  and  tt  once  ami^  for  the  sending  of  two 
o^aditions  to  relieve  the  thrraf  ad  peats  as  well  as  to 

2**"'  -  J"*^'*  ^  roviiw  bands  which  aow  ovcfraa 
we  grett  western  tnrteorias.  Tha  first  of  these  expa&kma 
stt  oat  ftom  PUhddphtt  towaid  the  middle  of  July,  and 
^  **"'?"^  ^  Coh»ael  Hemy  Boofttat.  Its  el^. 
iv«  wn  Fort  Pitt.  On  kwrnkig  of  Booquet's  aMfoadi 
tha  Dekwaraa  aad  dMir  alliaa  sTMiiimil  their  ^  ami 


^n^^^^ 


WW  UtEUUTH  Of  mt  COM^Etr  149 

■dv«ic«dtgriii«tI»«ywiof«xp«dkioii.  TkttwooHM 
lato  confict  m  Aiwim  16, 1763^  at  Bushy  Run,  or«  m  k 
IS  sometiiiMs  cdktC  E%e  HiO.  11»  fidit  wm  one  of 
uw  niott  obstuiM  IB  dM  sands  of  coafikt  bMsfi  1^ 
red  men  in  North  AoKrica,  but  in  the  aid  Booqaet's  ^c- 
toiy  was  decisive^  the  ptmnu  <a  the  hn^htr  Defaiwans 
w«idestioyed  and  Fort  Pitt  wm  promptly  relieved. 

The  other  cxpeditioo,  that  lor  the  idief  of  Detroit,  under 
Colonel  Brsibtrm,  was  mobili>«i  my  slowly,  and  it  was 
not  tiU  the  foUowmg  summer  that  the  auihorides  were  able 
to  concenawe  a  force  of  about  twelve  hundred  men  at 
^fsn.  FoMiac  had  abandoned  the  siege  of  Detroit  during 
«•    *•««•,  <;*^nitg  into  the  west  in  eider  to  revive  the 

•"far  of  h»  Wbww,  atill,  w«i  *e  ofwiing  of  the  spring 
ofi76*.hewisi»positioBapimbutm»dera        •        ^ 


for  the  VKtat]r  «f  Bouquet  had  hwi  a  dtsquiettng^Zii&ence 
OB  mmy  of  hi.ailies,a«d  these  dsscited  in  famp  numbers. 
CoBsequendy,  when  Bndsmet  appMMhed,  the  Ottawaa 
did  not  venture  hmde,  but  retramed  iMo  the  western  wiMsiw 
flsss,  wtewe  he  could  tmmfft  to  rnuiyiMi  his 
tt  the  mMm  nppnwuiiii|.  It  is  iMi  nh  «» 
•ft«  worfd  Ittve  been  necessHy  in  ei4er  cibetudiy  to 
crush  the  CMiMentes  had  not  fir  WiHiam  JohMaa,f4ise 
iiiBiMHIl  with  the  ladimmwiiin—w, devoted  Ms  enetmss 
to  "^i»iiiM^  the  9mm,  Oacater  another  of  these 
tendnud  M  fUHMMioa^  As  variew  Mms  wesa  rasMfud  aad 
rrgarrisMsditad  in  (ha  aiasiag  iwm  of  ilqmNi,  it^c,  ^a. 
tiae  WiMeif  buried  ifet  hatchet  wMi  duTbniafides  ia  a 
imd  peac*  cmMcti  at  Detraii.  The  Mat  chief  fivad  but 
•  few  yc»s  after  dMdeee  of  hostiiitiNi  iai7te,fcewas 
ttwAwoushr  assassJMiid  by  a  member  of  the  OBaais  tribe. 

Evaa  before  Om  eedKct  M  caasid  in  dw  waa 
tones,  dM  eondasiea  wt  Ai  Ptme^  of  Hm  ted 

die  British  Mverameai  to  rtilUidba««towadM__ 

which  had  Ibeen  sMrifaliaM  it  *f  M«ir  aniBind  reriiiar 

autumn  of  1763,  a  rayal  pfodaaMdoa  9m  M% 


PMdiiV  the  feroHd 
In  the  I 


:T.aig^.- ->->,--.    if|.j-|iij 


aso 


CJNJIhl  AMD  BlUTttH  NORTH  dUMUCA 


.:  I 


curving  up  tiie  newly  acquired  domain  bto  the  four  pnnr- 
inces  of  Quebec,  Eaat  Florida,  West  Florida,  and  Gnunuia. 
The  latt  three  were  conttructed  from  the  acquisitioitt  in 
the  Sotfthi  the  first  named  was  intended  to  embrace  the 
domains  in  the  north  which  had  been  held  bv  France.  An 
attempt  was  made,bthe  proclamation, to ddimit  die  boun- 
dary of  the  new  province,  but  with  results  which  disclose 
the  picvailing  ignorance  concemii^  the  {riiysical  geografdiy 
of  tile  New  World.  As  nearly  as  one  can  make  out  bom 
the  misleading  delimitation,  the  boundary  was  to  be :  east  1^ 
Saguenay  River  to  Lake  St.  John,  thence  to  Lake  Misnssini 
[probably  Mistassini]}  soudb  by  the  height  <rf'land  dividii^ 
those  rivers  which  drained  into  the  St.  Lawrence  from  those 
descending  to  the  sea  until  the  forty-fifth  paralld  was 
reached,  thence  akuig  that  parallel  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  western  boundary  was  left  undefined.  This  extension 
of  the  limitt  of  Quebec  was  the  cause  of  considerable  resent- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  Britidi  ccjionists  to  die  south,  who 
r^ardcd  it  as  an  encroachnwnt  on  their  claims.  The  proc- 
lamation further  asserted  the  royal  intention  to  give  the  prov- 
ince some  degree  of  constitutional  government,  •*  as  soon  as 
thestateandcircumstancesof  die  c^ony  would  permit "{  in 
the  meantime,  the  government  was  to  be  veMsd  in  the 
hands  of  a  representative  of  the  crown  and  a  nomiiuted 
council,  while  the  laws  of  Great  Britain  were  to  obtain 
in  all  civil  and  criminal  causes.  This  latter  was  an  eireeed- 
ii^  important  provision,  for  it  overturned  at  one  stroke 
the  whole  legal  system  of  the  province  and  replaced  it  with 
a  new  system  which  was  entirely  new  and  foreign  to  die 

rt  mass  of  the  popuhttion.  To  have  superimposed  upon 
biMumtt  the  complicated  fobric  of  Englidi  common 
bw  in  place  of  the  QtOum*  it  I^rk,  with  which  they  had 
grown  fiuniliar  in  the  kpse  of  several  generttioiw,  was  a 
matter  which  certainly  deserved  more  careful  connderation 
than  it  actually  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Britidi  wthori- 
ties.  Subsequent  developnwnts  showed  ^amly  the  error 
of  the  stq>  and  led  to  a  reaction  which,  in  repfaicii^  dM  old 


i 


BUB 


THB  JFTUMjITII  OF  THE  COMnyUT  251 

French  Gvtl  L«w,hH  pvpctuatMl  duK  qmcm  ia  dM  piov- 
ince  to  tht  pfMem  dqr. 

Under  the  prmriMOM  of  dw  prachuattkm,  Genml  Mur- 
riXWMCoamiHMMMdQomnororQ^dwc.  HeprocMded 
'- form  hit  council,  of  seven  neaA««,  with  the  chief  JMtioc 


to  

M  prendtag  ofioer.  One  of  hie  fint  aete  wae  to  kmc  u 
ordinance  eetaUiehiag  a  ejrMeai  vS  rauna  for  the  adninie- 
tnttioa  of  the  new  ^iri^tudence.  To  thb  aid,  jueticee  of 
the  peace  were  appointed  ia  ^  various  districts,  while  a 
fjrscm  of  higher  courts,  coosistii^  of  Kii^s  Bend^  Coo- 
non  Pleas,  and  Chancetj  divisions,  was  constituted  to  deal 
wkh  ■ore  serious  causes  and  widi  appeals.  As  hsd  been 
foresen  bjr  wmof  in  the  colony,  ^  nMet  diseoursaing 
Mdieoider  ensued.  The  judges  were  Britons,  dw  juries 
Fwnchawn,  and  neither  could  understand  dw  odwr  widi- 
out  an  intupieiM.  The  juiy  qratem  was  not  viewed 
htndijr  bf  dw  Meteai,  who  lost  sight  of  its  advantages  in 
his  averdon  to  compulsory  service  in  u^Mt  to  hkn  was  an 
"""^g"^  w«gji«-Htd  and  tadious  process.  EspcdaUy 
jm  Oers  a  hopeless  entaasbaent  whenever  qussdons  re- 
btiag  to  land  tenuR  canw  up  for  a^udicadoo,  for  dw  fat^ 
dal  offctals  found  dwnwelvas  utteriy  unable  to  apply  dw 
precepts  of  Ea^ishbw  to  such  cases.  Hence,  beforo  dw 
new  Older  of  AMgi  hid  existed  two  awadks.  Governor 
Munav  was  compelled  to  enact,  widi  dw  advice  of  his 
council,  that  uia  all  actions  rdadve  ta  the  ttnun  of  land 
and  the  r%his  of  inheritsnce,  French  hnvs  and  usmbs  shaU 
be  observed  as  dw  rule  indecision.''  ^^ 

FuithemMNre,  nwst  oS  those  «Hm>  were  given  judicial  and 
polidcal  posts  were  new  arrivals  fiom  £teun,  and  were 
not  always  sdected  on  their  meiks  in  idatioo  to  dw  tasks 
in  hand.  Many  w«e  ignoiant,  avaridous,  and  filled  widi  a 
•upreme  confidence  in  aU  dungs  English,  which  was  mated 
Mdy  hf  their  equal  if  not  pemn  comempt  tat  dl  tlui^ 
Ffoidi.  As  BMMt  of  dwm  received  no  sabries,  bitt  wen 
allowed  to  (Atam  dwir  remunenttion  fima  foes,  dwtc  was 
an  excellent  opportunity  fot  extortion  which  ma^  «d  the 


.>»,.».,^.^..^...,,.,.,^-.. 


II  ?^ 


it 


»§M         CdHMA  JNB  BRITttH  MOUTH  JMMUCJ 

oficnlt  were  not  slow  to  tcixe.  The  hapitM  hMttmt^ 
•tnnger  boik  to  the  rules  and  language  of  the  new  courts, 
was  usuaHv  Iseced,  withwt  knmring  whither  to  look  for  his 
ic^Ms.  M«mf,b»iisMitto  his  credit,  did  what  he  could  to 
osk^tc  the  M^^^eMbjr  iMntrriag  the  hearty  iU  wUl  of  the 
host  of  1^  pwasites  whna  he,  in  one  of  his  despatches, 
termed  the^iMat  innMcal  kt  of  men  he  ever  encounteivd." 
In  this  he  was  aUy  assisted  bjr  Fnmds  Masiics,  who  be- 
came attomey-geneial  m  1766,  a  man  who  was  destined 
Jam  to  have  considenUtle  part  in  rewranging^dM  leal  system 
of  the  province. 

Munray  also  found  difieuities  in  other  qaarters,  for  his 
mUamy  subordinates  did  not  ahwys  render  him  that  pnwsmt 
obedieiice  which  was  their  ohligwiiiH.  Futtfeeimore,  db- 
putes  between  military  and  civifiaM  were  frequsM.  But  the 
jovemor's  relations  with  the  ccdenasticai  authimties  were 
•nnarkaMy  amicable,  KsiMp  Briaad  }»vmg  been  ^pdnted 
to  the  See  of  Quebec  in  1766  and  being  on  cmdial  terms 
with  the  governor.  Much  of  Mumy's  time  and  mention 
were  taken  up  wtdi  the  wwk  of  redeeming  the  old  paper 
money  of  the  French  regime.  None  of  this  had  passed 
currnit  tmm  1 760,  hut  aa  enormous  amount,  totalling  nearly 
seventeen  million  livsus,  wias  still  held  in  the  colony. 

Duri^  the  yam  a(  hit  a^ainisimtien,  Murray,  for  rea- 
sons already  poimed  out,  had  not  fiHled  to  make  a  numer- 
ous host  of  enemies.  With  the  great  nnss  of  the  bMunm 
he  was  popuhv,  but  it  was  the  "old  subjects"— as  the  smdi 
coterie  of  Britons  now  in  the  colony  chose  n>  call  them- 
selves—who pomessed  the  ear  of  the  home  authorities. 
These  continually  gave  him  troiMe,  and  were  never  weary 
rf  fumi^ing  their  friends  in  Britain  with  accounu  of  colo- 
Bial  squabbles.  While  it  is  not  pnbaUe  that  the  authori- 
ties put  much  trutt  in  these  accounts,  there  is  no  de^  that 
they  operated  to  the  governor's  detriment,  aad  w«e  m  part, 
m  any  rate,  the  reason  of  his  recall  in  the  smBmo- of  1 766. 
Murray,  before  his  departure,  wrote  hw  foaous  kaer  to 
ixMd  Shelbume  in  which  he  vindicMed  his  adminauatien. 


"•  -*  *■"— •air'iff"''nii~ 


THE  Jn-MMMUm  or  TMM  CON^JfMiT         asj 

aBddMsiicdtlwopiKWtkmwUdilMladcncoummd.  Tiw 
liocumem  comunt  much  valuable  itatiadcal  and  descriptive 
iafonnation.  It  is  alio  a  tmmftnu  defence  of  his  own 
coRduct  and  carrin  Mnviction  to  dM  impaitial  nader. 
First  goveraor-general  of  dw  Canadian  deoains  of  Britun, 
his  naoic  graces  the  rail  as  having  no  superior  in  honorable 
fidelit/  to  what  he  omsidered  to  be  his  dttty. 

General  Guy  Carietm  Mpbced  Mutrav.  His  appoint- 
ment, at  first  tempmaiy,  fidlj  justified  the  confidence 
imposed  in  him,  fw  Cana*  has  had  no  more  eOdent  ad> 
minkttator.  Genetal  Guf  Carleton  was  a  nMive  of  Cmwtf 
Down,  Irebndt  he  entered  the  nrmy  tt  a  time  when  a  com- 
mnnon  was  no  sinecure.  His  promotions  came  rspUfy, 
and  in  the  expediti(m  which  Wolfe  led  to  victory  on  the 
Rains  of  Abraham,  Carleton  h^  the  post  of  quartarmaster- 
genersL  On  the  conclusion  of  the  F^ace  of  nuris,  he  took 
up  his  rsstdence  in  England,  where  he  remained  until  in 
i766he  was  summoned  to  relieve  Murray.  Carkton  was 
not  slow  to  grasp  the  situatimi  in  Quebec:  an  aggrearive 
British  minorky  greedy  beyond  bounds  for  power  and  pre- 
ferment, an  ovowhckung  mass  of  **iiew  subjects,"  as  the 
Frtnch  inltthttants  w«e  called,  jealous  of  their  exclusion 
from  official  dreks,  iwt  not  yet  aUe  to  secure  adnrission. 
In  his  determination  to  maintain  harmony  between  dM  two 
parties  he  feced  a  task  not  ca^  to  perform.  One  of  his 
first  acts  was  to  for^  aB  his  emolummts  from  fees,  de- 
pending uptm  his  sahry  alonei  a  popular  mow  which  none 
of  his  subordinates  though  worthy  of  imitation  or  even  of 
prsiw. 

But  the  question  which  most  urgently  demanded  Us 
attention  was  the  rearrangenwnt  of  the  legal  syMem  of  the 
province  in  some  wi^  ikm  would  diminish  the  irhwIiTssIr 
discontent  and  chaos  which  the  existing  legal  system  ei^ai- 
(fered.  Francis  Masires,  the  aHomey-genoal,  was  aecord- 
in^y  commissimied  to  report  on  die  scheme  of  reform,  and, 
after  careful  consideFstion^  recommended  the  retention  of 
Ae  EngUdi  jurisprudence  imact  in  so  fer  as  crmtinal  law 


'i 


% 


«.iMi" 


aS4         CJMMDJI  JMD  BUTUH  MORTM  AMMRtCd 

WM  concerned.  On  this  point  there  wm  no  diiereac*  of 
opuuonin  the  province.  Aa  for  dvU  procedure  he  racom. 
memM  Ae  mimediate  prepenttioa  of  a  new  code  in  vH^ch 

wouM  be  retainwl  the  rules  of  French  law  relating  to  tenure, 
dower,  inheritance,  alienatimi  and  successimi  to  real  pnm. 
ertjr,  faw  Mherwise  compiled  from  the  English  common 
tow.    Maaires  was  a  descendant  of  the  exiledHuguenots 
who  went  to  Endand  after  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes  in  16I5.    In  his  svmpathies,  however,  there 
was  bttle  that  was  French  and  his  schooling  in  Endisb 
law  had  Bv«i  hin  a  true  Bbckstooian  loveof that  system. 
\rfT*  /»«»««»«»  ^  thoroughly  favored  the  shackles 
which  the  English  law  of  his  daj  pheed  upon  RomanistH 
•o  ttat  his  repM  was  by  no  means  an  impartial  and  un- 
biased  survey  of  the  situation.    The  a^Kievs  Carleton 
was  not  slow  to  convince  himself  of  this  and  decided  not 
to  base  his  recommendations  to  the  home  authorities  oa  the 
counsels  of  the  attomer-generaL     His  own  inclination  was 
toward  the  revival  of  the  French  sjrstem  more  or  less  in  its 
«ntir«jr,  and  during  the  neact  year  continued  complainu 
regardwg  the  wotting*  of  the  existing  system  confirmed  him 
in  tlus  regard.    And  as  there  were  a  number  of  other  rec- 
onunendations,  concerning,  for  one  thing,  certain  modifi- 
cations m  the  political  system  of  the  province,  which  he 
wimed  to  hnna  home  forcibly  to  the  audiorities,  he  asked 
for  and  received  leave  of  absence  in  1770,  and  undertook  a 
P««»i»l  visit  to  London,  mtrusting  Hon.  H.  T.  Cnmahd 
with  the  administretion  in  the  interim. 

Orieton's  leave  was  for  six  mmiths  only,  but  ciicumstan. 
CCS  intervened  to  keep  him  away  for  neariy  four  years. 
Diuing  this  mterval  the  movement  fat  the  estaUishmrat  of 
*  "?T  °f  Assembly  took  shape,  and  petitions  were  foiu 
ymWMdw  result  of  public  meeting,  held  in  the  ptovin^ 
ine  draund  was, however, by  no  means  a  unanimous  one, 
for  there  was  «  »ave  obstacle  in  the  question  of  idimous 
qualification.  If  Roman  Catholics  were  to  be  exchidedfiom 
the  House,  as  was  the  practice  In  Great  Britain  at  the  time, 


mmmmm 


THM  JFTMMMJTH  Of  tHM  COMIQfUr  asf 

tkt  Fftach  CttboUct  of  QytbM  wmiM  Imv*  m  traipttlw 
wkh  dw  movement^  wUk  oa  dM  etiMr  ImumI,  if  Romm 
GttiMlict  were  to  h«  adaiitMd,  dM  EaaUdi  ■Haorkjr,  bdiw 
lu^  Pratnttnt,  woiiM  oppoM  dM  wKolt  prapoMl  TIm 
Brhkdi  ludioritiM,  for  tbdr  pan,  «m  ^ui*  irillfaig  to 
coMidtr  dM  wnpk  dnMiid  for  a  Houm,  praviM  dM 
ftydoM  qMHtioii  couU  bt  vnuiged  to  dM  Mti^ctMM 
of  &0M  awccHMdi  for  the  criMS  in  dM  colonin  to  dM 
south  was  bringiag  hooM  to  Bikbh  parUaoMntariaaa  dM 
•uptriwitjr  of  ptwoMioa  to  curt  in  rdadon  to  dM  polki- 
cal  iUt  of  colonin.  Maaim,  who  iMd  ntnnM^  to  Eng- 
land  to  aMiwM  ofte*  dMia,  amwilv  iii|cd  the  eKhmon 
of  RooMn  GMholict  in  dM  pnpoMd  Houw,  hot  Carieton 
mccaailHltf  mf/tSntA  \i»  intuence  in  thif  ngud.  Bodn 
along  widi  tevaial  othei*,  wov  hrnid  bcfot^-*  Ae  Honw  of 
ComoMM,  and  ^  bir  oAcen  of  the  crown  went  conMua- 
•ioned  to  r^oft  on  dM  lagid  qneni -m  c:  mue.  iWiow 
and  Wadderhwa  ware  dMn  ns|ieir  »i^  ^otnej  and  tdici- 
roTfOMfal,  and  dwir  rtpom  wct«  »L.;  nd  cdMnidva.  A 
wippienentanr  lepoit  was  abo  pv^aicd  bjr  AdvocaM-gencral 
Mi^jrot.  The  fOMsd  drift  of  opinion  in  all  dme  was  ui 
fiivor  9t  pm»u  scope  bang  given  to  dM  French  civil  law, 
and  it  k  andowbtedly  tiiM  that  dM  rsconaMndadons  had 
conaideii^  weu^  in  detenainii^  the  legislation  which 
fdlowed,  akhou^  the  cUef  credit  nunt  net  widi  dM  inde- 
fii^Ue  Qtfleton. 

•fhna  put  in  pnsssisiun  of  fall  infennarion  from  dM  vari- 
oaa  pofatts  9S  view,  dM  ministfy,  in  the  sprii^  of  1774, 
ftauMd  and  inrednced  imo  ParliaaMnt  a  compidiMisive 
HMasiuv  knoan  as  ^  (^^ec  BilL  In  dM  first  pkcc  dM 
Mil  piovided  for  th«  repeal  of  the  Praclanndon  of  1763, 
under  tfriUch  dM  adminNtniion  <^  dM  province  had  been 
dius  tu  carried  on.  Then  it  proceeded  to  extend  dM 
boundaries  of  the  province,  which  wts  now  defined  as 
includii^  in  arfiftion  to  itt  previoui  territories,  ail  the 
country  west  of  the  western  boundaries  of  Penntylvania 
and  Viiginia  and  north  of  dM  Ohio  as  6f  mM  as  the 


IN 


1^ 


■  r 


156         CJttJDjI  AMD  ilUTUH  MOUTH  dUMUCJl 

MuMttippi.     The  aoRhcrn  bouiiduy  of  tlw  previnct  wm 
now  projected  to  the  domuiit  of  the  HiuiKm't  Ber  Compuv. 
This  extenekm  of  temtorict  had  not  been  reqiietted  by  the 
provinciil  ■uthoritiett  it  wu  in  the  nain  ■  punitive  neae- 
ure  directed  agtinM  the  iccalcttnuit  New  Eiwiand  and  other 
cotomes  on  the  Atbntic  seahoard.    Theee  had,  lincc  the 
ccewon  of  1 763,  jiutljr  regaided  theraeelvet  aa  shafcn  In  the 
newly  acquired  weetem  lands.    And  thie  decisive  denial  of 
their  ctoiBw  majr  be  looked  upon  as  an  act  of  repression  in- 
ducedbjr  the  Boeton  tea  episode.  Further,thebill  provided  for 
the  relrase  of  Roman  Cttholics  in  Quebec  fiom  all  the  penal 
restrictions  imposed  upon  their  co-religionisu  in  Endaad, 
gave  renewml  recognition  of  the  Oiureh's  right  to  collect 
tithes  as  of  oM,  and  confirmed  all  branches  of  the  Chureh, 
with  the  exception  of  ihe  religious  orders  and  communities, 
in  the  fuU  possession  of  their  landed  inteicsts.   It  m^  here 
be  noted  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  Jesuits,  none  of  the 
ordere  were  ever  disturbed  in  the  possession  of  their  lands  { 
but,  stncdjr  speaking,  the  provisions  of  the  bill  aflbrded  no 
gumntee  of  this  immunity.   English  criminal  law  was  estab- 
lished within  the  province,  while  in  all  cases  affecting  property 
and  civil  rights  the  laws  existing  therein  before  the  conquest 
were  to  be  revived.     Express  provision  was  made,  how- 
ever, that  either  w  both  systems  might  be  modified  by  ordi- 
nances of  the  mvernor  in  council  as  occasion  might  seem 
to  demand.     Finally,  the  ministry,  placing  on  record  its 
opinion  that  M  it  is  at  present  inexpedient  to  caU  an  Assem- 
bly,   provided  in  the  bill  for  the  esublisbment  of  a  Legis- 
lative CouncU  consisting  of  not  less  than  seventeen  or  more 
than  twenty-three  members,  nominated  by  the  ciown,  with 
full  powers  m  mattera  of  internal  legislation  and  taxation, 
wbject,  of  course,  to  the  governor's  assent.  At  the  same  time 
the  bill  reserved  to  the  crown  the  power  of  vetoing  within 
SIX  months  after  iu  passase  any  ordinance  passed  hy  the 
Council.     And  it  is  significant  to  note,  with  an  eye  on 
events  then  occurring  in  the  south,  that  express  stipulation 
was  made  for  the  absolute  control  of  external  trade  and 


M 


MKMCOPV  tBOWTION  TBT  CHAtT 

(ANSI  ond  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


y. 

■  2.2 

■^    136 

■■1 
|2j0 

^^'  i 

11.8 

1.6 


A 


/APPLIED  IM/OE    Inc 

1653  Eo»t  Main  Slr««» 
RochMUr.  N«  Yort.       14609      US* 
(716)  tSJ  -  0300  -  Pfon* 
(716)  288  -  5B89  -  F<|» 


,i 


I 


V 


w 


!♦'     i 


Map  showing  Hear  .<:*s  routes  in  the  yean 


r' 


A^MAP 

Tears //yo. 


V 


^-^  > 


in  the  yean  17: 


!«■ 


i 


Map  showing  Heame's  routes  in  the  yean  1770-1773 


in  the  yea»  i77o~'77i.     From  the  ctlUction  of  George  Barrie,  Jr. 


THE  dPTSRMJTH  OF  THE  COSIEST 


»57 


taxation  by  the  British  Pkrliamrnt.  The  Quebec  Bill  went 
through  the  House  of  Lords  wi**'  <*"'  six  dissentients,  among 
whom,  however,  was  the  eloquv.^-.  Jhatham.  In  the  Com- 
mons it  had  a  more  tempestuous  course,  but  the  ministry  suc- 
ceeded in  steering  it  safely  throu^  without  any  important 
modifications. 

Such  was  the  Quebec  Act  of  1774,  which  formed  the 
constitution  of  the  province  for  the  next  seventeen  years. 
That  the  clause  providing  for  the  absurd  extension  of  pro- 
vincial boundaries  was  an  inexcusable  error  no  one  will 
hesiute  to  admit.  It  angered  the  seaboard  colonies  with- 
out in  any  way  benefiting  the  Canadians.  But  as  regards 
the  other  provisions  these  were,  on  the  whole,  quite  justifi- 
able under  the  circumstances.  The  authorities  had,  appar- 
ently, reached  the  conclusion  that  Quebec  would  probably 
be  for  all  time  predominantly  French  in  language,  traditions 
and  character;  that  Roman  Catholicism  would  continue  to 
be  the  religion  professed  by  the  great  mass  of  the  popula- 
tion. Nor  has  history  shown  them  to  have  erred  in  this. 
Such  being  the  case,  it  was  wise  to  obviate  an  inevitable 
cause  of  complaint  by  removing  all  disabilities  Iidposed 
upon  those  professing  the  dominant  religion.  The  policy 
of  reviving  the  French  civil  law  has  not  been  without 
its  critics,  first  among  whom  were  the  firamers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  who  inttr  alia  censured  the  au- 
thorities of  their  common  motherland  **  for  abolishing  the 
free  system  of  English  law  in  a  nei^boring  province."  But 
after  all  there  was  little  else  possible.  The  introduction  of 
English  law  in  civil  cases  had  produced  intolerable  chaos;  a 
mixture  of  French  and  English  rules  embodied  in  a  new 
code  would  have  been  at  bett  a  clumsy  makeshift.  The 
only  satisfactory  alternative  was  the  course  pursued.  Nor, 
it  may  be  added,  did  censure  of  this  act  of  grace  in 
giving  to  the  population  of  a  dependent  colony  the  free 
operation  of  their  ancient  customs  and  laws  appear  to  come 
with  special  seemliness  firom  the  gifted  group  of  men  who 
framed  the  memorable  declaration  of  the  republic's  birth. 


ajt         CANJDJ  JND  BUflSH  NORTH  JMBRtCA 

emfdiattcing  in  every  line  the  right  of  a  free  people  to  the 
control  of  dieir  own  immediate  affiun. 

The  failure  of  the  Act  to  provide  tor  the  calling  of  an 
Anembly  was  the  cause  of  some  disappointment  to  the 
people  of  the  province.  Rut  the  religious  difficulty  had  not 
been  solved^  and  the  home  authorities  were  not  prepared 
either  to  remove  parliamentary  disqualification  from  Roman 
Catholics  in  the  colony  while  retaining  them  in  England, 
nor  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  to  exclude  from  membership  in 
the  Assembly  -U  but  the  meagre  four  or  five  hundred  Prot- 
estants in  t'  -ovince.  Moreover,  the  lapse  of  ten  years 
could  not '  4Sonably  viewed  as  having  been  adequate  to 
school  a  .  utically  untutored  race  in  the  complicated  let- 
sons  of  self-government. 

In  generd  the  measure  was  favorably  received  by  the 
masses  of  the  people ;  we  have  the  testimony  of  Gameau 
that  the  French-Canadians  regarded  it  as  a  real  boon.  And 
this,  from  its  enormous  prep-  .ranee  in  numbers,  was  the 
element  which  had  most  rea»v,.i  tor  concern. 

Shortly  after  the  passage  of  the  Quebec  Act,  Governor 
Carleton  returned  to  the  colony,  and  not  a  moment  too 
soon,  for  the  forced  march  of  events  in  the  seaboard  colo- 
nies necessitated  the  presence  of  a  strong  hand  in  Quebec 
if  disaffection  was  to  be  kept  without  the  borders.    Already 
the  Continental  Congress  had  issued  from  Phikdelphia  ar? 
address  calling  upon  Canadians  to  join  in  the  resistance  to 
royal  oppression  '<and  no  longer  to  be  inveigled  or  inr^r  ' 
dated  by  infamous  ministers  so  far  as  to  become  the  l  <' :  - 
ments  of  their  cruelty  and  despotism."    It  would  b-    v.^ 
to  pretend  that  the  address  and  the  intrigues  of  congr: 
sional  agents  sent  into  the  colony  during  the  course  of 
1775  had  no  eilect  on  the  inhabitants.     We  have  the 
conclusive  testimony  of  contemporary  memoirs  that  the 
address  produced  a  marked  impression  on  the  people.     But 
to  crystallize  impression  into  action  was  a  difierent  task. 
And  all  that  the  secret  agents  of  Congress  could  report 
was  that  the  French-Canadians  might  be  relied  upon  to 


t  ■■ 


Li 


Itji^Hk 


THE  JFTEMUrM  OF  THi  CON^BST 

ranair.  inactive  in  the  event  of  acttial  bottilidet  in  their 
territoriet. 

Carleton  wu  ill  prepucd  fiw  uij  emergency,  for  he  had 
at  his  diapoeal  kM  than  a  thousand  regulars  and  not  a  single 
•armed  vessel.  Otherwise  he  might  have  ct'ried  out  his 
desire  to  garrison  the  posts  in  the  Lake  ChampUin  district 
and  thus  have  rendered  the  exploit  of  Allen  and  Arnold  at 
Ticonderoga  more  difficult  of  accomplishment.  However, 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  strengthening  of  his  positions  at 
Quebec  and  Montreal  and  to  the  enrollment  of  a  military 
force,  which  latter,  in  the  prevailing  desire  of  the  Frencth- 
Canadians  to  join  hands  with  neither  combatant  was  an 
exceedingly  uphill  underuking.  Had  it  been  possible  for 
Congress  to  strike  at  Canada  at  the  outset  of  the  conflict, 
British  possession  would  probably  have  ended  with  a  short 
campa^.  As  it  was,  the  bpse  of  a  year  allowed  an  ener- 
getic governor  to  accomplish  wonders  in  the  way  of  increas- 
ing his  defensive  strength.  That  British  suzerainty  in  Canada 
weathered  the  stormy  days  of  the  Revolutionary  War  was 
due  more  than  aug^t  else  to  the  energy,  perseverance,  and 
calm  courage  of  Guy  Carleton,  the  man  to  whom  the  inter- 
ests of  the  motheriand  were,  for  the  time  being,  entrusted. 


'    El 


^■f 


I- 


CHAPTER  XI 

CJIKJIDA  DURINO  THi  HMrOLUTtONMr  WAR 

Whin  Britons  late  in  the  Mttumn  of  1759,  reeeivcd 
with  endiusiaitic  acclaim  the  welcome  tidings  thitt  the  bril- 
liant tuccest  of  WoUe  <m  the  Plaint  of  Abraham  had 
made  Great  Britain  matter  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
Nwth  American  Continent  there  waa  indeed  little  idea  that 
her  new  acquitteion  wat  but  a  prelude  to  the  lots  of  her 
dder  and  more  important  intncatt  in  the  New  World. 
But  such  wat  none  the  lets  the  cate,  fiMr,  at  hat  been 
alrnify  thown,  the  conquest  of  Canada  removed  from  the 
thirteen  coloniet  in  the  touth  their  one  great  buriiMrr— 
the  ftr-reaching  and  treacheroui  arm  of  France.  The  in- 
fiuit  cdonies  no  kmger  felt  the  indispensable  need  of  a 
mother's  protection.  To  detail  die  long  chain  of  events 
leading  up  to  the  Revdutionary  War  would  be  obviously 
out  of  place  here,  but  in  to  ftr  at  Canada  wat  neither 
without  interett  nor  part  in  the  conflict,  tome  generd 
account  of  the  preliminariet  leading  up  to  the  opening  of 
active  resistance  on  the  part  of  t^  cdonies  would  seem 
to  be  desirable.  And  at  the  outset  it  maj  be  stated — 
what  evetymie  already  knowa— that  the  crux  of  the  diffi' 
culty  wat  the  quettion  of  taxation.  Why,  it  may  be  atked, 
did  Great  Britain  choose  this  particular  time  fot  die  asser* 
tion  of  ttt  claim  to  raise  money  from  the  cdonittt?  The 
answer  it  not  far  to  teek.    The  long  and  costly  war  with 

a6i 


afo         Ci#MOi«  dMD  iUTUH  NORTH  JMUKJ 

France  had  neccukatcd  an  enormoui  expenditura  of  Brit- 
ish funds  and  had  increased  the  national  debt  to  an  un- 
precedented height.  And  this  apart  alUMCthcr  firom  the 
mater  sacrifice  of  valiant  lives.  Nor  of  this  expense  was 
tnere  an  end  with  the  cessation  of  actual  hostilities,  ftr  the 
hdding  of  Canada  with  its  sullen  population  would  involve 
the  nuintenance  of  forces  there  for  a  period,  the  end  of 
which  was  indetermiMible.  All  this  in  order  that  a  baker's 
dozen  of  lustjr  colonies  <m  the  Atlantic  seshoard  which 
were  unwilling  to  use  their  preponderant  resources  to  beat 
back  a  weaker  northern  foe  might  have  the  French  re- 
moved forever  from  within  striking  distance  of  their 
frontiers.  It  was  not  surprising  then,  to  find  Britons 
arguing  that  thejr  who  had  reaped  the  harvest  should  re- 
munerate the  reaper  and  that  the  thirteen  colonies  should 
bear  at  least  some  share  of  the  enormous  cost  involved. 
From  the  necessities  of  the  motherland  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  assumed  obligations  of  the  colonies  on  the  other, 
arose  the  first  measure  of  colonial  taxation  in  the  Stamp 
Act  of  1765.  This  was  the  view  of  official  Britain,  but  to 
the  colonists  iu  validitjr  was  not  apparent.  These  remem- 
bered, with  good  reason,  that  the  outpouring  of  gold  and 
treasure  which  the  war  had  involved  was  not  Britain's 
alone.  While  some  of  the  thirteen  colonies  had  contrib- 
uted little  or  nothing,  others,  for  example,  Massachusetts, 
had  in  proportion  to  population  and  resources  far  outdone 
the  motherland  in  point  of  human  and  pecuniary  sarrifice. 
So  that  the  plea  of  compensation  for  parental  sacrifice  was 
not  without  its  flaws.  Nor  was  the  claim  of  official  Britain 
that  the  colonies  should  from  motives  of  gratitude  allow 
themselves  to  be  made  contributors  to  the  rojral  exchequer 
a  wholly  valid  one.  As  Benjamin  Franklin  very  aptly  ex- 
pressed it,  if  it  was  desired  that  the  colonies  should  express 
their  gratitude  to  the  motherland  in  tangible  form,  they 
should  be  asked  to  do  so  voluntarily :  if  they  failed  to  do 
so,  then  a  proposal  to  tax  would  be  worthy  of  discussion. 
However,  the  British  authorities,  after  taking  a  year  to  sound 


CAHdDd  DUUNO  TMi  UrOLimONdkY  WM     abj 

tbc  dwtl-.  of  colonU  oppoaition,  obttinal  PiriiMmnttiT 
MBCtior.  to  the  Sump  Act.  ThU  impotwl  •  tmill  twc,  tvi- 
)hmf^M>  ^  a  wvmM  mmbp,  on  all  public  documrats,  on 
newapapm  and  on  a  few  artkks  of  commerce.    In  f«m 
the  tax  was  no  new  thing.    Stamp  ta«et  had  been  mipoaed 
in  Great  Britain  long  before  thia:  they  «ii«  «*>«•„«»• 
pi«Mntday.  Some  year>  befere  thia  time,  Govenw  Shirley, 
of  MamachtMetts,  had  tuggetted  the  imposition  of  a  stamp 
tax  aa  a  means  of  securing  funds  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
French  Wsr,  and  Shirley  at  that  time  declarwl  hia  belief 
that  the  imposition  of  such  «  tax  as  a  war  measu*^  would 
■rouse  nodangerous oppositimi.  Nor,ag»in,wv!  > ;       -Hint 
of  the  tax  m^  as  to  render  it  t^jcctionabk  «  'h    -  ..e  of 
oppressiveness.     And  the  cost  of  itt  cdlectit.       *  smaU. 
The  colonists,  then,  objected  to  the  tax  neither  on  account 
of  iu  novelty,  o^resMveness,  nor  costliness  \  they  did,  how^ 
ever,  object  to  the  principle  underiying  the  tax.     The 
home  authorities,  avowed  arbiters  in  aU  matters  of  colonial 
trade  and  commerce,  had  at  various  times  regulated  these 
in  such  way  as  to  entail  incidental  taxation^  they  had  never 
taxed  purdy  for  revenue,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  in- 
ternally or  extemaUy.    The  innovstion  was,  therefore,  not 
in  the  imposition  of  a  tax  /*r  w,  but  in  the  impositimi 
of  %  uuifir  rirnntu  furputSy  and  not  as  incidental  to  the 
regulation  of  foreign  trade. 

Opposition  to  the  tax  was  manifested  in  no  uncertain  way 
by  the  colonists}  the  mar  'nery  of  collection  could  not  be 
•et  to  work,  and  in  the  fol  ing  year  Pariiament  rec<^ized 
this  by  repealing  the  Act  iv  sing  tte  tax  (Sump  Act)  while, 
at  the  same  time,  aticring  in  general  tenns  its  theoretical 
right  to  tax  the  colonies  when  it  saw  ft.  The  whole 
matter  ,-«i^t  wcL  have  ended  there j  that  it  did  not  do  so 
was  u_'  to  shifting!!  of  British  ministerial  circles  which 
brou^^  to  the  front  Charles  Townshend,  an  avowed  friend 
of  colmiial  taxation,  and  seated  him  as  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer.  Townshend,  who  prided  himself  on  his  skill 
as  a  l<^cian,  was  illogical  enou^  to  misapprehend  tl» 


n 


I  H 


*^ 


364  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

colonial  standpoint  in  relation  to  the  Stamp  Act.     To  him 
the  colonial  objection  appeared  to  be  against  direct  taxes; 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  objection  was  fully  as  intense 
against  indirect  taxes,  provided  they  were  levied  for  revenue 
only  and  not  as  necessary  incidents  to  the  regulation  of 
foreign  trade.     Aided  by  the  influence  of  the  king,  who 
had  now  become  a  thoroughgoing  supporter  of  the  policy, 
the  new  chancellor  procured  the  passage  of  the  so-called 
Townshend  Acts  of  1767,  imposing  import  taxes  on  paper, 
glass,  colors,  tea,  and  a  number  of  other  commodities. 
Again,  there  was  a  vigorous  outcry  in  the  colonies,  and 
a  boycott  of  British  goods  was  forthwith  inaugurated.   The 
boycott  injured  British  trade;  ships  lay  idle  in  the  Thames 
and  the  British  nercantile  chuses  cried  out  almost  as  loudly 
as  the  colonists  for  the  removal  of  the  duties.     The  min- 
istry saw  plainly  that  as  revenue  measures  the  Townshend 
Acts  were  a  failure,  for  the  cost  of  collecting  the  duties 
would  probably  exceed  the  gross  revenue  derived  from  them. 
But  a  complete  backdown  was  hardly  to  be  thought  of,  so 
by  way  of  compromise,  all  the  duties  with  the  exception 
of  that  on  tea  were  withdrawn.    This  latter  seems  to  have 
been  retained  to  save  the  principle,  since,  as  a  revenue  pro- 
ducer, it  was  worth  little  or  nothing.     It  was  easy  enough 
to  tax  colonial  tea;  it  was  not  so  easy  to  compel  the  colo- 
nists to  drink  the  uxed  beverage,  as  was  shown  by  the 
rigidity  of  the  boycott  now  inaugurated.     By  exempting 
from  the  regular  British  ux  the  tea  imported  from  the  East 
for  export  to  America,  Parliament  allowed  that  article  to  be 
offered  to  the  colonists  at  a  lower  price  than  that  at  which 
it  could  be  laid  down  in  Briuin.     But  to  no  avail;  the 
colonists  were  determined  that  not  an  ounce  of  the  taxed 
commodity  should  be  landed,  and  made  good  their  decision 
by  dumping  overboard,  in  the  course  of  1 773,  a  cargo  which 
lay  in  Boston  Harbor  awaiting  an  opportunity  for  discharge. 
This  well-known  episode,  which  the  historians  of  two  con- 
tinents have  facetiously  termed  the  >>  Boston  Tea  Party," 
aroused  a  storm  of  resentment  in  Britain,  where  it  gave  rise 


CANADA  DURING  THE  REFOLUTIONART  WAR     a6s 


to  the  idea  that  Bottonians  had  come  to  know  neither  order 
nor  authority}  and  itt  occurrence  alienated  from  the  colo- 
nial cause  many  supporters  in  the  motherland.  Parliament, 
under  the  direction  of  the  North  Ministry,  was  not  slow 
to  retaliate,  in  1774,  by  a  series  of  repressive  acts,  which 
closed  the  port  of  Boston  and  took  away  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts. 

The  period  of  panive  resistance  had  closed;  that  of 
active  resistance  had  begun.  The  despatch  of  troops  and 
armed  vessels  from  En^md  to  Massachusetts  gave  oppor- 
tunities for  collisions  b^een  military  and  colonials,  one  of 
these — the  <* Boston  Massacre" — almost  precipiuted  hos- 
tilities. A  dozen  and  one  episodes  in  various  parts  showed 
the  growing  anugonism  of  the  people  of  all  the  colonies 
to  the  British  policy;  while  the  desire  of  the  colonial  authori- 
ties for  united  action  manifested  itself  in  the  assembling  of 
the  first  Continental  Congress  in  1774,  and  in  the  formation 
of  a  system  of  Committees  of  Correspondence.  By  the 
opening  of  1775,  there  seemed  to  be  no  arbiter  but  the 
sword.  Recognizing  the  great  desirability  of  Canadian 
cooperation  Congress,  in  May  of  that  year,  made  an  urgent 
appeal  to  the  inhabitants  of  Quebec  to  make  common 
cause  with  the  colonists  to  the  south. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  the  attempted  arrest  of  colo- 
nial leaders  and  the  destruction  of  colonial  stores  at  Lex- 
ington had  precipittted  the  great  strumle.  The  embatded 
farmers  of  the  Bay  Colony  had  driven  Gage  in  disorder  back 
into  Boston  where  he  now  Uy,  practically  besieged,  until 
such  time  as  reinforcements  could  be  forwarded  him  from 
Briuin.  When  these  arrived  the  attempt  was  made  to  carry 
by  assault  the  colonial  position  on  Breed's  Hill  and  Bunker 
Hill  just  across  the  harbor.  The  positions  were  taken,  but 
with  such  enormous  sacrifices  that  the  colonials  ri^tly 
claimed  a  moral  victory.  Now  that  hostilities  had  com- 
menced, the  second  Continental  Congress,  sitting  at  Phila- 
delphia, hastened  to  take  over  the  heterogeneous  force  of 
sturdy  militiamen  which  encircled  the  environs  of  Boston 


r 


! 


a66 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


and  to  place  Washington  in  command.  It  was,  indeed,  a 
fortunate  stroke,  for  the  gallant  young  Virginian  was  soon 
to  prove  himself  a  strategist  of  the  very  highest  order. 
Energetic,  shrewd,  honest,  and  unassuming,  the  rare  em- 
bodiment of  a  genius  and  a  gentleman,  he  was  destined  in 
the  next  few  years  amply  to  justify  the  hopes  reposed  in  him 
at  a  critical  time,  and  to  earn  by  his  worth  and  services  the 
lasting  love  of  a  grateful  people. 

With  Washington  in  command,  the  **  Continentals "  at 
once  assumed  the  aggressive:  it  was  decided  that  if  Cana- 
dians were  not  willing  to  be  active  friends,  they  must  needs  be 
accounted  active  foes.  And  from  a  purely  military  stand- 
point no  impartial  mind  will  question  the  soundness  of  this 
stand  at  the  time.  The  situation  of  Quebec  in  British 
hands  would  allow  the  imintemipted  despatch  of  reinforce- 
ments directly  in  rear  of  the  Continental  operations,  and  it 
was  with  full  recognition  of  the  capabilities  of  the  Lake 
Champlain  route — periiaps  with  an  overestimation  of  its 
value  bom  of  the  French  wars — that  at  the  very  outset  an 
expedition  was  sent  to  eilect  the  seizure  of  Ticonden^. 
This  usk  was  intrusted  to  an  expedition  commanded  by 
Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  who  was  joined  by  Colonel  Benedict 
Arnold,  who,  failing  to  gain  command,  because  of  the  loyalty 
of  the  troops  to  Allen,  served  bravely  as  a  volunteer.  C^le- 
ton's  available  forces  in  Canada  were  so  small  that  no  ade- 
quate measures  of  defence  could  be  underuken,  although 
the  sagacious  governor  was  not  without  full  sense  of  the 
danger  to  which  the  post  was  exposed.  Consequently, 
Ticonderoga  (May  lo,  1775)  fell  an  easy  prey,  and  the 
Continental  forces,  by  securing  possession  of  the  ancient 
warpath,  had  accomplished  an  elective  stroke,  which  was 
rendered  the  more  effective  by  the  capture  of  Crown  Point 
by  Captain  Seth  Warner  on  May  14th.  Nor  was  this  all. 
It  was  decided  that  Montreal  and  Quebec  should  be  simul- 
taneously atucked,  and  to  this  end  two  important  expedi- 
tions were  made  ready  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year. 
The  first  of  these,  under  General  Richard  Montgomery, 


wmm 


CANADA  DURING  THE  HErOLUTIONARr  WAR     267 

moved  up  to  Ticonderoga,  and  thence  along  the  Richelieu  to 
Chambly  and  St.  John's,  which  posts  were  speedily  reduced. 
The  other  force,  under  Benedict  Arnold,  proceeded  by  way 
of  the  Kennebec  and  across  the  forest  wilderness  lying  be- 
tween that  stream  and  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  was  a 
compuatively  new  route,  and  the  experience  of  the  expedi- 
tion was  not  such  as  to  justify  its  selection,  for  the  most 
severe  hafiships  were  encountered  before  the  force  managed 
to  reach  Lake  Megantic  and  descend  the  Chaudi&re  to  the 
St.  Lawrence.  Not  alone  was  the  route  difficult  in  the  late 
days  of  a  wet  autumn,  but  Arnold's  force  was  ill  equipped 
and  ill  provisioned.  The  result  was  that  when  his  com- 
mand arrived  within  striking  distance  of  Quebec,  iu  ranks 
had  been  considerably  thinned  and  an  immediate  attack  upon 
the  post  was  out  of  all  question.  And  as  Montgomery  had 
been  making  rapid  headway  toward  Montreal  it  was  decided 
to  await  his  cooperation.  In  fact,  the  original  plan  had 
contemplated  this  eventuality. 

St.  John's,  on  the  Richelieu,  which  had  been  gairisoned 
by  a  force  of  nearly  six  hundred  regulars  and  militiamen 
under  Major  Preston,  could  have  delayed  Montgomery's 
advance  very  considerably,  but  the  post  at  Chambly  in  its 
rear  was  given  up  by  its  commandant.  Major  Stopford, 
almost  without  a  struggle,  thus  compelling  Preston  to  capit- 
ulate, as  he  was  now  invested  on  aU  sides  and  without  any 
apparent  hope  of  relief.  The  way  being  clear,  Montgomery 
now  pushed  on  without  delay  to  Montrnl,  which  had  neither 
defences  nor  garrison  capable  of  withstanding  the  twenty 
odd  hundred  men  composing  the  Continental  force.  Carle- 
ton,  who  was  in  the  city,  decided  to  take  what  regulars  he 
had  and  retire  at  once  to  Quebec,  deeming  it  better  to  make 
his  stand  there.  Montreal  was  at  this  time  an  ambitious 
city  of  about  twelve  thousand  persons  and  there  were  not 
lacking  those  who  wanted  to  make  such  resistance  as  was 
possible.  But  the  French-Canadian  element  would  guar- 
antee no  support  to  any  such  project,  and  the  invading  expe- 
dition was  allowed  to  enter  the  town  on  November  12,1 775, 


'  -ij 


1\  I 


a68 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


without  oppositioii  of  any  tort.  Without  anilleiyf  troops, 
or  stores,  the  city  no  doubt  acted  wisely,  especially  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  possession  of  Quebec  and  not  of 
Montreal  was  the  true  key  to  the  situation.  Montgomery 
treated  the  inhabitants  generously  enough,  protecting  them 
in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  property.  Leaving  Wooster 
in  command  of  the  temporary  garrison  at  Montreal,  Mont- 
gomery pushed  on  down  the  river  toward  Quebec.  From 
the  Richelieu  he  had  already  sent  down  a  strong  detach- 
ment to  Sorel  with  the  intention  of  cutting  off  the  retreat 
of  Carleton  and  his  etcort.  Carleton  himself,  with  a  few 
personal  followers,  managed  to  elude  this  force,  but  Gen- 
eral Prescott  and  somewhat  more  than  one  hundred  regulars 
who  had  accompanied  him  were  taken  prisoners.  Sorel  and 
Three  Rivers  were  occupied  without  opposition  and  the 
whole  disposable  force  was  concentrated  around  Quebec. 
Both  expeditions  had  been,  however,  greatly  reduced  in 
numbers:  Arnold's,  owing  to  the  ravages  of  disease  and 
desertions,  for  one  whole  regiment  of  New  Englanders  had 
deliberately  returned  home;  Montgomery's,  owing  to  the 
necessity  of  leaving  garrisons  at  St.  John's,  Chambly,  Mon- 
treal, Three  Rivers,  and  Sorel.  It  is  doubtful  whether  at 
Quebec  the  two  leaders  were  able  to  muster  more  than 
fifteen  hundred  men  all  told.  Both  had  counted  on  acces- 
sions ftom  the  population  of  the  province,  but  very  few 
rallied  to  the  invaders'  call.  Moreover,  owing  to  the  nature 
of  the  routes  travelled,  no  siege  artillery  had  been  brought. 
Within  the  city  Carleton  had  been  able  to  concentrate  some 
few  hundred  regulars  and  over  a  thousand  militiamen,  both 
French  and  British,  together  with  a  detachment  of  marines. 
His  preparations  for  the  defence  had  been  energetically 
underuken;  all  suspicious  persons  were  thrust  from  within 
the  walls  and  provisions  laid  in  for  at  least  eig^t  months. 
Some  advantage  was  also  derived  from  the  presence  in  the 
harbor  of  a  small  British  sloop-of-war,  the  Hunter^  which 
kept  the  liver  open.  A  cleverly  devised  system  of  espionage 
kept  him  constantly  informed  of  what  was  going  on  within 


m 


\'H 


CANADA  DURING  THE  RErOLUTIONARY  ITAR     269 

the  Continental  line*,  so  that  a  surprise  was  exceedingly  diffi- 
cult.   However,  December  had  been  reached,  and  both  the 
Continental  leaden  determined  that  an  assault  was  the  only 
course  open  to  them.     It  was  decided  to  make  the  assault 
on  New  Year*fc  Day  and  the  besiegers  were  favored  by  a 
blinding  snowstomi  which  rendered  their  approach  difficult 
of  detection.    Carleton  had  been  duly  informed  of  the  plan 
by  a  deserter,  and  his  foi  ces  were  on  the  alert.     Arnold, 
with  about  six  hundred  men,  made  his  wa>  to  the  north  end 
of  the  Lower  Town.     His  troops  had  won  their  way  into 
the  city  before  Carleton,  with  a  superior  force,  managed  to 
surround  most  of  the  deuchment  and  cap    red  over  four 
hundred  of  iu  number.     Arnold  was   severely  wounded. 
Meanwhile,  Montgomery,  with  a  force  somewhat  weaker 
in  point  of  numbers,  essayed  the  more  d='  cul..  task  of  esca- 
lading  the  cliffs  at  the  soutliern  extremity  of  the  Lower 
Town;  but  the  defenders  met  his  atuck  with  coolness  and 
Ksolution.     Montgomery  was  killed,  while  his  forces  fell 
back  in  disorder.     These  two  were  the  main  atucks,  the 
demonstration  made  by  the  rest  of  the  Continent^  forces 
on  the  western  side  of  the  city  being  merely  a  feint.     In 
both  actions  the  defenders  of  the  city  had  suffered  very 
light  loss,  probably  not  more  than  twenty-five  casualties 
in  all,  whUe  the  ranks  of  the  besiegers,  thrci'gh   heavy 
losses  in  killed  and  wounded  and  through  the  surrender  of 
part  of  Arnold's  force,  had  been  reduced  to  a  few  hundred. 
As  the  invaders  showed  no  signs  of  abandoning  their  en- 
terprise, Carleton  was  urged  to  move   out   to  an  attack 
upon  them,  but   remermbering  the  De  L6vis   episode  of 
1760,  pursued  what  proved  to  be  the  wisest  course  in 
awaiting  the  arrival  of  spring  and  reinforcements.     M«n- 
while,  the  Cor.tinentals  were  reduced  to  the  sorest  straits; 
smallpox  had  brok-i  out  in  their  camp  and  carried  off 
troops  by  the  dozen.     Increasing  difficulty  was  also  found 
in  procuring  provisions,  for  the  Continentals  were  not  pro- 
vided with  specie  for  the  payment  of  supplies  an''  'nd  been, 
since  their  arrival,  issuing  Continental  paper  t         'xy  to 


1 


270         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

thf  habitants.  Ai  the  latter  coon  found  it  difficult  to  real- 
ize upon  this  paper,  their  reluctance  to  fumiih  supplies 
became  manifest.  Nor  could  Arnold  well  venture  to  pro- 
voke, by  ruthlessly  commandeering  supplies,  the  open  hos- 
tility of  the  people.  During  February  and  March  some 
slight  reinforcements  reached  the  Continental  camp  by  way 
of  Montreal,  but  this  was  mo.x  than  counterbalanced  by 
the  fact  that  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  were 
now  rallying  tc  Carleton's  assistance.  One  force  of  these, 
under  De  Beaujeu,  was  with  difficulty  restrainef*  from  an 
attempt  to  raise  the  siege.  All  things  considered.  Major- 
general  Thonus  who  had  arrived  to  take  over  the  command, 
deemed  it  best  toward  the  end  of  April  to  commence  a 
retreat,  and  his  decision  was  hastened  by  the  arrival  of  two 
British  ships  with  reinforcements  and  supplies  from  Eng- 
land. Carleton  now  took  the  offensive  and  followed  the 
retreating  Continentals  for  some  distance  up  the  St.  Law- 
rence, but  the  latter  managed  to  reach  Sorel  without  diffi- 
culty, whence  they  made  their  way  to  Crown  Point,  whither, 
in  June,  1776,  the  garrison  was  also  withdrawn  from  Mon- 
treal and  the  Richelieu  posts. 

From  every  point  of  view  the  American  expedition  against 
Canada  had  been  a  failure.  It  had  failed  in  its  main  object, 
that  of  securing  Congressional  control  over  the  province 
and  thus  preventing  the  British  nilitaiy  authorities  from 
holding  a  base  of  operations  in  America.  It  had  cost  the 
colonies  a  large  sum  at  a  time  when  their  financial  resources 
were  none  too  abundant  and  had  been  the  cause  of  no  in- 
considerable loss  of  life.  Moreover,  if  Congress  had  ever 
any  definite  hopes  in  the  way  of  winning  the  sympathies 
of  the  people  of  French  Canada,  these  had  been  most 
effectually  put  out  of  the  way  by  the  expeditions  in  ques- 
tion. The  Continental  garrisons  provoked  the  hostility  of 
the  people  to  their  cause  by  their  undisguised  want  of  re- 
spect for  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  and  their  open  con- 
tempt for  the  clergy,  whom  the  people  regarded  then,  as  now, 
with  the  most  sincere  reverence.    They  lost  the  confidence 


ii^Ks 


C4NADA  DURING  THE  REVOLUriOHARr  WAR     271 

of  the  habitants  by  their  iwue  of  worthleu  paper  money  in 
payment  for  provision*,  and  on  numerom  occasions  aroused 
vigorous  resentment  by  giving  them  illegal  certificates  for 
supplies  received}  certificates  which  the  quartermaster- 
general  of  the  forces  refused  to  recogniaw.  And  finally, 
the  results  of  the  expeditions  convinced  the  haUtantt  that 
the  offensive  strength  of  the  Continental  force*  had  been 
much  overestimated.  Denuded  of  troops  and  poorly  sup- 
ported by  the  people,  Carleton  had  been  able  to  hold  the 
province  against  a  seemingly  irresistible  force.  Now  that 
reinforcements  from  Great  Britain  were  arriving  in  lai^ 
numbers  and  plans  for  a  spirited  invasion  of  the  colonies 
themselves  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  were  being  gotten 
under  way,  it  was  easier  to  induce  the  haUtants  to  discard 
their  neutrality  for  active  support  o.'  the  authorities. 

Writers  on  the  history  of  Canada  have  too  ofte.  allowed 
their  sympathies  to  get  the  better  of  their  desire  for  histori- 
cal accuracy  in  dealing  with  the  attitude  of  the  baUtanU 
during  the  perilous  days  of  i775-»776.     To  say  that  the 
French-Canadians  loyally  supported  the  authorities  in  their 
difficult  task  of  defending  the  province  is  to  assert  what  is 
abundantly  refuted  by  indispuuble  evidence.     Carleton's 
earliest  efcrts  to  enrol  militiamen  in  the  purely  French  settle- 
mentt  were  failunrs}  his  commissioners  were  treated  with 
insolence  in  several  instances.     Saguinet,  in  his  Atmurts^ 
records  that  in  on.;  settlement  the  women  received  them  with 
a  well-directed  volley  of  stones.     Nor  were  the  governor's 
successive  attemptt  to  draft  recruits  under  the  provisions  of 
the  seigniorial  system  attended  with  succeu.    The  seigniors 
throi^cut  the  province  were  appealed  to  in  the  hope  that 
they  wouldl  rsUy  their  eeniitains  as  in  the  days  of  the  old 
regime.    Many  of  them,  fearing  tl  at  Continenttl  pouession 
of  the  province  would  bring  no  good  to  their  seigniorial  pr^ 
tensions,  promptly  responded,  but  there  arose  diificulties  of 
all  kinds  when  they  came  to  call  out  their  tenants.     These 
urged  that  the  obligation  of  military  service  had  ceased  with 
the  cessation  of  French  dominion,  and  that  they  were  now 


! 


273 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


tl 


II' 


»<1 


m 


no  longer  liable  to  it.  A  few  who  ventured  to  compel  service 
were  roughly  handled  by  their  ctnsitairts  and  compelled  to 
take  refuge  with  the  authorities.  In  spite  of  the  most  vigorous 
efforts  on  the  part  of  the  governor  and  his  friends,  the  num- 
ber of  militiamen  secured  for  the  defence  of  St.  John's  was 
considerably  less  than  a  hundred  in  all,  diiFerent  parishes 
contributing  only  from  two  to  a  half-dozen  men  apiece.  In 
his  extremity,  Carleton  had  recourse  to  the  assistance  of  the 
ecclesiastical  hierarchy,  and  not  without  response }  for  Bishop 
Briand  issued  a  mandate  during  the  summer  of  1775,  ex- 
horting the  people  in  earnest  terms  to  rally  to  the  defence 
of  their  territories.  But  although  this  mandate  was  read  v 
all  the  churches  of  the  province,  and  in  many  cases  vigor- 
ously supported  with  sermons  by  the  parish  cures,  it  had 
little  eflFect  in  producing  a  change  of  attitude.  The  fact 
was  that  the  habitant  felt  no  particular  interest  in  the  British 
possession  of  his  province;  if  the  Continentals  should  interfere 
with  their  existing  privileges,  opposition  might  be  expeaed, 
but  this  the  habitant  felt  assureid  would  not  ensue.  In  the 
meantime,  it  was  not  his  duty  to  engage  in  the  dangerous 
occupation  of  pulling  British  chestnuts  out  of  the  fire.  But 
after  the  failure  of  the  Montgomery-Arnold  incursions  there 
was  a  noticeable  change  of  attitude,  for  reasons  already 
given.  This  change  came,  however,  after  the  crisis  was 
past,  hence  it  was  shorn  of  that  advanuge  which  its  earlier 
occurrence  might  have  produced. 

That  the  province  was  preserved  to  Britain  was  due,  in 
the  first  place,  to  the  natural  strategic  advantages  which  the 
country  possessed  in  a  winter  campaign.  But,  next  to  this, 
the  credit  must  be  given  to  Governor  Carleton,  whose 
indomitable  energy  and  perseverance  under  the  most  dis- 
couraging conditions  aroused  and  nuintained  an  enthusiasm 
among  his  scant  forces  which  did  much  to  secure  the  actual 
outcome.  It  was  in  full  recognition  of  this  that  the  crown 
conferred  upon  him  the  honor  of  knighthood. 

After  the  evacuation  of  Canada, — ^June  18,  1776^— 
the  control  of  the   Lake  Champlain  region  secured  the 


Letter  of  Benedict  Amold,  dated  November  18,  I77S>  "Tothe  in- 
habitants of"  Point  Levi."  From  the  original  in  the  Chattau  de  Ramexay, 
Montreal. 


f 


|l! 


I 


CJUIdDJI  DUUMO  m  HirOLUTJOMMr  WM     173 

Conttmnttls  for  the  ttnt  beiiw  fiom  the  poMibUitjr  of  MitUen 
tttack  oa  the  pert  of  anjr  expention  opetattng  from  the  north. 
Congren,  dwrtly  eftmrard,  hitd  dnwn  up  end  aMented 
to  the  Decbration  of  Iiidepciidence  on  July  4f  »776'    ''**»« 
Contincnttl  nep  of  BoMon  had  become  to  rigorouf  that 
the  British  were  obliged  to  evacuate  the  city  and  move  off 
to  Halifiuc.   But  thia  move  turned  out  to  be  but  preliminary 
to  a  more  important  ttroke«— the  poaaetiion  of  New  York. 
Boeton,  u  both  tides  fully  recognised,  had  little  stiategic 
value  as  compared  with  New  York,for  the  bmer  commanded 
one  extremity  of  the  Hudaoni  and  the  ponesuMi  of  the 
Hudson  from  mouth  to  source  by  the  British  forces,  could 
dttt  be  achieved,  would  have  split  the  colmues  asunder  and 
prevented  two  important  sections  from  assisting  each  other. 
The  whde  fdurce  under  Lcrd  Howe  then  proceeded,  in  the 
summer  of  1776,  to  Long  Island,  where  Washington's  re- 
sources did  not  permit  him  to  oficr  any  tan^ble  opposition 
to  their  Unding.     By  a  clever  nig^t  march  the  Continental 
positions  on  the  isbuid  were  outflanked,  and  Howe  in  a  few 
days  found  himself  in  possession  of  the  city,  Washington 
withdrawing  up  the  river,  whence  he  was  |»omptly  dislodged 
and  Knt  in  full  retreat  down  through  New  Jersey  and  across 
the  Delaware,  with  Howe  in  full  punuit.     But  the  shrewd 
Virginian  wu  not  to  be  brousht  to  bay.     Outgeneralling 
Comwallis,  who  was  Howe's  ablest  subordinate,  at  Trenton 
and  Princeton,  Washington  mani^ed  to  recross  the  Dela- 
ware and  gain  Morristown  Heig^,  a  ca|Htal  position  for 
winter  quarters  and  one  that  was  within  striking  distance 
of  the  Hudson. 

Althou^  by  these  operations  the  British  had  secured  one 
end  of  the  Hudnn  line.  Sir  Guy  Carieton,  to  whom  had 
been  intrusted  the  task  of  securing  the  upper  end  at  Lake 
Champlain,  had  not  been  so  fortunate.  A  fleet  had  been 
equipped  for  operation  un  Lake  Champlain,  and  the  mas- 
tery of  its  waters  was  secured,  whereupon  the  Colonials 
blew  up  Crown  Point  and  concentrated  their  forces  at 
Ticondonga.    It  was  the  intention  of  the  home  authorities 


M 


•74         C4N4D4  AND  BRlTttH  NOMTH  JMMtCJ 

that  Carieton  should  Mcure  poMnsion  of  this  fon,  but  the 
delays  he  encountered  in  driving  the  Continentals  from  the 
lake  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  attempt  this  before 
winter  had  set  in.  For  this,  Carieton  was  not  altogether 
to  blame.  His  task  was  a  difficult  one,  and  his  resources 
in  the  wajr  of  troops  were  not  so  adequate  as  they  might 
have  been.  Still,  on  Carleton's  shoulders  fell  the  brunt  of 
official  displeasure)  and  it  was  decided  thtt  he  should  be 
superseded  by  General  Burgovne,  who  had  assisted  him 
during  the  disappointing  operations.  Very  pre  Tly  regard- 
ing this  as  an  injustice,  Carieton  asked  to  be  t^.teved  of 
his  military  command,  a  request  which  was  promptly  ac- 
ceded to  by  the  military  authorities.  In  view  of  Sir  Guy 
Carleton's  valuable  services  in  the  defence  of  the  province, 
this  treatment  was  fiu*  from  generous.  That  he  had  not 
made  the  very  most  of  his  opportunities  in  the  operations 
around  Lake  Champlain  nuy  bie  readilv  enou^  admitted,  but 
if  every  British  general  who  operated  in  the  Revolutionary 
War  had  been  peremptorily  superseded  on  the  first  mani- 
fesution  of  inability  or  disability,  there  would  have  been 
a  kaleidoscopic  shifting  of  commands  such  as  the  historian 
would  have  found  it  difficult  to  follow. 

The  plan  of  campaign  nnapped  out  for  1777  was  an 
ambitious  one,  having  for  its  objective  the  possession  of 
the  whole  Hudson  valley  from  Lake  Champlain  to  the  sea. 
To  this  end,  Burgoynr,with  a  force  of  over  three  thousand 
men,  was  to  descend  the  lake,  capture  Ticonderoga  and 
proceed  southward  to  the  Hudson  and  Albany.  A  force 
under  St.  Leger  was  to  cross  from  Oswego  along  the  Mo- 
hawk valley  and  effect  a  junction  with  Burgoyne  at  Albany  j 
while  from  New  York,  Howe  was  to  send  an  expedition 
up  the  river  to  the  same  point.  Thus  was  the  Hudson  to 
**.  f'y*?*  ^y  *'**  ^^i**  converging  expeditions.  Abundant 
criticism  has  been  heaped  on  this  plan,  h  had  its  main 
defect,  no  doubt,  in  that  it  failed  to  reckon  w?rh  the  difficulty 
of  mainuining  communication  between  converging  forces 
operaring  in  a  country  where  the  popularion  was  thoroughly 


V 


ClNdDd  DUMHO  THM  UrOLUTiONJUr  WAk     t^l 

hoMile.  But  that  this  diflcuky  is  not  an  insupcraMt  mm, 
the  doughty  old  victor  of  Sadowa  and  Sedan  uibMqucatljr 
demonttrated  in  a  convincing  manner.  The  chief  cause  of 
its  failure  it  to  be  found  not  to  much  in  the  conception  of  the 
plan,  as  in  the  neglect  of  Howe  to  carry  out  hit  part  of  it 
properly,  and  this  again  was  diw,  in  the  main,  to  pp'pabk 
blundering  of  those  in  authority  at  home.  Setting  out  in 
July,  Burgovne  made  rapid  headway  i  by  a  clever  stroke  a 
strong  position  near  Ticonderoga  was  seised,  and  the  Cmiti- 
nental  garrison  evacuated  the  stronghold  without  dehy  and 
fell  backtoward  Albany.  Burgoyne  descended  the  lake  un- 
opposed, but  when  he  headed  overiand  toward  Albany  his 
dificulties  beg»n  to  assume  formidable  proportions.  A  heavy 
bagpige  train  delayed  his  movements,  whUe  his  flanks  bepui 
tobeseverely  harassed  by  gathering  Colonials.  To  protect 
his  left  flank  he  detached  a  strong  force  of  Hessians  under 
Baum,but  these  were  neatly  entrapped  at  Bennington,  August 
i6, 1777.  On  his  front  he  was  opposed  by  General  Gates, 
who  was  periups  the  least  competent  commander  whom  the 
Continentals  possessed,  and  who,  for  political  reasons,  had 
been  substituted  for  Schuyler.  But  Gates's  incompetence 
was  amply  compensated  for  by  the  brilliancy  of  his  subor- 
dinates, among  whom  Benedict  Arnold  was  not  the  least 
prominent.  Unable  to  protect  either  his  flanks  or  his  rear, — 
for  the  mobile  Continentals  had  intercepted  his  communica- 
tions with  Ticonderoga, — Burgoyne  essayed  to  push  through 
by  sheer  force  to  Albany.  But  he  failed  absolutely  to  pierce 
the  Continental  positions  t  Freeman's  Farm,  and,  unable 
to  fall  back  was  forced  tc  surrender  to  the  enemy,  who 
now  outnumbered  him  at  least  three  to  one.  By  the  Con- 
vention of  Saratoga  (October  16,  1777)  his  vhole  force 
became  prisoners  of  war,  and  the  Continentals  remained  in 
full  possession  of  the  upper  Hudson.  St.  Leger  had  en- 
countered opposition  which  prevented  his  getting  through 
the  Mohawk  valley  and  was  forced  to  retire  on  Oswego. 
Howe,  at  New  York,  feeling  from  Burgoyne's  early  suc- 
cesses that  his  progress  through  to  Albany  was  assured,  set 


"(j 


276  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

off  with  the  bulk  of  his  force  to  effisct  the  capture  of  Phila- 
delphia, then  the  colonial  capital,  leaving  Clinton  to  secure  the 
lower  Hudson.  Clinton  sent  a  belated  expedition  up  the  river 
only  to  learn  that  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne's  force  had 
already  become  a  matter  of  history.  In  his  campaign  against 
Philadelphia,  Howe  was  more  or  less  successful.  Wash- 
it^on  was  atucked  near  Brandywine  Creek,  and  chieHy 
through  a  brilliant  flank  movement,  executed  by  Comwallis, 
— the  only  British  officer  during  the  war  who  came  within 

even  measurable  distance  of  Washington  as  a  tactician, 

was  driven  back  and  forced  through  Germantown  to  win- 
ter quarters  at  VaUey  Forge.  Philadelphia  was  occupied 
(September  27, 1777)  amid  much  enthusiasm.  But  to  little 
end.  Apart  from  the  sentimental  advantage  accruing  from 
the  capture  of  the  enemy's  capital,  its  possession  gave  much 
worry  and  little  gain.  Consequently,  when  Howe,  weary 
of  the  carpings  of  those  at  home,  who,  not  without  some 
justice,  held  him  responsible  for  the  disaster  at  Saratoga, 
gave  up  his  command  to  Clinton,  the  latter  recognized  the 
advisability  of  an  immediate  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  and 
a  retirement  on  New  York.  And  this  Clinton  managed 
to  accomplish  in  the  summer  of  1778  with  considerable 
difficulty.  There  is  little  doubt  that  had  Washington  been 
properly  served  by  these  immediately  under  him,  the  iwire- 
ment  might  have  resulted  very  disastrously  for  the  British 
force. 

The  year  1778  likewise  saw  the  introduction  of  a  new 
phase  of  the  conflict.  France,  which  up  to  this  time,  had 
maintained  an  outward  n  wtrality, — running  as  near  the 
line  of  open  rupture  as  was  possible,— now  became  an  open 
ally  of  the  revolted  colonies,  this  action  being  one  of  the 
results  of  the  surrender  at  Saratoga.  And  from  this  point 
until  the  end  of  the  war  the  assistance  of  Fiance,  especially 
at  sea,  was  of  inestimable  value  to  the  Continental  cause. 
It  was  the  temporary  control  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard  in 
the  south  by  the  French  fleet  which  enabled  Washington 
to  make  his  memorable  sweep  from  the  Hudson  to  the 


H 


CANADA  DURING  THE  RSrOLUTIONARr  WAR     lyj 

James,  and  thus  to  entrap  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown;  for 
Britain  the  crowning  disaster  of  the  whole  war.  It  was 
felt  in  some  quarters  that  the  entry  of  France  into  the  strug- 
gle would  be  a  decisive  fitctor  in  influencing  the  French 
population  of  Canada  to  make  common  cause  with  the  vic- 
torious Continentals.  Had  France  sided  with  the  colonists 
at  the  outset  of  the  conflict,  this  outcome  would  not  have 
been  impossible  or  even  improbable.  For  the  habitant  had 
lost  little  of  his  old  sympathies  in  the  decade  and  a  half  which 
had  passed  since  the  Jleur-de-lis  left  the  walls  of  Quebec. 
But  as  far  as  Canada  was  concerned,  the  crisis  had  been 
passed  when  the  remnants  of  the  Arnold-Montgomery  ex- 
peditions withdrew  within  the  ramparts  of  Crown  Point :  the 
entry  of  France  into  the  struggle  at  this  late  date  produced 
little  effect  on  the  people  of  the  province. 

The  dangers  of  1 775-1 776  had  so  fully  burdened  the 
energies  of  the  authorities  that  little  opportunity  was  given 
for  that  political  reorganization  for  which  the  Quebec  Act 
of  1774  had  provided.  And  it  was  the  spring  of  1777 
before  the  first  sitting  of  the  new  L^slative  Council  pro- 
vided by  the  Act  was  held.  Its  first  duties  consisted  mainly 
in  reorganizing  the  judicial  system  of  the  country,  for  the 
revival  of  the  old  French  Civil  Code  had  rendered  this 
necessary.  The  ^stem  of  courts  was  remodelled  and 
provision  oude  that  in  every  case  of  importance,  an  appeal 
might  be  made  to  the  Legislative  Council  or  a  committee 
of  not  less  than  five  of  its  number  appointed,  if  necessary, 
to  try  the  cause.  The  greatest  difficulty  was,  however, 
found  in  making  matters  run  smoothly.  Naturally  enough, 
the  judges  chosen  were  of  British  descent,  for  the  authori- 
ties codd  as  yet  hardly  be  expected  to  intrust  the  whole 
administration  of  civil  justice  to  others.  And  Britons  on 
the  bench  soon  became  hopelessly  lost  in  the  intricacies 
of  the  French  system. 

It  was  at  this  point,  too,  that  the  province  was  deprived 
of  Carieton's  guiding  hand;  his  successor  being  General 
Frederick  Haldimand.     Haldimand  was  a  Swiss  by  birth. 


•<li 


w 


m 


278  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  IfORTH  AMERICA 

but  bad  spent  most  of  his  years  in  the  British  army  and  had 
served  with  considerable  distinction  in  the  Seven  Years' 
War.  It  is  said  that  he  expected  a  command  in  America 
during  the  early  part  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  but  in  this 
he  was  disappointed,  having  been  sent  to  the  West  Indies 
instead.  Thence,  in  1777,  he  was  appointed  to  the  gov- 
ernorship of  Quebec,  but  found  it  impossible  to  assume  his 
duties  until  the  following  year,  so  that  Carleton  was  obliged 
to  remain  in  the  province  until  the  summer  of  1778.  This 
he  did  out  of  pure  fidelity  to  duty  and  with  little  heart,  for  he 
was  thoroughhr  convinced  that  the  minister  then  in  charge 
of  cjlonial  aflairs,  Lord  George  Germain,  was  striving  to 
render  his  task  as  irksome  as  possible.  On  his  return  to 
England,  Carleton  published  a  defence  of  his  administration. 
In  which  he  showed  in  a  convincing  manner  the  magnitude 
of  the  difficulties  with  which  he  had  had  to  contend. 

Haldimand's  appointment  was  a  striking  example  of  the 
dangers  involved  in  *<  swapping  horses  while  crossing  a 
stream,"  for  he  reached  the  province  when  a  second  in- 
vasion was  not  beyond  the  range  of  possibilities,  in  which 
event  Carleton's  resources  and  prestige  with  the  people 
would  have  been  invaluable  in  meeting  such.  Still,  Haldi- 
mand  was  far  from  a  weakling;  and  while  he  had  neither 
the  tact  nor  resource  of  his  predecessor,  his  bluff  courage 
and  unswerving  determination  in  all  things  did  much  to 
compensate  therefor.  In  fact,  it  is  this  unbending  stern- 
ness which  knew  no  compromise  with  opposition  which  ha* 
earned  him  from  several  writers  the  appellation  of  a  guber- 
natorial tyrant  who  knew  no  law  but  military  force,  and  no 
method  of  effecting  tranquillity  save  by  repression.  Thus, 
it  has  been  charged  that  he  imprisoned  citizens  by  the 
hundred  on  the  merest  'suspicion  of  disloyalty,  and  that 
innocence  was  no  protection  against  the  whisperings  of  hit 
spies  who  carried  their  surveillance  into  every  walk  of  life. 
But  an  examination  of  the  papers  left  by  the  governor  and 
comprised  in  the  comprehensive  Haldimand  collection,  now 
in  the  Archives  at  Otuwa,  will  show  that  for  most  of  hit 


CANADA  DURING  THE  RSFOLUTIONARr  WAR     279 

acts  the  governor  had  wund  reasons.  Especially  after  the 
entry  of  France  into  the  struggle  it  was  impossible  to  be 
certain  who  were  or  who  were  not  really  dangerous  in  the 
province,  and  the  officials  were  probably  justified  in  making 
watchfulness  the  handmaid  of  security.  When  it  is  re- 
membered that  not  a  single  suspect — and  there  were  many 
whose  treason  was  beyond  question — suffered  execution, 
and  that  very  few  were  detained  in  custody  more  than  a 
few  months,  one  may  well  conclude  that  Haldimand's 
"tyranny"  consisted  in  little  more  than  a  justifiable  policy 
of  nipping  sedition  before  it  ripened  into  treason.  The 
main  accusations  against  him,  especially  those  of  Du  Calvet, 
a  meddling  Huguenot  colonist,  have  been  quite  discredited, 
for  there  is  indisputable  evidence  to  show  that  this  fellow 
himself  was  traitorous;  having  abetted  the  cause  of  the 
revolted  colonies  in  every  way. 

Haldimand  was  impressed  with  the  danger  of  another 
Continental  invasion  of  the  province,  and  it  was  his  aim  to 
strengthen  all  the  frontier  postt  as  far  as  his  resources  would 
permit.     The  post  at  Niagara  was  made  especially  strong, 
and  from  that  point  the  famous  Butler  Rangers,  with  their 
Indian  allies,  under  Chief  Joseph  Brant,  ravaged  the  colonial 
frontiers  with  more  zeal  than  the  necessities  of  the  case 
demanded.     But  the  operations  achieved  their  purpose  of 
compelling  Washington  to  divert  a  portion  of  his  forces 
to  the  task  of  defending  the  Pennsylvanian  and  Virpnian 
frontiers.     To  this  detachment  fell  the  usk  of  devastating 
the  territories  of  the  Iroquois,  who,  under  the  influence 
of  Brant,  had  been  induc-d  '  i  lend  support  to  Butler's  opera- 
tions.    A  good  deal  of  nonsense  has  been  said  and  written 
with  respect  to  the  British  policy  of  employing  savages  in  the 
Revolutionary  War.   Many  American  writers  have  been  un- 
sparing in  their  vituperation  on  this  point;  it  has  remained, 
however,  for  one  of  the  most  gifteu  of  their  number,  the 
erudite  and  many-sided  Fiske,  to  show  that  the  authorities 
of  Congress  sought  savage  alliances  with  as  much  zeal, 
but  with  less  success  than  the  agents  of  the  British  crown. 


fl 


m 


ato  CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

to  fl***"  »*"'«''  ^he  .crvice.  of  Indian,  in  her  campaun., 
£cau,c  tft;r  '«««.^«  *'«  h"  colonic,  it  wafSy 
ways,  gave  her  this  advantage;  it  was  not  because  her 
tTer  oZ       '"  ^*T  •"^'^"°'-     Taken  a.  a  whokX  fro„. 

WsTiraSr'""'  ^"*'"5  *''"'™"*'  ca«sed'enor;:;s 
losses  of  life  and  property  under  the  most  harrowing  cir- 
cumstances,  while  they  brought  meagre  retumsTie  wly 
of  credit  or  advantage  to  either  pamT  ^ 

The  surrender  at  Yorktown,  on  October  lo   1781   vJ, 
tually  ended  the  conflict  as  far 'as  America  w^^^^^Sl^^JJ" 

w  th  Oreat  Bntam  save  with  the  consent  of  their  French 

now  Saf  the^;j"  """'""^  ''''  "•*  ""«  F"^«^ 
RriT,:!    !      L    °'°"'*'  ''*'*  irretrievably  lost  to  Great 

^oZLTH  "T'°"'  .'^^  ^°^"^  »^«  western  S 
tones  m  the  hope  that  territorial  recompe^^  for  her  aid  in 

flnX  '"'«''^»*»T  5^  ^'     fi«  *«  rcestablishmem  o? 

htUe  but  revengeful  satisfaction  and  a  huge  debt  foi^heJ 
•hare  in  the  struggle.  By  the  Treaty  of  Versailles  sLn^ 
^^^Z^  k  ^783.  Great  Briuin  definitely  «df3^ 
^<^.zed  the  mdependence  of  her  thirteen  former  colS 

^  whiS?n  .K  ^  "'"^  independent  Sutes  in  the  course 
of  which  all  the  regions  south  of  the  Great  Lakes,  indud^ 
the  Ohio  valley,  were  handed  over  to  the  latter  f  he  no«J! 
«.tem  boundary  was  defined  with  inexcSle  T^eS^^ 
permitting,  in  later  years,  a  series  of  dispute,  whiclEX' 
coun  nes  concerned  to  the  brink  of  open  ™pture  The  Bn^! 
»h  plenipotentaries  strove  hard  to  s^ure  f^m  the  colon"L 


!  ■■ 


wtm 


CAHADA  DURING  THB  REFOLUTIONART  WAR     281 

that  the  failure  of  Great  Briuin  to  put  down  the  Revo- 
lution would  allow  colonial  wrath  to  be  visited  upon  them 
relentlessly.  But  the  agents  of  Congress  would  give  no 
more  than  a  hollow  promise  that  this  body  would  use  its 
influence  with  the  different  States  to  treat  the  Tories,  or 
♦'United  Empire  Loyalists,"  as  they  are  known  in  British 
history,  with  some  consideration.  Indeed,  to  have  done 
more  would  have  been  an  unwarranted  assumption  of  au- 
thority on  the  part  of  Congress,  for  its  control  over  the 
Sutes  was  at  this  time  a  very  precarious  one.  So  the  Tories, 
on  the  conclusion  of  peace,  received  little  mercy;  despoiled 
of  their  property  and  sometimes  in  actual  danger  of  their  lives, 
their  only  alternative  was  emigration.  Canada  was  destined 
indirectly  to  profit  by  their  persecution.  In  the  United 
Empire  Loyalists  who  flocked  across  the  borders  during  the 
years  following  the  conclusion  of  peace  are  to  be  found  the 
true  pioneers  of  Ontario,  the  premier  province  of  the  present 
Dominion;  while  in  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick  the 
Loyalist  influx  gave  a  timely  impetus  to  sluggish  provincial 
development.  To  British  Canada  and  to  the  development 
of  British  Canadian  character  the  Loyalists  were  what  the 
Puritans  were  to  New  England.  In  the  crucible  of  persecu- 
tion was  generated  a  grim  determination  to  hold  to  cherished 
principles  even  at  the  cost  of  hearth  and  home. 


f 


■     i\ 


\   1 

) 


I 


sStL,^.^ 


'•! 


1 
mi 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  CONSTITUTIOlfAL  GOFERN- 
MEN%  i774-t79' 

Thi  dose  of  the  war  in  1783  gave  the  authorities  of 
Canada  an  opportunity  to  turn  their  attention  to  the  affiura 
of  civil  government,  for  during  the  course  of  the  last  eight 
or  nine  years,  while  the  provisions  of  the  Quebec  Act  lad 
been  in  force,  the  civil  and  judicial  administrations  of  the 
province  had  not  been  organized  with  such  thoroughness. as 
to  render  their  smooth  working  possible.  But  even  the 
demand  for  perfecting  the  machinery  of  government  had  to 
go  unsatisiieid,  while  arrangementt  for  the  settlement  and 
care  of  the  Loyalisu  enga^  the  energies  of  those  in  official 
places.  From  the  very  outset  of  the  struggle,  Canada  had 
received  some  accessions  in  the  way  of  emigrant  Tories,  but 
these  were  not  considerable.  It  was  during  the  years  1783 
and  1784  that  the  real  influx  came,  and  in  a  way  that  taxed 
the  resources  of  those  vihotit  duty  it  was  to  give  the  new- 
comers places  in  their  adopted  province;  for  instructions 
had  been  issued  that  out  of  the  ungranted  lands  of  the  prov- 
ince abundant  provision  was  to  be  made  for  all  who  came. 
In  this  matter  Haldimand  showed  his  usual  zeal;  new 
townships  were  surveyed  along  the  upper  St.  Lawrence  and 
in  the  vicinity  of  its  junction  with  Lake  Ontario.  Around 
Kingston  and  the  Bay  of  Quinte,  huge  numbers  of  those 
Tories  who  had  actively  taken  up  arms  on  behalf  of  the 
mother  country  during  the  war— Butler's  Rangers  and  other 

283 


■  m 


H 


al4  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

like  corp«-_were  given  allotmenu,  whUe  others  were  icat- 
tered  weitward  M  far  m  the  Detroit  diitrict.    Nova  Scotia, 
New  BruMwick,  and  Cape  Breton  Island  alio  received  and 
provided  for  their  large  quotas  with  commendable  alacrity. 
Quebec  proper  received  a  few  thousand,  who  took  up  lands 
«t  various  poinu.    At  the  outset,  the  idea  that  Canada  was  a 
nuhuiy  province  without  constitutional  government  deterred 
many  from  migraung  from  their  homes  in  the  various  States, 
but  the  glowing  reports  of  the  earliest  arrivals  as  to  their 
reception  and  treatment,  as  well  as  of  satisfactory  political 
conditions  soon  brought  over  larger  numben.    Mosrof  the 
Loyalists  came  either  by  sea  to  the  Maritime  Provinces,  or 
by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  and  the  RicheUeu  to  the  St.  Law- 
rence.   Those  from  New  York  came,  for  the  most  part,  by 
way  of  Oswego  and  across  the  lake;  those  from  PMniyt 
vania  and  the  south  trekked  overland  to  Niagara  or  Detroit. 
But,  no  matter  what  the  route,  the  journey  was  not  with- 
out  bitter  pnv«ions  and  hardships^  and  history  affords,  in 

citJSiyr.;^  '""*"'"  °'  '"''^'"" ""'  •»'*'•'''?•  - 

How  many  Loyalists  left  the  thirteen  colonies  for  Canada 
dunng  and  after  the  war,  it  is  not  easy  to  estimate.    Some 

hundred  thousand,  which  is  much  too  high.  Half  that 
number  wouW,  in  fact  be  a  figure  erring,  if  anytLng,  on 
the  side  of  liberality.  It  was,  however,  not  alone  their  dum- 
ber but  their  sterhng  character  which  rendered  them  unique 
among  immigrants;  for  the  Loyalists  were  drawn  from  ihe 
best  element  among  the  population  of  the  thirteen  colonies. 
Ueiprmen,  lawyers,  physicians,  men  of  business  and  skill 
m  the  arts,  were  found  among  them  in  strikingly  large 
numbers;  the  whole  general  average  of  education  and  cid- 
ture  was  hopefully  high.  Immediately  on  their  arrival  in 
Canada,  the  immigrantt  were  met  by  government  officials, 
who  gave  them  their  allotments,  together  with,  in  most 
cases,  a  supply  of  implements  and  seed.  Cattle  were  Uke- 
wise,  m  many  cases,  bestowed  upon  the  new  settlers,  and 


ii 


CONSnTUTlONM  OOrHtNMMNTt  i774-mi      285 

where  neceeawy,  governmem  rations  were  wnred  out  until 
they  became  self-supporting.  A  royal  commission  investi- 
gated the  claims  of  those  whose  properties  had  been  cmifis- 
cated  by  the  revolted  Sutes,  and  distributed  among  those 
who  proved  their  sutements  compensation  amounting  to 
over  fifteen  million  doUars.  Hardship,  however,  did  not 
end  -vith  settlement,  for  thousands  of  the  Loyalists,  reared 
in  comparative  luxury,  found  the  task  of  subduing  the  wil- 
derness both  difficult  and  discouraging.  Nor  was  nature 
always  kind.  In  1 788,  the  crops  fiuled  in  many  parts  of 
the  British  provinces,  and  the  bitter  privation  wh'ch  ensued 
has  caused  iu  memory  to  come  down  in  Canadian  history 
as  the  *•  Hungry  Year."  But  the  stubborn  persistency  of 
these  pioneers  enabled  them,  in  due  course,  to  turn  mis- 
fortune into  success.  A  series  of  bountiful  harvesu  gave 
the  settlements  an  air  of  prosperity}  churches  and  school- 
houses  benn  to  rise,  the  log  shack  gave  place  to  the  commo- 
dious dwelling,  and  the  bitter  fig^t  for  the  necessaries  of  life 
gave  way  to  comparative  comfort,  if  not  opulence.  It  was  the 
sons  and  mndsons  of  these  men  who  during  181 2-1 815 
defended  Canada  from  the  onslaughu  of  foreign  foes,  and 
who  carried  her  safely  through  the  internal  disorders  of  1837. 
Their  descendants  have  contributed  in  unusual  proportion 
to  the  soldiers,  sutesmen,  and  scholars  of  the  Dominion. 
To  be  the  descendant  of  a  United  Empire  Loyalist  is  an 
honor  reverently  and  deservedly  treasured  by  those  Canadians 
who  enjoy  that  high  privilege  at  the  present  day. 

The  Loyalist  influx  was  indeed  the  nuking  of  Upper 
Canada,  but  in  regard  to  the  lower  province  the  aftermath 
of  the  war  was  of  a  different  nature.  Among  the  French- 
Canadians  the  failure  of  the  British  authorities  to  crush  the 
Revolution  engendered  a  feeling  of  distrust  in  the  military 
powers  of  Great  Briuin;  the  prestige  won  at  Quebec  in 
1759  was  ruthlessly  dissipated  in  the  habitanfi  mind  by 
the  disasters  of  Saratoga  and  Yorktown.  There  were  not 
wanting  those  who  firmly  believed  that,  had  France  insisted 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  Canada  would  have  been  icttored 


« 


at6         CASJD4  JND  BUriSH  NORTH  AMMRICJ 

to  her.  ThoK  who  enteruined  any  tuch  vkw,  however, 
overlooked  the  fact  that  the  victorioui  colonies  on  the  aai' 

tS^r  f  "  u"  '»!*"'••«"»««  «o  "ything  of  the  kind. 
Haldimand  could  not  fatl  to  notice  this  ■entiment,  and  many 
of  hi.  apparently  arbitrary  acts  were  dictated  by  a  knowl- 

with  which  he  had  to  deal  about  this  time  wa*  in  regard  to 
the  W,rj^«  procedure.   A.  this  procedure  wa«  unlnown 
to  French  hw  there  waa  some  doubt  whether  it  had  been 
authorized  bv  that  provision  in  the  Quebec  Act  of  1774. 
which  extended  the  criminal  law  of  England  into  the  prov- 
ince.    During  the  course  of  the  war  the  procedure  was  not 
countenanced,  but  now  resort  to  it  was  permitted  with  the 
full  concurrence  of  the  governor.     This  and  various  other 
incidents  serve  to  show  that  Haldimand  was  far  from  being 
the  vice-regal  despot  which  historians  of  French  CanaiU 
hsve  too  often  tried  to  paint  him.     That  he  was  guUty  of 
impnsomng,  without  reason,  aU  who  ventured  to  criticise 
lus  policy  IS  a  charge  which  does  a  well-meani«g  and  able 
admmistrator  a  rank  injustice.    He  was  placed  in  a  difScult 
situation^hat  of  administering  a  dependency  with  a  not 
too  friendly  population  at  a  time  when  the  mother  countnr 
was  deep  m  the  slough  of  humiliation.     It  was  his  fate  to 
serve  under  the  worst  minister— with  perhaps  a  single  ex- 
cepoon— who  ever  undertook  to  guide  the  destinies  of  Great 
Bntam,  and  the  marvel  is  not  that  he  held  the  colony  firm 
m  Its  allegiance,  but  that  he  kept  it  out  of  the  wide  vortex 
of  strife  which  the  home  authorities  by  their  blundering 
Sed  hLlf.  P""P*^'*'»''*'*^"  the  slightest  opportunitj 

Haldimand  went  home  to  England  in  1785,  and  for 
nearly  a  year  a  suitable  successor  was  not  found.  For  a 
ame  it  seemed  as  if  Haldimand  would  return  to  the  colony. 
However,  during  the  summer  of  1786,  the  position  Was 
.ccepted  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  lately  created  Lord  D^ 
cliester.  The  reappointment  of  Dorchester  was  hailed 
enthusiastically  by  the  colonists,  who  retained  favorable 


coNsnruTtoNdL  oorMMMun,  1774-iw     ^%^ 

recollection  of  hit  enemr  and  tut.  During  tlw  interim, 
Hon.  Henry  Hamilton,  Bad  acted  aa  adminwtntor,  and  it 
was  during  bis  tenure  of  the  pott  tiiat  the  Habeas  Corpus 
Act  was  incorporated  into  the  statute  law  of  the  province. 
This  measure  met  with  general  approval,  althou^  it  was 
for  a  time  proposed  to  exemfK  religious  communities  com- 
posed wholly  of  females  from  its  operations,  a  proposal 
which,  however,  was  dropped  with  the  approval  of  those 
most  immediately  concemeid. 

The  first  few  years  of  Dorchester's  admiiustration  were 
uneventful  and  in  strange  contrast  with  the  stormy  years 
of  his  first  governorship.  Unlike  his  predecessors,  he  was 
placed  at  tbte  bead  of  administration,  not  alone  in  Canada 
proper,  but  in  the  nuuritime  provinces  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
New  Brunswick  as  well.  The  governors  of  these  provinces 
had  heretofore  held  themselves  directly  responsible  to  the 
home  government  {  henceforth  they  took  the  title  of  lieu- 
tenant-governor and  exncised  their  functions  under  the 
supervision  of  the  governor-general)  a  change  which  made 
for  uniformity,  ^ong  with  Dorchester  had  come  out  to 
the  colony  a  new  chief  justice  in  the  person  of  William 
Smith.  Smith  had  been  a  denizen  of  New  Yor4c  bef<»e  the 
F-  >Iutionary  War,  and  after  some  dilatoriness  had  taken 
side  with  the  Loyalists.  The  statement  of  American  bia- 
torians  is  to  the  effect  that  he  waited  until  1778  to  see  how 
the  fortunes  of  war  woul<*  jo  before  making  bis  decision  ( 
but  at  any  rate  be  found  himself  at  the  close  of  the  war 
compelled  to  leave  the  cdonies.  Returning  to  England  he 
formed  a  friendship  with  Carleton,  who  now,  apparently, 
recommended  him  for  the  post  of  chief  justice.  Smith  had 
high  ideas  of  the  supremacy  of  English  law,  with  the  result 
that  some  of  his  decisions  considerably  disturbed  the  pre- 
vailing legal  ideas.  In  fact,  the  legal  system  of  the  country, 
even  before  his  arrival,  was  far  from  being  satisfactory,  for 
the  lines  which  soi^^  to  delimit  the  respective  sphnes 
of  English  and  French  law  were  very  vaguely  drawn. 
The  judges  followed  one  or  the  other  system  as  the  equity 


iH 


CANdDd  dND  BUTttH  HOUTH  4MBUCA 

ofthecawMemedtowamiit.  Smith't  attitude  in  no  drnw 
mitigated  thia,  and  then  waa  an  incnaaing  compfaunt^MB 
all  tides.  The  attomejr-Mneral,  Monk,  lent  his  assistance 
to  those  who  complained  most  loudljr,  and  Oiief  Justice 
SmiUi  was  commissioned  to  conduct  an  inquiry  into  the 
administration  of  justice  with  a  view  to  recommending  im- 
provement.  A  great  deal  of  contradictory  testimony  was 
hnrd  in  which  diiivrent  witneMes  attacked  the  character 
and  conduct  of  some  of  the  judges.  That  the  existing 
•yttem  was  more  or  less  unsatisftctonr  was  abundantly 
proved)  how  much  more  or  how  much  less  was  not  so 
clearly  shown.  As  might  have  been  expected,  the  investi- 
gation led  to  no  result}  the  authorities  were  proMtly  well 
advised  in  letting  matters  alone,  for  anything  short  of  a  com- 
plete reonanization  of  the  whole  system  would  have  availed 
little.  Monk's  action  in  championing  the  cause  of  discon- 
tent found  little  favor  with  the  authorities,  and  he  was  dis- 
missed from  office  as  having  taken  an  attitude  inconsistent 
with  his  position  as  a  law  officer  of  the  crown. 

Under  thr  inspiration  of  Dorchester  an  investiption  was 
undertaken  of  the  sttte  of  education  in  the  province,  and  an 
endeavor  was  made  to  devise  some  plan  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  college  as  well  as  for  the  improvement  of  the 
secondary  schools.  These  latter  were  at  the  time  exceed- 
ingly few  and  poorly  equipped.  The  Jesuits  had  ceased 
teaching  and  there  was  hardly  a  regular  schooi  in  the 
whole  province.  As  a  result,  in  1 790,  an  act  was  proposed 
assessing  each  parish  for  the  support  of  free  schools.  It 
was  suggested  that  the  «* Jesuits'  Estates"  lands  might  be 
utilized  for  the  endowment  of  a  college,  but  so  many  diffi- 
culties were  encountered  in  this  direction  that  the  proposal 
was  abandoned.  Likewise  the  proposal  to  tax  the  parishes 
came  to  nothing  owing  to  the  strong  opposition  encountered 
in  all  parts  of  the  province.  This  commendable  attempt 
to  furnish  the  rising  generation  with  the  opponunities  of  at 
l«8t  an  elemenury  education  found  itself  opposed  by  the 
hierarchy  as  well  as  the  laymen  of  the  colmiy. 


coMimrunoMJi  ooriMMUUt  1774^79'     ai9 

During  the  adminiMratioii  of  Dorchnttr,  one  auijr  met 
the  beginnings  of  the  effective  agitation  for  the  abdition  of 
the  tyeum  of  seigniorial  tenure.  During  the  quarter  of  a 
century  or  more  which  had  elapsed  since  the  conquest^  it 
had  become  abundantly  evident  that  the  old  system  of  land 
tenure  was  retarding  tlie  development  of  the  province.  A 
committee  of  the  Council  took  the  matter  up,  and,  after  in- 
vestigation, reported  in  fiivor  of  the  substitution  for  the  dd 
tenure  the  British  system  of  tenure  in  free  and  comoKm 
socage.  No  such  change  could,  however,  be  cActcd  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  home  government,  and  this  the 
Council  proposed  to  ask.  But  a  very  vigorous  opposition 
was  at  once  encountered  from  the  seigniors,  who  believed 
that  the  change  would  lessen  the  incomes  firmn  their  lands. 
It  was  represented  to  them  that  the  impetus  to  cobnixation 
which  would  follow  the  adoption  of  the  new  syttem  would 
speedily  result  in  increasing  the  value  of  their  luids,  but  to 
little  avail :  the  opposition  of  the  seigniors  was  a  united  one, 
and  the  proposal  wu  temporarily  dropped,  but  only  to  be 
renewed  from  time  to  time  until  iu  final  adoption  in  1854. 

Ever  since  the  passing  of  the  Quebec  Act,  there  had  beat 
a  movement  for  the  estiUilishment  of  a  House  of  Assembly. 
This  had  been  fostered  almost  exclusively  by  the  En^sh- 
speaking  section  of  the  population,  for  it  was  firmly  believed 
by  them  that,  although  they  consrituted  a  minority  of  the 
provincial  population,  the  exclusion  of  Roman  Catholics  or 
the  apportionment  of  members  among  the  towns  to  a  larger 
proportion  than  populaticm  warranted  would  result  in  pving 
them  control  of  any  representative  body  that  mig^t  be  es- 
ublished.  Those  interested  in  the  prt^taganda  employed 
as  their  agent  in  England  Mr.  Lymbumer,  a  Quebec  mer- 
chant of  considerable  ability  and  influence,  who  was  amply 
provided  with  petitions  numerously  signed  and  asking  for 
such  change  in  the  Quebec  Act  as  woiUd  put  an  end  to  the 
legal  chaos  then  existent  as  weO  as  pve  the  people,  through 
their  representatives,  a  share  in  l^slation.  Liken^,  there 
was  a  movement  among  the  western  or  Loyalist  settlements. 


■■ 


290 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


?i 


These  had  developed  steadily  in  point  of  population,  and 
now  began  to  show  a  strong  desire  for  a  more  suiuble  sys- 
tem of  government.  A  considerable  portion  of  this  popu- 
lation desired  that  the  western  settlements  should  be  grouped 
into  a  separate  province  with  a  distinct  administration,  thus 
freeing  the  English-speaking  people  of  the  west  from  the 
necessity  of  taking  into  consideration  the  desires  of  the 
French-Canadians  on  every  matter  of  importance. 

As  early  as  1789,  the  home  authorities  had  given  the 
matter  of  reconstructing  the  Canadian  Constitution  con- 
siderable attention,  and  had  asked  Dorchester  to  report  his 
opinions  as  to  the  form  which  this  should  take.  Dorchester 
expressed  his  views  with  great  moderation :  it  was  his  belief 
that  no  drastic  changes  should  be  made;  that  gradual  im- 
provements both  in  the  legal  and  political  systems  would 
effect  the  best  result  in  the  end.  To  the  esublishment  of 
a  provincial  administration  with  an  elective  Assembly  in  the 
western  districu  h?  was  opposed,  declaring  that  such  a  meas- 
ure would  be  premature;  nevertheless,  he  did  recommend 
that  a  lieutenant-governor  should  be  named  to  assist  him  in 
the  administration  of  this  section  of  the  colony.  The  home 
authorities,  despite  this  report,  decided  that  the  results  to  be 
gained  fh>m  a  separation  of  die  colony  into  two  provinces 
were  greater  than  Dorchester  seemed  to  suppose,  and  a  de- 
cision to  this  efiect  was  accordingly  made  late  in  the  year. 
At  once  arose  difficulties  regarding  the  delimitation  of  boun- 
daries. The  British  authorities  had  not  yet  surrendered  to 
the  government  of  the  United  States  those  frontier  posts 
which,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles,  were  to  have  been  handed  over  to  the  new  re- 
public. The  reason  for  this  retention  was,  as  is  well  known, 
the  allegation  on  the  part  of  the  Britidi  auth  jrities  that 
Congress  had  not  fulfilled  several  stipulations  which  the 
treaty  contained.  Now  the  question  arose  whether,  in  the 
delimiution  of  boundaries  for  the  new  western  province, 
the  territories  in  which  those  frontier  posts  were  situated 
should  be  included  or  excluded.     If  the  former,  the  United 


a    i 


CONSTlTUnOf/JL  GOrSRHMENT,  1774-1791       291 

Sutes  would  undoubtedly  take  reasonable  umbrage  at  an 
action  which,  on  the  face  of  it,  purported  to  make  a  per- 
manent disposition  of  the  lands  and  posts  in  question  by 
incorporating  them  into  a  new  province;  if  the  ktter,  the 
s^iicments  in  question  would  be  left  without  administration 
and  thci:  :ontrol  virtually  disclaimed.  In  consequence,  it 
was  declied  not  to  attempt  any  definite  description  of  the 
western  boundaries  at  all.  Having  decided  upon  the  sepa- 
;■*.:!!- r  if  the  colony  into  two  provinces,  to  be  known. as 
Lower  Canada  and  Upper  Guiada  respectively,  the  home 
government  went  exhaustively  into  the  question  of  the  most 
suiuble  form  of  ;R>vemment  for  each.  Chief  Justice  Smith, 
at  the  request  of  Lord  Dorchester,  submitted  his  views,  in 
the  course  of  which,  it  is  of  interest  to  note,  he  foreshad- 
owed the  ultimate  disposal  of  the  whole  Canadian  question 
in  a  general  confederation  of  all  the  provinces.  His  scheme 
contemplated  the  retention  of  a  governor-general  as  chief 
executive  head  of  all  the  provinces;  the  establishment  of  a 
general  Legislative  Council,  the  members  of  which  should 
be  appointed  and  hold  office  for  life,  together  with  a  Legis- 
lative Assembly  composed  of  delegates  elected  by  the  As- 
semblies of  all  'he  provinces.  This  proposal,  while  rightly 
considered  impracticable  at  the  time,  distinctly  outlined  the 
main  features  of  that  confederation  which  it  took  more  than 
another  three-quarters  of  a  century  to  accomplish. 

Having  decided  to  separate  the  provinces  and  to  give  to 
each  an  elective  Assembly,  the  ministry  introduced,  during 
the  session  of  1 791,  a  bill  embodying  these  principles.  The 
responsibility  for  the  drafting  of  the  measure  lay  chiefly 
with  Pitt  who  was  thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the  pro- 
posal to  make  the  government  of  the  colonies  more  repie- 
senutive  in  its  nature.  Doubtless  the  outbreak  of  the 
French  Revolution  and  the  fe  iing  that  the  influence  of  this 
democratic  upheaval  would  manifest  itself  among  the  French 
of  Lower  Canada  in  the  form  of  a  growing  republican  sen- 
timent had  some  influence  upon  the  attitude  of  the  ministry. 
When  the  measure  was  introduced,  Mr.  Lymbumer,  who 


Mil 


iiaMfaiAibiUBiibi 


giUjI 


I 


11 


292         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

represented  the  English  minority  in  Lower  Canada,  appeared 
to  oppose  it.  Those  whom  he  represented  were  only  anx- 
ious for  a  representative  Assembly  provided  it  were  consti- 
tuted on  such  a  basis  as  would  prevent  any  domination  of  the 
House  by  the  French  element.  The  separation  of  the  prov- 
inces, together  with  the  free  admission  ot  Roman  Catholics 
to  the  franchise  and  to  membership  in  the  House,  as  con- 
templated by  the  biU,  tc^ether  with  the  absence  of  any  pro- 
vision giving  additional  members  to  the  urban  districts 
where  the  English-speaking  element  predominated — a  fea- 
ture which  Lymburner  had  strongly  urged — all  this  served 
to  effect  a  sudden  vtlttfaa  in  the  attitude  of  those  who  had 
most  loudly  clamored  for  representative  government  before 
the  deuils  of  the  measure  became  known.  What  Mr.  Lym- 
burner now  desired  on  behalf  of  the  English-speaking  popu- 
lation of  Lower  Canada  was  the  total  repeal  of  the  Quebec 
Act  of  1774;  the  continued  union  of  the  colony  in  one 
province;  the  establishment  of  a  representative  House  of 
Assembly;  the  use  of  English  common  law  in  all  criminal 
and  civil  cases  with  the  exception  of  those  which  concerned 
land  tenure,  dower,  and  inheritance;  the  full  recognition  of 
the  hahtas  corpus  procedure  and  of  the  right  to  jury  trials  in 
civil  cases.  He  was  willing  to  concede  the  right  of  Roman 
Catholics  to  seats  in  the  House  of  Assembly,  but  only  on 
condition  that  the  French  predominance  which  this  would 
ordinarily  ensure,  should  be  guarded  against  in  the  distribution 
of  seats.  But  the  ministry  was  determined  that  there  should 
be  no  open  mockery  of  representative  government,  and 
Mr.  Lymbumer's  arguments  carried  little  weight,  although 
he  claimed  to  represent  the  views  of '^the  most  respecuble 
and  intelligent  of  the  French-Canadian  majority,  as  well  as 
the  English-speaking  minority";  a  claim  it  must  be  said, 
which  contemporary  evidence  proves  to  have  had  little  basis 
in  fact. 

The  debate  on  the  bill  was  a  long  one  and  was  marked 
by  some  bitterness.  In  the  annals  of  British  parliamentary 
history  it  is  notable  as  having  been  the  immediate  cause 


CONSTITUTIONAL  GOrBRNMBNT,  1774-1791      293 

of  the   memorable  quarrel  between  Edmund  Burke  and 
Charles  James  Fox.     The  two  had  been  intimate  political 
and   personal   friends.     But   assuming  different   attitudes 
toward  the  revolutionary  upheaval  in  France  they  quickly 
became  estranged.     During  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the 
bill  Fox  took  the  ground  tlut  its  provisions  did  not  go  suffi- 
ciently far  in  giving  the  colonisu  absolute  control  over  their 
legislative  and  executive  affiurs.    What  he  desired  was  that 
the  new  governmental  organizations  of  the  Canadian  prov- 
inces should  be  exact  reproductions,  in  miniature,  of  that 
provided  by  the  British  Constitution  itself.     To  give  them 
such  was  the  alleged  purpose  of  the  ministry,  but  as  Fox 
pointed  out,  the  fact  that  the  Legislarive  Council  was  not 
an  elective  body,  would,  in  time,  bring  it  into  conflict  with 
the  representative  body.     Subsequent  history  amply  verified 
Fox's  statements.     Simiklv,  he  opposed  the  separation  of 
the  provinces  on  the  ground  that  this  would  tend  to  accen- 
tuate the  division  between  the  two  races,  whereas  a  close 
unity  would  encourage  assimilation.     Burke  supported  the 
bill  as  a  conservative  measure,  but  his  speeches  dealt  little 
with  its  provisions.    Rather  he  used  the  opportunity  for  one 
of  his  memorable  onslau^its  upon  the  state  of  affiun  in 
Fnuux  and  the  danger  which  attended  concessions  to  the 
cause  of  republicanism.     The  debate  drew  forth  from  the 
eminent  oraton  some  bitter  personal  asperities,  and  created  a 
breach  between  Burke  and  Fox,  which,  during  the  remaindo* 
of  thm  lives,  was  never  wholly  closed.     By  a  consideiabk 
majority  the  bill  passed  the  House  of  Commons,  and,  despite 
a  strong  opposition  in  the  House  of  Lords,  became  kw, 
going  into  force  as  the  new  consttturion  of  the  two  Can- 
adas  on  the  26th  day  of  December,  1791. 

This  Act,  officially  known  as  the  Canada  Act,  but  more 
commonly  called  the  Constitutional  Act  of  179 1,  repealed 
such  parts  of  the  Quebec  Act  as  were  inconsistent  with 
its  provisions.  The  division  of  the  provinces  was  provided 
for  with  provisional  boundaries  outlined,  the  names  Lower 
and  UppCT  Canada  being  officially  given  to  the  older  and 


294  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

newer  tections  respectively.     Provision  was  nude  for  the 
vesting  of  executive  power  in  each  province  in  the  hands 
of  a  governor  nominated  by  the  crown  and  assisted  by  a 
similarly  nominated  executive  Council  or  Cabinet.   Legisla- 
tive power  was  vested,  in  the  first  instance,  in  the  hands  of 
a  L^slative  Council  and  an  Assembly  in  each  province. 
The  members  of  the  former  were  to  be  appointed  by  the 
crown,  to  hold  office  for  life,  and  were  to  be  in  Lower 
Canada  not  less  than  fifteen  in  number;  in  Upper  Canada, 
not  less  than  seven.     The  Speaker,  or  presiding  officer,  of 
this  Council  was  to  be  named  by  the  governor  on  behalf 
of  the  sovereign.     Members  of  the  Assembly,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  to  be  eleaed  by  the  people  of  the  respective 
provinces  from  electoral  districts  which  the  governor  of 
«ch  province  was  empowered  to  delimit.     The  fnmchise 
for  voters  in  rural  districts  was  extended  to  all  owners  of 
land  (either  in  freehold  or  in  feudal  tenure)  to  the  value 
of  forty  shillings  per  year  over  and  above  chaiges  on  such 
holding;  in  the  towns  the  qualification  was  lued  at  five 
pounds  sterling  in  the  case  of  freeholders,  and  ten  pounds 
sterhng  per  annum  in  die  case  of  leaseholders.     The  total 
number  of  members  m  the  Assembly  of  Upper  Canada  was  to 
be  not  less  than  sixteen,  and  in  Lower  Canada  not  less  than 
fifty,  and  in  all  cases  a  plurality  of  votes  was  to  be  deemed 
sufficient  for  election.     No  person  was  to  be  allowed  to  be 
a  member  of  both  Council  and  Assembly  at  the  same  time, 
whUe  no  clergyman  was  to  be  eligible  for  election  to  the 
Assembly  of  either  province.     The  assemblymen  were  to 
be  elected  to  serve  four  years;  were  to  be  convoked  in 
session  at  least  once  each  year,  but  the  House  might  be 
prorogued  or  dissolved  at  the  pleasure  of  the  royal  repre- 
sentative.    The  two  Houses  were  given  equal  shares  in 
l^slation;  the  governor  being  given  power  to  giant  or 
withhold  the  royal  assent  to  all  bills  passed  by  them  or  to 
reserve  such  as  he  might  deem  necessaiy  for  review  by 
the  home  authorities.     The  hitter  were,  likewise,  to  re- 
ceive copies  of  all  bills  assented  to,  and  mi^t  disallow  any 


CONSnrUTIONJL  GOrBRNMENT,  1774-179/       295 

of  them  within  the  space  of  two  yean.  Provision  was  made 
for  tlw  setting  apart,  in  each  province,  of  a  considerable 
proportion  of  the  ungranted  crown  lands,  to  be  later  used 
for  the  support  and  maintenance  of  a  Protestant  clergy. 
This  allotment  was  to  equal  one-seventh  of  all  the  lands 
already  granted  or  to  be  thereafter  granted.  It  was  further 
provided  that  the  crown  might  make  regulations  and  issue 
instructions  to  the  governors  as  to  the  manner  of  applying 
these  lands  for  the  purpose  named,  and  likewise  that  the 
legislatures  in  each  province  might  vary  any  provision  in 
relation  to  the  application  of  the  lands  for  purposes  of  en- 
dowments, but  only  with  the  royal  consent  which  was  not 
to  be  granted  in  oppositicm  to  the  will  of  either  House  of 
the  provincial  legislatures.  It  was  these  provisions  which 
gave  rise  to  the  long  controversy  known  in  Upper  Canada 
as  the  question  of  the  Clergy  Reserves— a  controversy  which 
did  much  to  accentuate  political  differences  and  to  increase 
existing  bitterness.  Peculiarly  enou^  the  British  Pariia- 
ment  reserved  to  itself  the  right  of  r^ulating,  by  the  impo- 
sition of  duties  or  otherwise,  all  trade  and  commerce  to  be 
carried  on  between  the  two  provinces  or  between  either  of 
them  and  other  British  dominions  or  with  foreign  lands, 
but  the  net  proceeds  of  all  duties  so  imposed  were  to  be 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  legislatures  in  the  respective 
provinces,  to  be  applied  to  public  expenditure  as  they  might 
see  fit. 

Such  were  the  provisions  under  which  the  government 
of  the  two  provinces  was  carried  on  for  a  full  half  century. 
That  the  Act  went  a  considerable  way  in  the  direction  of 
increased  colonial  autonomy  wiU  not  be  denied,  but  in 
giving  equality  of  legislative  power  to  elective  and  ap- 
pointive Houses  it  opened  the  way  for  rivalry  and  dead- 
locks. It  has  now  become  a  truism  that  in  Ang^o-5axon 
countries,  at  any  rate,  a  represenutive  House  will  insist  on 
its  own  supremacy  over  a  non-representative  body.  Fox 
distinctly  pointed  out  this  feature  at  the  time,  but  his  warn- 
ings went  unheeded.     It  took  the  turmoils  of  a  rebellion  in 


Hlilll 


h 


396         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

both  provincet  to  convince  the  home  authorities  that  Cana- 
dians demanded  a  system  which  embodied  not  alone  the 
letter  but  the  spirit  of  the  British  Constitution ;  to  secure 
the  full  rec<^ition  of  the  responsibility  of  all  branches 
of  the  administration  to  that  branch  which  represented  the 
popular  will. 


■HHtaUKIi 


CHAPTER  X!n 


THE  ITJR  OF  t8ta-i8is 

In  the  course  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  Canada  had 
been  made  to  suffer  severely  for  no  other  reason  than  that 
she  had  refused  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  British  colonies 
to  the  south  in  a  quarrel  with  the  mother  country.  The 
colony^— or  rather  the  disunited  provinces^ — ^were  now  to 
be  called  upon  to  undergo  much  the  same  experience  as  a 
further  price  of  British  connection.  In  the  evolution  of 
those  causes  of  friction  which  finally  led  to  open  breach 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America 
the  Canadian  provinces  had  little  or  no  part.  The  quarrel 
was  decidedly  not  of  their  seeking;  as  was  apparent  to  every 
Canadian,  a  struggle  with  the  rising  republic  was  certain  to 
be  pregnant  with  danger  and  barren  of  any  conceivable  ad- 
vantage. That  a  population  of  a  quarter  of  a  million 
could  prove  capable  of  defending  itself  against  an  attacking 
population  twenty-five  times  its  numerical  strength  was  not 
to  be  hoped.  Skill,  the  outbreak  found  the  Canadas  fiur 
from  cowering.  They  viewed  the  opening  conflict  with 
regret,  but  once  compdlled  to  defend  thieir  territories,  under- 
took the  task  resolutely,  perseverin^y,  and  with  enduring 
credit.  There  is  no  chapter  in  their  history  which  Cana- 
dians may  read  with  more  quiet  satisfiiction  than  the  annals 
of  the  gdlant  campaigns  of  defence  waged  by  their  fore- 
fiuhers  in  the  War  of  1812-1815. 

To  understand  properiy  the  chain  of  causes  which  led  to 
this  An^o-American  rupture,  one  must  trace  the  sequence 

«97 


i  U 


398         CANADA  AND  BRJTISH  NORTH  AMMKICA 

of  great  evenu  in  Europeui  hittory  since  the  Fiench  Revo> 
lution.     The  Bourbons  had  been  swept  from  the  throne 
of  France,  and  a  quasi-republic  had  been  esublished.    Suc- 
cessful opposition  to  a  monarchical  system  in  itself  formed 
a  bMis  of  friendship  between  post-revolutionaiy  Fiance  and 
the  United  States,  and  American  sympathies  were  strongly 
with  the  new  r^me.     And  the  same  was  true,  though 
perhaps  to  a  less  decisive  extent,  of  certain  classes  in  Great 
Briuin  and  in  the  other  countries  of  Europe.    But  the  new 
French  republicanism  was  of  that  aggressive  type  which, 
while  freely  admitting  the  inalienable  rig^t  of  a  people  to 
choose  their  own  political  system,  leaves  nothing  undone 
to  mould  the  choice  in  a  republican  direction.   An  attempt  to 
conduct  a  republican  propaganda  in  the  monarchical  sutet 
of  Europe  soon  led  the  new  French  republic  into  hostilities 
with  those  states;  an  unequal  contest  in  which  the  former 
showed  a  regenerated  vigor  as  unlooked  for  as  it  was  effec- 
tive.    Strength  and  efficient  organization  without,  chaos 
and  weakness  within,  were  the   features  which   marked 
France  as  an  anomaly  among  states  till  the  rise  into  political 
power  through  channels  of  miliury  brilliancy,  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  first  as   Consul   and   later  as  Emperor,  gave 
France  her  first  relief  from  internal  anarchy  and  political 
disorganization  throu^  the  establishment  of  an  imperial 
system  which  was  more  thoroughly  centralized  than  that  of 
the  Bourbons  had  been  even  in  the  days  of  Louis  Quatorze. 
From  these  military  struggles  Great  Britain  had  not  been 
exempt.    As  early  as  1 793  she  had  jdned  the  foes  of  France 
on  the  continent  and  had  aided  them  liberally  with  both 
men  and  subsidies.     *^iit  the  genius  of  Napoleon  proved 
more  than  a  match   for  the  numerical  superiority  of  his 
enemies  and  the  successive  victories  of  Marengo,  Auster- 
litz,  Ulm,  and  Jena  laid  practically  the  whole  of  Western 
Europe  at  his  feet.     Britain  was  forced  to  take  refuge 
behind  her  twenty  miles  of  Channel  and  it  was  only  the 
victory  of  Nelson  at  Trafidgar  which  saved  her  the  neces- 
sity of  ftcing  the  conqueror  on  her  own  shores.     Foiled  in 


■■1 


THE  WAR  or  ttt»-t8is 


299 


hit  plant  to  cruth  Bridth  oppotition  bjr  diract  milhtry 
prettuic,  Boiupute  had  retort  to  another  method.    Believ- 
ing, at  dkl  mott  Frenchmen  of  hit  day,  that  in  the  foreign 
commerce  of  Great  Britain  lay  her  tok  ttrength,  he  e»> 
tayed  to  ruin  thia  trade.     Fluthed  with  hit  victory  over 
Pruttia  at  Jena  he  itsued  from  the  Pruttian  capital  in  1806 
hit  famout  ** Berlin  Decreet"  detigned  efiectually  to  force 
the  "nation  of  thopkeepert "  to  hit  termt.     In  the  mun 
thete  decreet  forbade  the  tale  of  Britith  goodt  in  any  part 
of  Europe  then  tubject  to  French  control  or  tuserainty. 
Commercially,  Great  Britain  wat  to  be  itolated  effectively 
from  the  rett  of  Europe.    The  Britith  authoritiet  promptly 
ittued  their  retaliatory  Ordert  in  Council  forbidding  aU 
neutral  Statet  to  trade  with  France  or  her  alliea  except  by 
way  of  Britith  portt,  and  atterting  the  right  and  intention 
of  Britith  naval  foreet  to  enforce  thit  dictum.    In  reti-  n 
Napoleon  bombarded  Britain  with  hit  **  Milan  Decivet," 
ordering  the  dettruction  of  all  goodt  of  Britith  manufacture 
wherever  found;  an  action  to  which  the  Britith  authoritiet 
replied  by  the  ittue  of  a  further  teriet  of  commercial  pro- 
tcriptiont.     To  Great  Britain  thit  paper  blockade  wat  by 
no  msant  a  commercial  frtality.     Her  naval  tuperiority,  and 
the  urgent  demand  for  her  goodt  abroad,  enabled  her  to 
evade  the  Napoleonic  injunctiont  wiA  more  or  lett  facility. 
That  Napoleon  himtelf  winked  at  wholetak  evationt  it 
thown  by  the  ftct  that  hit  Ul-ttarred  expedition  to  Motcow 
in  1 81 2  wat  clad  in  greatcoau  which  were  the  producu  of 
Britith  loomt.    But  againtt  neutral  Sutet  thete  commercial 
recriminationt  operated   teverely  and   in   thit  regard   the 
United  Statet  wat  perhapt  the  chief  tuSerer.    At  the  latter 
wat  the  only  great  carrying  ttate  which  had  not  at  yet 
ranged  ittelf  on  the  tide  of  either  antagonitt,  the  United 
Statet  looked  with  reaton  to  the  free  enjoyment  to  itt  own 
profit  of  thote  advanti^  which  accrue  to  a  neutral  carrier 
in  time  of  vu.     But  it  found  that  Napoleonic  decreet  and 
Britith  retaliatory  meaturet  had  efiectually  prevented  any- 
thing of  the  kind.     If  an  American  vettel  tought  to  cany 


a 

r 


Mli 


if 


i' 


300         CdNJDJi  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMiRlCJ 

goods  direct  to  the  pom  of  France  or  her  alliet,  then  die 
WM  liable  to  teixure  by  the  British  cnitsen  pstroUing  the 
Channel  and  adjoining  teas.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  she 
■ought  to  carry  on  trade  with  those  ports  by  way  of  Great 
Britain  she  was  rendered  liable  to  seizure  by  the  French 
authorities  upon  arrival  at  her  destinuion. 

The  American  authorities  protested  in  vain  both  at 
Tendon  and  Paris  ^nst  the  prohibitive  nmsurest  but  as 
the  young  republic  was  not  yet  willing  to  undertake  the 
task  of  teaching  the  proper  duties  of  belligerents  toward 
neutrals  to  both  France  and  Great  Britain,  and  as  neither 
seemed  to  deserve  chastisement  m  this  r^g;srd  more  than  the 
other,  the  American  authorities  were  obligsd  to  content  them- 
selves with  the  passing,  in  1807,  of  the  Embargo  Act,  for- 
bidding American  vessels  from  trading  directly  or  indirectly 
to  any  foreign  port.    This  was  a  drastic  stroke,  the  brunt  of 
which  fell  upon  the  American  carrier  himself,  and  it  was 
accepted  by  the  Americans  with  no  very  good  grace  as  the 
price  of  their  weakness.     Shortly  afterward  the  Embargo 
Act  was  repealed  in  fiivor  of  a  Non-Intercourse  Act,  which 
prohibited  American  vessels  from  trading  with  France  or 
Great  Britain,  but  allowed  trade  with  the  rest  of  Europe. 
This  Aa,  likewise,  provided  that  the  prohibition  would  be 
raised  as  against  whichever  of  these  two  sutcs  would  agree 
not  to  molest  American  shipping.     France  in  due  course 
took  advantage  of  this  ofier,  but  by  no  means  carried  out 
her  share  of  the  bargain,  and  this  was  made  by  Great 
Britain  the  ground  of  a  refusal  to  accede.    The  re»ult  was, 
therefore,  an  increased  estrangement  of  the  British  and 
American  governments.     Then  there  was  the  question  of 
the  right  of  search.     Owing  to  a  multitude  of  causes,  de- 
sertions from  the  British  navy  were  frequent,  and  the  naval 
authorities,  finding  it  difficult  to  keep  the  naval  force  up  to 
itt  proper  war  footing,  had  resort  at  various  times  to  the 
practice  of  searching  foreign  vessels  in  British  ports  and  on 
the  high  seas  in  quest  of  these  runaways.    Again,  under  the 
stress  of  war  it  was  found  necessary  to  order  the  impressment 


THE  WM  or  tMt»-tiis  301 

of  tailon  frmn  the  Brititli  nwrcintile  maiinc  in  order  to 
nwn  the  naval  vetaels,  and  for  this  purpoae  the  pnmging 
frequently  gathered  hatchet  of  Mtion  in  the  variout  teapom 
and  <m  the  high  Mas.  Nor  did  tboM  engaged  in  the  wort:  of 
imp.  Moient  or  the  capture  of  deserters  always  pcrfimB  their 
tasks  with  due  diKrimination.  Not  infrequently  American 
citizens  were  mistaken  for  firitidi  saikm,  uid  sometimes  for 
British  deserters.  Some  of  the  impressed  seamen  had  cer- 
tificates of  citizenship  from  American  consuls,  bu'.  these 
were  refused  recognition,  the  British  authorities  declining  to 
accept  certificates  except  when  issued  by  the  Adminky 
Courts.  The  incident  of  the  Gutaptuki^  a  United  States 
frigate,  which  was  fired  upon  by  his  majesty's  ship  iMpmri^ 
disabled  and  searched,  while  several  sailors,  bona  fide  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  were  taken  from  Iwr,  wu  only 
one  of  the  various  instances  in  which  the  American  authori- 
ties had  just  cause  for  vigorous  protest. 

In  this  claim  to  the  exercise  of  the  ri^t  of  search  it  is 
not  to  be  concluded  that  Great  Britain  was  alone.  France 
claimed  the  ri^t  just  as  fully  and  searched  American  vessels 
when  deemed  necessary.  But  the  dissimilarity  of  lai^uage 
prevented  those  mistakes  in  citizenship  and  i(tentity  which 
too  frequently  marked  the  exercise  of  British  claims  with 
peculiar  odium. 

The  election  of  Madison  to  the  Presidency  did  not  better 
matters  in  any  way,  for  he  represent«l  a  political  party  with 
strong  Anglophobe  inclinations.  The  expenditure  of  a  li:  :le 
tact  and  the  making  of  a  few  concessions  on  both  sides 
might  possibly  have  prevented  the  war.  But  the  diplomacy 
on  both  sides  was  marked  by  an  unfortunate  absence  of 
ebsticity  and  the  countries  drifted  into  a  war  which  tiie 
people  of  neither  really  fiivored.  The  formal  declaration 
was  issued  by  President  Madison  on  June  19,  i8ia,  after 
both  branches  of  Congress  had  ratified  the  proponi  by 
decisive  majorities. 

Despite  the  fact  that  the  United  Sates  had  thrown  down 
the  gauntlet,  her  military  and  naval  authorkies  had  in  no 


\  :i 


(     il 


LiiL 


301         CAMADd  AMD  BUTUH  MOUTH  AMMUCA 

way  adequately  prepared  thcmielvet  for  the  conduct  of 
i^ORNM  campa^^  The  regular  army  numbered  lew  than 
•aven  thouaand  men  while  the larfe  contingents  of  vduatecn 
called  for  hyCongrcM  ftikd  to  come  forth  in  encouraging 
numbera.  The  authoritiea  in  many  of  the  States  showed  a 
marked  hck  of  enthunaMn,  while  the  supply  of  arms,  ac- 
coutremenu,  and  general  military  equipment  wu  strikingly 
deficient.  The  lack  of  trained  oficers  was  likewise  s^ 
verely  fclt. 

On  the  Canadian  side  there  were  in  readiness  apimxi- 
mately  six  thousand  eflcctive  regulars,  but,  as  a  defensive 
war  usually  produces  no  dearth  of  enthusiasm,  the  call  for 
volunteers  found  a  ready  respmise  in  almost  every  section 
of'the  provinces.  Likewise,  the  Canadian  authorities  could 
count  upon  the  assistance  of  Indian  auxiliaries  in  coostdeiw 
able  numbers,  and,  as  afterward  ^oved,  the  assistance  of 
these  was  not  without  importance.  Still,  Canada  was  for 
ftom  being  adequately  prejpared  for  even  a  defensive  cam- 
paign, and  it  was  only  the  commendabk  eneigy  of  Major- 
general  Sir  Isaac  Brock,  then  interim  administruor  of  Upper 
Canada,  that  enabled  the  first  attempt  at  invasion  to  be 
resolutely  and  effectively  thwarted. 

As  far  as  the  land  opoations  were  concerned,  the  Amer- 
ican plan  contemi^ed  three  points  of  invasion :  at  Detroit, 
at  Niagara,  and  at  Lake  Oamplain.  The  expedition  which 
was  to  cross  at  the  first  point  was  mustered  in  Ohio,  pbced 
under  the  command  of  General  Hull,  and  comprised  ap. 
proximately  two  thousand  men.  The  force  was  poorly 
equipped  and  poorly  disciplined.  What  was  even  more  to 
the  point,  it  was  poorly  led;  for  Hull  was  an  old  and  inca- 
pable soldier,  whose  timidity  in  uctics  was  equalled  only  by 
die  blatant  braggadocio  and  the  inordinate  untimeliness  of 
his  proclamations.  One  of  ther. ,  which  called  on  a  popu- 
htion  composed  chiefly  of  the  sons  of  United  Empire 
Loyalists,  with  tales  of  the  hardships  endured  by  their 
fethers  after  the  Revolutionary  War  fresh  in  their  minds,  to 
emancip^  themselves  from  the  ** granny  and  oppression" 


THE  WM  or  itt»-tti3 


303 


of  Gnat  Britain  and  to  be  •*  rMtorad  to  tlw  Unified  Mttion  of 
fracdom,"  ttanda  at  a  moaumcm  ut  HiUI's  ttupidity.  Hit 
threat  to  conduct  a  war  of  wacmiination,  thould  a  tii^ 
Indian  alljr  of  the  Britiah  deign  to  obejr  hit  natural  inattncu 
in  defence  of  hit  own  territoriea,  givet  hittorjr  the  alternative 
of  regarding  him  at  a  butcher  or  a  bngput. 

About  the  middle  of  July,  Hull't  force  crotaed  the  river 
with  the  intention  of  attacking  Fort  Maiden,  near  Annhertt- 
burg,  garritoned  1^  Colonel  Proctor  and  a  amall  fivce  of 
re^ulart  and  militia,  b«rt  lately  reinforced  by  the  ^uwnee 
chwf  Tccumtdi  and  a  band  of  hit  picked  wanriort.  But 
before  reaching  hit  objective  Hull't  advance  guard  tuAred 
a  reverae,  while  about  the  tame  time  newt  reached  him  that 
Fort  Macldnac,  at  the  head  of  Lake  Michigui,  had  been 
turprited  and  taken  by  a  tmall  forceofregulart  and  Canadian 
vmrageurt.  Fearing  that  hit  communicationt  mi^  be  cut 
off  behind  him,  Hull  hurriedly  recroMed  to  Detroit.  Mean- 
whik.  Brock  wa«  i..  -rnng  to  the  tccne  with  reinforce- 
mentt  of  both  n.^ulii-s  and  militia.  On  hit  arrival,  he 
conferred  with  Tecuimeh  a  meeting  enthrined  in  tong 
and  ttory— and  the  two  agreed  that  Detroit  thould  be 
attacked  without  delay.  Sending  a  force  of  Indiana  to 
threaten  the  town  from  the  rear.  Brock  utilized  hit  remaining 
forcet,  numbering  lett  than  one  thoutand  four  bundled 
men,  white  and  red,  for  the  main  attault.  But  the  pre- 
liminary artilkiy  dud  wat  tufficient  to  thatter  whatever 
courage  Hull  pottetted,  and,  on  Augutt  16, 1812,  a  capitu- 
lation wat  concluded.  Thit  indwM  not  alone  the  town, 
but  the  «tire  territonr  of  Mkh^an,  together  whh  Idt  force 
of  over  two  thoutand  men  with  their  armt  and  accoirtre- 
mentt.  For  the  weaker  tide  thit  wat  an  encouraging 
openiiw.  American  diaappointment  ri^y  vented  ittelf 
upon  Hull  who  wat  courtnurtialled  and  tentenr  .-  to  be 
shot}  a  penalty  which  wat  not,  however,  inflicted.  Brock, 
immediately  after  the  tuccett,  left  for  Toronto  where  he 
found,  much  to  hit  ditgutt,  that  General  Prevoat,  governor 
of  Upper  Canada,  had  apeed  with  General  Devbom,  the 


.iUkMrnrnt 


304         CASADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


fl 


American  commander-in-chief,  upon  an  armistice.  But 
the  Washington  authorities  refiued  to  recognize  the  agree- 
ment and  operations  were  renewed.  The  interval  had  given 
Dearborn  a  needed  opportunity  to  reorganize  and  strengthen 
his  disposable  forces.  Thus  strengthened,  he  set  Harrison 
to  watch  Proctor,  now  in  command  at  Detroit;  gave  Gen- 
eral van  Rensselaer  charge  of  the  expedition  which  was  to 
cross  at  Niagara,  and  took  personal  command  of  the  opera- 
tions in  the  Lake  Champlain  district.  On  October  1 3, 1 8 1 2, 
Rensselaer  crossed  the  Niagara,  and  took  up  a  defensible 
position  at  Queenston  Heighu.  Brock  hastened  to  effect  a 
dislodgement,  but  was  killed  and  his  force  beaten  back. 
Meanwhile,  the  British  and  Canadian  forces  were  being 
rapidly  reinforced,  while  Rensselaer  tried  in  vain  to  bring 
over  fresh  troops  to  strengthen  his  position.  But  his  militia 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river  refused  to  cross,  pleading 
constitutional  scruples  for  their  recalcitrancy.  Thus  rein- 
forced, General  Sheaffe,  to  whom  Brock's  death  had  given 
the  command,  circumvented  the  position  and  gallantly  car- 
ried the  heights  with  the  bayonet,  forcing  an  unconditional 
surrender.  The  prisoners  on  this  occasion  numbered  well 
on  to  one  thousand  men  of  all  ranks;  of  whom  the  regulars 
were  sent  to  Montreal  as  prisoners,  but  the  militia  were 
parolled.  The  British  loss,  though  numerically  small,  was 
rendered  unfortunately  severe  by  the  death  of  the  gaUant 
Brock,  a  dashing  and  manly  soldier;  a  noble  column  on 
Queenston  Heights  sunds  as  the  tribute  of  a  grateful 
country  to  his  worth  and  service. 

Van  Rensselaer  having  resigned  his  command.  General 
Smythe  assumed  charge,  and  at  once  asked  for  an  armistice, 
which  Sheaffe  granted,  though  unwisely,  since  the  mobil- 
izing powers  of  his  opponents  were  obviously  greater  than 
his  own.  The  breathing  space  was  used  by  Smythe  to 
good  advantage  in  securing  over  four  thousand  troops  for  a 
proposed  crossing  near  Fort  Erie.  This  he  attempted  to 
carry  out  toward  the  end  of  November,  but  a  most  deter- 
mined resistance  caused  the  project  to  bie  abandoned  as  the 


■■■ 


■iHi 


iH'il 


Renwini  of  itoclMde  and  blockhouse  erected  for  the  defence  of  York  (Toronto) 
in  ill*.     Frtm  a  tktftrm*k  In  Mr.  frtJrrirh  K.^/  <r...;»^ 


»  fkttgrafk  by  Mr.  Frtdtrick  Emrl,  TntMt. 


THE  WAR  OF  t8/»-r8ts 


30s 


lateness  of  the  season  precluded  any  hope  of  tangle 
progress. 

Upon  the  army  of  the  north,  operating  in  the  direction 
of  Lake  Champlain,  even  greater  hopes  had  been  staked. 
For  here.  Dearborn  personally  commanded  a  formidable  array 
of  nearly  ten  thousand  troops.  The  <^jective  was  Mon- 
treal, but  the  lateness  of  the  season, — for  it  was  November 
before  Dearborn  got  his  advance  under  way, — all  but  ex- 
cluded the  probabUity  of  ultimate  success.  Furthermore,  a 
reconnaissance  in  force  apunst  the  British  post  at  Lacolle, 
near  Rouse's  Point,  &iled  miserably;  it  was  found  that  the 
whole  militia  force  of  Lower  Cuuda  was  massed  along 
the  Richelieu,  while  the  news  of  Sm3rthe's  inalulity  to  crow 
at  Niagara,  had  its  depresring  effect.  Taking  these  things 
into  connderation.  Dearborn  wisely  determined  to  retire  into 
winter  quarters  at  Flattsburg,  deferring  his  invasion  till  the 
following  spring. 

As  &r  as  the  land  onerations  of  1812  were  concerned, 
the  defenders  of  Canadk  had  been  signally  successful.  The 
American  forces  had  shown  little  enthusiasm,  for  the  war 
enjoyed  only  a  meagre  popularity  with  the  pec^le,  especially 
in  the  New  Eng^d  States.  At  sea,  however,  the  repubb: 
showed  a  vigor  and  capability  which  was  as  eftctive  as  it 
was  unlook^  for.  Several  important  naval  duek  woe 
fought,  in  which  the  optimistic  confidence  of  the  British 
commanders,  aided  by  the  superior  seamanship  and  gunnery 
of  the  Americans,  gave  the  latter  a  number  of  striking  suc- 
cesses. Perhaps  the  most  notable  of  these  was  the  victmy  oi 
the  American  frigate  Ctnttitrntum  over  the  Brittdi  Gmtrriin^ 
the  vessel*  in  question  being  of  not  unequ^  offensive 
strength.  American  privateers  also  wrot^^  abundant  havoc 
among  the  merchant  vessels  of  Great  Britain,  and  insurance 
rates  rose  to  an  unprecedented  point. 

During  the  winter  no  important  hostile  operations  on 
land  were  undertaken  by  either  belligerent.  The  legisla- 
tures of  both  Canadian  provinces  hdd  their  usual  sessions 
and  proceeded  to  pant  sums  of  money  fot  the  prosecution 


^B^m^Sm 


306  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  the  war  J  sums  which,  considering  the  limited  resources  of 
the  country,  were  liberal  indeed.  The  American  authorities, 
on  the  other  hand,  utilized  the  time  in  massing  men  and 
stores  along  the  frontier  as  well  as  in  collecting  a  strong 
naval  force  at  Sackett's  Harbor  on  Lake  Onurio.    Accord- 
ing to  the  new  plan  of  campaign.  General  Harrison  was  left  to 
deal  with  Proctor  in  the  west.  General  Hampton  was  given 
charge  of  the  force  in  the  Lake  Champhun  district,  while 
Dearborn  himself  took  command  of  the  army  of  the  centre. 
Operations  were  opened  early  in  the  spring  by  a  successful 
attack  upon  the  American  post  at  Ogdensburg,  resulting  in 
the  destruction  of  the  barracks  there.    But  this  episode  was 
soon  more  than  neutralized  by  the  result  of  the  expedition 
from  Sackett's  Harbor  against  York,  now  Toronto,  the  capi- 
tal of  Upper  Canada.     With  a  fleet  of  fourteen  vessels. 
Commodore  Chauncey  and  General  Dearborn  left  port  on 
April  25,  1 813,  and  proceeded  without  opposition  to  the 
capital,  which  was  then  defended  by  Sheaflle  and  a  force 
much  inferior  to  that  of  his  opponents.     After  a  brisk  fight 
on  April  27th,  during  which  the  defenders  contested  every 
fi>ot  of  the  ground,  the  American  force  under  General  Pike 
succeeded  in  reaching  to  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the 
second  line  of  defences.     At  this  point  the  nugazine  was 
exploded  and  the  invading  column  was  almost  destroyed, 
two  hundred  of  iu  number  being  killed  or  wounded,  in- 
cluding the  famous  explorer-general,  who  died  within  a  few 
hours  of  the  explosion.     But  the  fort  was  gained  by  the 
Americans,  and  Sheafle  retreated  toward  Kingston  with 
the  loss  of  some  three  hundred  in  prisoners.     The  public 
buildings  of  the  place  were  burned,  and  the  main  force  pro- 
ceeded westward  to  attack  Fort  George  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Niagara.    Sheafle  had  to  bear  the  onus  of  blame  for  the 
disaster,  and  was  removed  from  the  command  in  fiivor  of 
General  De  Rottenberg.     While  the  place  was  doubtless 
untenable,  the  displaced  general  was  not  entirely  guiltless 
of  that  lamenuble  lack  of  preparation  which  made  it  so. 
General  Vincent,  who  commanded  the  garrison  of  about  one 


m 


tHS  WAR  OF  iSi»-i8ts 


307 


thousand  men  then  in  Fort  George,  held  out  till  scarcity  of 
ammunition  and  increasing  reinforcements  on  the  side  of  the 
besiegers  forced  him  to  evacuate  the  post  on  May  27th  and 
retire  to  a  defensible  position  on  Buriington  Heights.  This 
important  success  gave  the  Americans  complete  possession 
of  the  whole  Niagara  frontier.  Settling  himself  in  the  new 
position.  Dearborn  sent  a  force  of  nearly  four  thousand  men 
to  pursue  Vincent  and  to  drive  him  from  Burlington  Heights. 
Had  Vincent  awaited  his  arrival,  disaster  would  probably 
have  befallen  the  disheartened  and  ill-equipped  British  force. 
So  it  was  decided  to  attempt  a  night  attack  upon  the  advan- 
cing Americans,  and  this  exploit  was  intrusted  to  Colonel 
Harvey  with  a  picked  force  of  seven  hundred  men.  After 
a  night  march,  conducted  in  absolute  secrecy,  Harvey  fell 
upon  the  republican  forces  in  camp  near  Stony  Creek,  and 
on  June  5th  administered  a  severe  defeat,  causing  them  to 
retire  hurriedly  and  allowing  Vincent  again  to  assume  the 
offensive.  Detachments  were  thrown  out  to  watch  further 
movements  from  Fort  George,  one  of  these,  under  Lieuten- 
ant Fitz^bbon,  being  stationed  at  Beaver  Dams,  near  the 
present  site  of  Thordld.  Dearborn  sent  out  a  force  of  some 
six  hundred  men  under  Major  Boerstler  to  effect  its  surprise 
and  capture;  but  Fitzgibbon  received  timely  warning  of  his 
advance,  through  the  heroism  of  Mrs.  Laura  Secord,  the 
daughter  of  a  United  Empire  Loyalist,  who  undertook  the 
perilous  and  difficult  tramp  of  twenty  miles  from  Queenston 
to  Beaver  Dams  to  put  him  on  his  guard.  Fitzgibbon's 
Indians  suggested  an  ambush,  which  was  quickly  prepared; 
and  although  Boerstler  had  not  been  forgetful  of  due  pre- 
cautions, he  found  himself  surrounded  and  compelled  to 
surrender  to  a  force  numbering  less  than  half  his  own.  By 
these  two  unexpected  successes  Vincent  was  able  to  confine 
his  opponents  to  Fort  Geoi^;  in  fact.  Dearborn  fully  ex- 
pected Vincent  to  attempt  its  recapture. 

But  in  other  parts  the  American  arms  had  been  more 
fiivored  by  fortune.  A  British  flotilla  setting  out  from 
Kingston,  under  Commodore  Yeo,  attempted  the  capture 


iiliillilitiifllHi 


aHUMMilUi 


,» 


3o8         CANADA  ASD  BlilTISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  the  American  c  tval  baae  vt  Sackett't  Harbor,  but  was 
repulsed  with  considerdbic  loss,  although  not  before  it  had 
inflicted  damage  to  the  for  dRr.  if \otin  and  stores.  On  Lake 
Erie,  Commodore  Perry  commanding  the  American  squad- 
ron, on  September  I9di  succeeded  in  destroying,  after  a 
desperate  conflict.  Captain  Barclay's  flotilla  of  six  British 
vessels,  thus  securing  undisputed  mastery  of  Lake  Erie. 
The  main  importance  of  this  success  lay,  however,  in  the 
fact  that  it  tendered  it  dangerous  for  Proctor  longer  to 
attempt  to  hold  Detroit  and  Amherstburg.  At  any  rate, 
Proctor  thought  so,  although  on  this  point  Tecumseh  held 
a  different  view.  However,  the  ktter  was  persuaded  to 
acquiesce,  and,  the  fortifications  at  both  points  having 
been  destroyed,  the  force  set  out  to  effect  a  junction  with 
Vincent  in  the  Niagara  peninsula.  The  distance  was 
somewhat  over  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles.  It  was  late 
in  September  when  Proctor  moved  eastward,  heavily  en- 
cumbered by  a  large  baggage  train,  which  resulted  in  his 
being  able  to  march  only  nine  or  ten  miles  a  day.  The 
colonel  probably  thought  he  would  not  be  pursued  for  he 
neglected  the  precaution  of  burning  the  bridjges  in  his  rear. 
But  Harrison  did  not  propose  to  allow  him  to  escape  with 
such  facility  and  set  off  in  pursuit  with  a  flying  column  of 
nearly  four  thousand  troops.  At  Moraviantown,  on  the 
Thames,  Proctor  found  himself  overtaken,  and,  on  Octo- 
ber sth,  compelled  to  give  battle.  In  the  early  stages  of  the 
fight  Proctor  himself  took  to  flight  with  an  alacrity  which 
stands  in  marked  contrast  with  his  dilatory  movements  of  the 
preceding  days,  leaving  Tecumseh  to  continue  the  unequal 
combat.  The  result  was  decisive  in  favor  of  the  invading 
force:  the  British  and  Indian  column  was  annihilated  and 
the  gallant  Tecumseh  met  his  end.  With  a  small  force 
of  stragglers  Proctor  made  his  way  to  join  Vincent.  The 
expected  approach  of  Harrison  induced  Vincent  to  betake 
himself  once  more  to  his  position  on  Burlington  Heights, 
leaving  all  the  western  and  Niagara  peninsulas  in  American 
hands.     But  Harrison  did  not  advance  further,  and  with 


,t,g^s^mmm 


UllliiiEaailliataHl 


^^■■M 


THE  WAR  OF  iSn^/Sij 


309 


the  approach  of  winter  the  force*  at  Fort  George  recroued 
the  river,  not,  however,  before  Genend  McClure,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  Niagara  frontier,  had  burned  the  Canadian 
viUage  of  Niagara  and  turned  the  homeless  inhabitants  out 
into  the  snow.  For  this  wanton  act.  General  Drummond, 
arriving  at  the  frontier,  efiected  an  equally  cruel  retaliation 
in  the  burning  of  undefended  villages  on  the  American 
shore. 

But  to  turn  to  the  army  of  the  north.  The  strategy  of 
its  operations  contemplated  a  twofold  attack  on  Montreal. 
The  first  expedition  under  General  Wilkinson,  proceeded 
from  Sackett's  Harbor  about  the  middle  of  October  and 
embarking  on  vessels  and  bateaux,  descended  the  St.  Law- 
rence; while  the  second,  under  Hampton,  was  to  march 
from  Plattsburg  across  to  the  Chateauguay  and  follow  that 
stream  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  there  effecting  a  junction  with 
Wilkinson's  force  for  the  atuck  on  Montreal.  But  both 
commanders  met  with  difficulties  which  upset  their  calcula- 
tions. Wilkinson  in  his  progress  down  the  St.  Lawrence 
found  himself  so  harassed  by  a  force  of  Canadians  pro- 
ceeding concurrently  along  the  north  shore  that  he  landed 
part  of  his  force  a  short  distance  below  Fort  Wellington, 
the  present  site  of  Prescott,  to  disperse  them.  These  latter, 
however,  took  up  a  position  at  Chrysler's  farm  in  what  is 
now  the  township  of  Williamsburg,  and  under  Colonels 
Morrison  and  Harvey  repulsed  the  Americans,  forcing 
them  to  their  boats  with  severe  loss.  Meanwhile,  news 
reached  Wilkinson  that  all  had  not  gone  well  with  his  col- 
league in  arms,  Hampton.  During  the  preceding  winter 
the  American  forces  had  equipped  a  small  flotilla  of  gun- 
boats on  Lake  Champlain,  but  during  the  early  summer 
these  were  lost  during  an  abortive  atuck  on  the  British 
post  at  lle-aux-Noix,  on  June  5, 1813;  while  an  expedition 
from  the  latter  carried  the  war  into  the  enemy's  territory 
by  capturing  Plattsburg  on  July  31st,  and  destroying  tlw 
barracks  and  stores  at  that  point.  Thus,  Hampton  en- 
countered unexpected  reverses  even  before  his  expedition 


SHWI 


II 


1 


I 


310 


CANADA  AND  MKiriSH  NORTH  AMERtCA 


waa  able  to  get  under  way.  It  was  September  before  be  was 
able  to  set  out,  and  even  then  lome  valuable  time  was  lost 
in  doubling  back,  owing  to  a  change  of  decision  as  to  the 
route.  As  he  was  known  to  have  nearly  six  thousand  men, 
the  checking  of  his  advance  seemed  to  the  Canadian  au- 
thorities as  difficult  as  it  was  momentous.  The  task  was 
intrusted  to  Cokmel  De  Salabeny  and  his  force  of  French 
C  'dian  militia,  who  presented  such  a  determined  resistance 
to  Hampton's  forces  at  the  ford  of  the  Chateauguay  on 
October  26th  that  the  latter  retired  to  Plattsburg.  The 
actions  at  Chlteauguay  and  Chrysler's  ftrm,  coming  within 
a  fortnight  of  each  other,  saved  Montreal  from  a  siege. 
The  news  of  Hampton's  retirement  decided  Wilkinson  to 
abandon  his  route  and  to  take  his  forces  into  winter  quarters 
on  Salmon  River,  near  Malone,  N.  Y.  Thence,  during  the 
course  of  the  winter  his  command  was  transported,  part  to 
Sackett's  Harbor  and  part  to  Plattsburg  to  await  the  renewal 
of  operations  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year. 

On  the  whole,  the  defenders  of  Canada  had  reason  to  be 
satisfied  with  the  results  of  the  campaigns.  With  the  single 
exception  of  the  post  at  Amherstburg,  not  a  foot  of  their 
territory  was  in  the  enemy's  possession.  On  the  ocean  the 
British  forces  had,  during  this  year,  made  a  somewhat  better 
showing,  due,  it  must  be  owned,  in  a  considerable  measure 
to  the  new-bom  respect  for  the  power  of  their  opponents 
which  now  led  the  naval  officers  to  temper  their  zeal  with 
discretion.  The  famous  duel  between  the  American  Cbesa- 
ptakt  and  the  British  SbaHnm^  resulting  in  the  destruction 
of  the  former,  was,  periiaps,  the  most  striking  feature  of  the 
year's  naval  operations.  But  American  cruisers  still  pre3red 
voraciously  upon  British  shipping. 

In  Europe,  Great  Britain  had  cause  for  elation,  as  her 
great  antagonist,  Napoleon,  had,  in  1 812,  sufiered  disaster  in 
his  invasion  of  Russia.  This  stupendous  error  told  heavily 
upon  the  military  resources  and  prestige  of  the  emperor; 
his  foes  fell  in  overwhelming  numbers  upon  his  exhausted 
legions,  and  were  driving  him  in  full  retreat  to  his  own 


liiiiH 


ISBii 


THM  WAK  or  tSl»-ltiS 


311 


capital.     Thus  relieved  in  Europe,  the  Britith  audioritiet 
prepared  to  meet  the  American  operations  of  1814  by  the 
despatch  of  considerable  reinforcements,  including  seasoned 
veterans  of  the  Peninsular  army.     And  none  too  soon,  for 
the  campaign  opened  early.     An  attack  on  LacoUe,  made 
on  March  30,  1814,  by  a  force  operating  from  natttburg, 
was  repulsed}  but  as  a  set-off  against  this  came  the  ftUure 
of  the  British  to  make  effective  use  of  their  naval  superior- 
ity  on  Lake  Ontario,  although  much  had  been  expected 
from  the  opportunity  to  attack  Oswego  and  Sackett's  Har- 
bor.    However,  the  main  operations  during  this  closing 
campaign  of  the  war  were  carried  on  in  the  Niagara  penin- 
sula.   The  republican  authorities  determined  to  concentrate 
their  attention  on  this  district  and  massed  at  BuMo  a  well- 
oi^anized  force  under  Major-general  Brown.     Although 
not  a  soldier  by  training.  Brown  had  many  of  the  qualities 
which  go  to  make  up  a  successful  leader,  and  he  was  well 
supplied  with  capable  subordinates.    On  July  3d  a  crossing 
was  efiected  at  Fort  Erie,  which  was  at  once  invested  and 
forced  to  capitubte)  no  great  feat,  however,  for  it  had  been 
left  with  a  garrison  of  barely  one  hundred  men,  since  every 
effort  was  being  made  by  the  British  to  strei^;then  their  main 
body,  which,  under  General  Riall,  was  charged  with  the 
task  of  resisting  Brown.    From  Fort  Erie  the  whole  Amer- 
ican force  pressed  on  down  Niagara  River  and  came  into 
touch  with  Riall  at  Chippewa.     On  July  5,  18 14,  the 
forces  of  both  commanders  were  engaged  in  a  vigorous  fi^t 
in  which  Riall  was  decisively  worsted  and  forced  in  full 
retreat  to  Fort  George,  while  Brown  took  up  his  position 
on  Queenston  Heights,  some  six  miles  away.     When  the 
news  of  the  defeat  at  Chippewa  reached  the  eastern  section 
of  the  province,  troops  were  hurried  westward  under  the 
command  of  General  Drummond,  while  Brown  lay  inactive 
awaiting  the  cooperation  of  the  American  flotilla  on  Lake 
Ontario   in   the   reduction   of  Fort   George.     But  Isaac 
Chauncey,  who  commanded  the  squadron,  would  not  ven- 
ture out  of  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  Brown,  after  a  considerable 


nn 


31a         CJNJDJ  AND  MRtrtSH  NORTH  JMMMICJ 

Utu  of  Uine,  decided  to  abudon  the  projeaed  attack  on  the 
fort  and  to  retire  toward  Chippewa  with  the  view  of  deceiv- 
wgKiaUi  then  to  make  a  rapid  march  acroM  to  Burlington 

!v!?7n  !i?","°".  "'"  r""'^*^  """ph.  RiauThiw- 
ever,  foUowed  doMly  and  was  strongly  reinforced  by  Dnim- 
mond,  who,  on  his  arrival,  took  command  by  virtue  of  his 
•enionty.  The  forces  joined  battle  at  Lundy's  Lane,  a 
abort  dwance  alcve  Chippewa.  Here,  on  July  25th,  waa 
fought  the  most  stubborn  conflict  of  the  whole  war.  Vari- 
ous historians  have  differed  considerably  as  to  the  numerical 
Mrength  of  the  respective  combatanu,  attributing  superiority 
to  one  or  the  other  as  their  predilections  seem  to  have  dcJ 
manded.  From  the  official  returns  we  know  that  Drum- 
mond  s  force  numbered  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
forty  men  of  aU  ranks,  of  whom  about  twelve  hundred  did 

wrength  of  Brown^s  force  is  not  easy  to  estimate!  it  was, 
^wever.  not  less  u,  numbers  than  that  of  his  opponent! 
Kmgsford  repuWishes  a  return,  purporting  to  have  been 
publuhc^by  Genend  Ripley,  of  tSTZ^  for?e,  w5 
places  the  figure  at  four  thousand  nine  hundred.     But  the 
orcummnces  under  which  this  return  seems  to  have  been 
prepwed  do  not  lend  color  to  iu  absolute  trustworthinen 
«•  k1  *J*  ;j"««!n«y  con«i«»  la«ing  ftr  into  the  moonless 
night,  both  armies  showed  a  determination  and  a  discipline 
under  fire  which  proved  that  the  war  »ui  rapidly  seasonine 
raw  militiamen  into  veterans.     Both  sides  claimed  the  vic- 
tory, and  the  hmonans  of  Canada  and  the  United  Stetes 

hl'LS^I  *'  "^r'-/^  '^  "•P*"^^'  champions. 
In  pomt  of  losses  both  sides  sufiered  with  a  noteworthy 

approach  to  equality  Drummond's  letum  showing  a  totd 

loss  in  kiUed,  wounded,  and  missing  of  eight  hundred  wd 

jeventy^ight,  whUe  Brown's  retum^ves  a  total  oTei^ht 

hundred  and  sixty-one;  RiaU,  whom*^he  had  womed%t 

t,hippewa,  bemg  among  his  prisoners.    Of  strategic  advan- 

ttge  the  issue  gave  little  or  none  to  either  side.     The 

Americans  continued  their  retirement  toward  Fort  £rie 


THE  WAR  or  tita^tts 


St3 


which  thex  occupied  and  proceeded  to  ■ouyhea.  Dntm> 
mood,  in  due  coune,  foUoivcd  up  and  hiid  siegt  to  the  poet. 
Several  weeks  paned  in  aaiaulta  and  aaUies,  operations  and 
counter  operatkuis,  which  gave  little  advantage  to  either 
side  and  resulted  in  losses  out  of  all  proportion  to  their 
results.  Early  in  November.  Brown  destroyed  the  foit  and 
withdrew  his  forces  to  Buitiilo.  In  Upper  Canada  these 
were  the  last  operations  of  the  war. 

But  the  theatre  of  combat  had  not  been  confined  during 
1814  to  the  Niagara  peninsula.     In  the  extreme  west  and 
m  the  eaM  the  hostilities  had  been  vigorously  carried  on.    In 
the  west  a  strong  force  from  the  Missiuip|M  had  been  di- 
rected to  the  capture  of  Mackinac,  which  had  fidlen  into 
British  hands  early  in  the  war,  but  the  garrismi  had  been 
luckily  reinforced  and  managed  to  beat  offtbe  besiegers.     A 
mounted  force  from  De  yxx  penetrated  as  ftr  m  Grand  River 
late  in  the  suouMr,  but  retired  after  some  skirmishing.  In  the 
east,  operations  of  considerable  magnitude  had  been  planned 
for  the  year.    The  hands  of  the  mother  countiy  being  freed 
in  Europe,  huge  bodies  of  troops  arrived  at  Qjwbec  during 
the  early  summer,  and,  with  the  eaceptiott  of  one  br^ule, 
which  was  sent  to  Kingston,  these  were  msMed  in  the 
Richelieu  district  for  the  fmjected  capture  of  nattriHirg. 
As  a  matter  of  ftct  these  troops  would  have  been  of  mu^ 
greater  service  in  the  defence  of  the  Niagara  district,  where 
DrunuMnd  was  sorely  pressed  for  men,  but  Prevost,  who 
commanded  in  the  east,  was  laboring  under  the  impression 
that  Montreal  was  in  constant  dangier  of  an  atttck  from 
Plattsburg.     During  September  he  perfected  his  plans  and 
set  off  from  Chambly  with  a  force  of  about  ten  thousand 
men,  most  of  whom  were  newly-arrived  regulan.    A  small 
flotilla  on  Lake  Champlain  was  expected  to  cooperate  with 
his  land  force.    But  Prevost,  by  his  impetuosity  and  hck  of 
judgment  rendered  this  cooperation  impossible;  the  Achilla 
was  encountered  and  destroyed  by  the  American  armed 
vessels  on  the  lake,  whereupon  the  British  comnunder,  who 
had  arrived  almost  at  his  objective  pmnt,  abandoned  his  plans 


; 


314         CJIMdDd  dND  BUrUH  MOUTH  dumocd 

■*l!T'*^  ***^  *'*»^  •  '»'^»  ■  r"w««<»im  wwch 

Ms  h»  wi^  HhU  in  pmm  of  incon^ciMcy  mmI  kkA^ 
inhnctnmivaiidrNdl.  So  utoundiaf  were  kit  tsctio  tDat 
the  Anerioui  commander  at  Hatttbiug  lepided  the  w.  h. 
4riwal  at  a  nw  Jt  gmim  and  rel^td  to  be  lirtwa  imo  a 
IMtfittit.  So  wkhout  mok«atiMi«  but  with  hnivj  lostea 
thiott|h  dnertiont  and  the  ^•adoamem  of  ttoict,  the 
tnglonou*  expedition  made  iti  w^  bach  ft>  MontraaL 

The  evema  <rfi8i4  at  tea  dewerve  lome  nwition^ahhough 
*fy  ypy  indiiectly  connected  with  the  \mory  of  Cana£. 
The  kttening  of  French  asgrearion  allowed  the  reiaxatwn 
of  the  Uockade  which  had^employed  the  bulk  of  Great 
Bntain'i  ditpombk  ship  ,  and  attention  could  now  be  pvcn 
to  the  American  coast  citiea  with  the  idea  (^  PMting  an 
end  to  thnr  Canadian  expeifoiant  by  kttim  0*  mainte- 
•Mce  of  laf|e  garriaon^  on  the  Atlantic  (eaboard.    In  i  .,i»- 
•WfuencCfan  eaergetic  blockade  <rf' the  whole  eaMem  wahoara 
ofthe  United  States  was  undertaken,  while  GenenI  Row 
w«h  a  •tnmg  feree  of  regular  troopt  and  marines,  wag 
cony^ed  to  an  attack  upon  tome  of  the  waboard    owns. 
Wathmgton  was  the  ftret  city  ringed  out  for  a«»  it,  and 
on  At^st  25,  1814,  Ross's  force  landed  ufl<^»pos  ti  and, 
P*'*"*^  "Mte  tlw  mibia  force  which  soup-ht  to  bar  the  way 
hetwoenthe  point  of  landing  ad  the  captal,  -ntered  tht 
c^.     The  British  (^rations  were  confined  to  the  destruc- 
doe  of  the  public  buildings,  together  widi  a  U-w  pnv  -te 
(daces,  and  the  burning  of  a  quantity  of  stores,  a  proc 
ing  which  the  historians  of  the  republic  iuve  aimoat  inva- 
riably sHigled  Mt  for  the  most  unsparing  condemnation. 
But  only  in  the  extent  of  damage  d«Mie  'id  the  action  of  the 
Kitish  at  Washington  diffitr  from  the    ction  ot  the  Amer- 
ican troops  on  the  capture  of      ark,  t  .  capital  of  taper 
Canada,  in  1813.     The  same  '  .     ft- 

bodi:  no  honest  historian  wo 
From  Washragton  the  force  pr 
where  the  caizens  were  better 


Ae  harbor  havii^  been  blc  sed,  the  a 


mr  of  va  idaltsm  inspir    ' 
i  care         -ondnn'    eiti 
ceedeo  im. 

feparec        ;  nr  ent  mce  to 


jI 


v«jeK  were 


^liF^S 


rmi  mjui  or  ttj»-ttis 


f«J 


uiwUe  to  Mippoft  the  iaadiag  pmy,  wbicht  aft«r  •  ahup 
bfMk,  in  whkli  Gcnenl  Ron  wm  kilM,  wididiew,  foOed. 
Fimlljr,  Genenl  Kcar«,  wko  svccMded  to  the  command, 
sdM  KNithwud,  with  ih*  view  of  Mpporttng  a  detachmoit 
which  had  airaidjr  been  ataiioned  at  Pensacda,  in  Spanith 
tenitoiy,  for  dM  jMupc^  of  lidiag  the  Credc  Ii^ane,  who 
had  been  active  agviiw  the  fcpuUican  cauae  in  the  we«t. 
The  influence  of  Tecumaeh  had,  at  the  oirtaet  of  the  war, 
been  in«t  unental  in  gaining  varioM  wcatera  tribes  to  hit 
aide,  not  always,  with  deii  bk  reaulta.  The  Indiana  under 
Us  nme  iiate  oMtnd  were  heM  within  reasonable  bounds, 
imt  ihit  Creeks,  being  off  bjr  thonselves,  piusued  what  was 
^ttie  more  than  a  savage  and  merciless  butchery  throu^iout 

' hwest.     It  is  to  the  i'^y  e£t  of  the  British  authori- 

their  assistance  wm  n.  repudiated  instoad  of  being, 
^,  act-  ij  dietted.  Gcn«al  Andrew  Jackson  per- 
j  tn  service  in  deahi^  this  ftHce  out  of  Pensa- 
«*te  irt  his  t  ter  work  was  porfimned  in  the  defence  of 
?5few  Orleans,  ^eane  arrived  tt  dttt  point  kto  in  Decem- 
ber, and,  after  uuiding  his  tra^ia  some  little  distance  ^ 
gave  over  his  cofamand  to  General  Pakenham,  who  had  just 
arrived.  The  httcr  decided  tu  take  the  city  bj  storm,  and 
made  his  attempt  on  January  8,  1815.  hat  Jackson  had 
shown  capital  skill  in  hit  cm.  v  ucu^i  of  the  fortifications, 
and  his  forces  maintained        twagsous  w*  elective  de- 


tke 

tic* 
at 


k^led,  whue  one  of  his 

onfurion  that  the  other 

ilt  the  attacking  force 

-tual  numerical  loss  it 

itained  by  the  British 


fence.     F^nlum  himti  ' 
columns  was  thrown  back  1 
was  hurriedly  recalled.     In  . 
had  lost  very  heavilyt  in  poii 

was,  in  &ct,  the  severest  bl  

during  tlw  whole  w^r.  From  New  Orleans  the  expeditibn 
proceeded  toward  Savannah,  which  it  intended  to  attack, 
but  the  announcement  of  peace  intervened.  In  addition  to 
the  coast  operations,  there  were  in  18 14  numerous  naval 
conflicts,  in  which  the  American  vessels,  for  the  most  part, 
maintairxci  the  standard  of  efi^tive  aggressiveness  shown 
in  the  early  stages  of  the  war. 


31 6  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

n^-^llf^*"*^?"*  '^'^K  toward  the  coiwummation  of 
peace  had  been  in  p.ogre8«  since  August  of  1814,  but  on 
the  question  of  the  right  of  search  ndther  beUigerent  wa. 
willing  to  compromise.  But  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic 
campaigns  seemed  to  remove  those  conditions  which  had 
rendered  the  issue  an  important  one,  and  in  the  end  it  was 
tacitly  agreed  to  leave  this  matter  juat  as  it  stood  before  the 
^r.     A  treaty  commonly  known  as  the  Treaty  of  Ghent, 

^o^^^  "  '^'  "'""x?"  ^'^^^  14th  Aome  time' 
before  the  operations  at  New  Orleans  hid  occurred,r-*nd 
was  m  due  course  ratified  by  the  high  contracting^^. 
In  It,  provision  was  made  for  the  mutual  restoration  Tter- 
ntones  and  prisoners ;  a  commission  was  to  delimit  boun- 

whJe  both  agreed  to  use  their  best  endeavors  to  secure  thJ 
entire  abolition  of  the  slave  trade. 

hoI'llu°"*'''"'° V*"  P??*  8«ve  unconcealed  satisfaction  to 
both  beUigerents,  for  whUe  neither  was  for  a  moment  wUl- 

i?i2  i8c"  hTT  "t^  ""^V'  ^«  "'•*^»  ^  ^'  o^ 

1812-1815  had  not  been  without  its  lessons.  Ituught  the 
l«.on  that  in  a  popular  defensive  war,  a  smaU  poX^n! 
•uch  as  was  Uiat  of  Canada  at  the  time,  ha.  aSZ* 
efficiency  which  camjot  properly  be  detemJined  on  a  ^ 
of  mere  numbers.  The  fact  that  after  three  years  h«3 
campaignmg  the  American  force,  had  not  been  abirto 
obtain  secure  possession  of  a  single  foot  of  the  thounnd  or 
moie  mUe.  of  Canadian  frontier  which  lay  of^Tt^ 
..  no  .mall  tribute  to  the  zeal  and  efficiency  wkhwJichX 
.nvaaions  were  met.     On  the  other  hand,  die  evenuof  A^ 

bLnJS  TK  ^^  '^"  "*"^"  •*"  '^  ''^"-nigb  un- 
bounded.    The   successes   of  the  American  frint^  and 

pnvateers  Uught  the  admiralty  that  even  the  w«f  «,d  de- 
spised navy  of  a  hostile  sute  was  capable  of  inaictimr  incal- 
culable d«n.ge  on   the  world-widT  commerced  SSt 


■HHMiaii 


.^^.df 


THE  irjR  OF  titt-iiis 


3«7 


Britain.  Had  the  British  naval  forces  been  more  skilfiiUjr 
utilized,  the  damage  would  undoubtedly  have  been  consider- 
ably reduced;  the  scattering  of  the  fleet  in  distant  parts, 
leaving  the  Irish  Sea  and  the  Channel  without  adequate 
protection  was  one  of  the  greatest  of  errors. 

Apart  from  the  damage  suffered,  the  expense  of  war  had 
been  heavy.  In  Canada  the  legislature  met  the  financial 
problem  at  the  outset  by  authorizing  the  issue  of  convertible 
notes  commonly  known  as  **  Army  Bills."  These  were  of 
different  denominations  from  one  dollar  up  to  two  hundred 
dollars,  among  which  only  those  over  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  doUars  bore  interest.  Some  little  time  later 
authority  was  given  for  the  issue  of  small  notes  to  serve  as 
a  fractional  currency.  Altogether  army  bills  amounting  to 
nearly  five  millions  of  dollan  were  issued  during  the  war, 
and  answered  their  purpose  admirably.  It  was  provided 
that  the  bills  might  be  exchanged  at  any  time  for  govern- 
ment bills  of  exchange  on  L<m£>n  at  thirty  days'  si^t,  and 
the  people  accepted  the  notes  with  thorou^  confidence. 
Toward  the  close  of  i8i5,a  prodamation  calkd  in  the  notes, 
redeeming  them  in  cash  at  their  hot  value  in  the  case  of 
the  smaller  notes,  and  with  four  per  cent  interest  in  the  case 
of  the  hu^er.  This  experience,  almost  unique  in  the  his- 
tory of  issues  of  this  kind,  engendered  a  hearty  confidence 
in  the  national  credit  and  wouM  have  proved  very  helpful  in 
assisting  simila'  arrangements  at  any  later  period  hiui  na- 
tional exigencies  so  demanded.  But  whik  the  mother 
country  bore  the  burd«i  of  the  expense  in  this  r^ard,  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  Canada,  in  pn^xNtion  to  her 
resources,  was  caUed  upon  to  bear  an  even  greater  share 
of  the  to«al  pecuniary  loss  which  the  war  had  involved. 
The  general  disorganization  of  business  extendii^  over 
almost  four  years;  the  damage  and  devastation  which 
marked  the  path  of  the  enemy's  expeditions,  together  with 
the  iiwviuble  legacy  of  pensions  and  annuities  aU  served  to 
mulct  the  colony  heavily  as  the  price  of  its  loyalty  to  the 
crown.    But  whuc  the  strugpe  lasted  the  lavtw  expenditufct 


3l8         CANADA  AND  MRIttSM  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  public  funds  in  the  fonn  of  anny  bills  seemed  to  stimu- 
late production,  and  even  in  the  Roomiest  months  of  the 
conflict  the  provinces  wore  an  air  of  prosperity.  With 
the  cessation  of  hostilities  came  the  usual  reaction ;  a  period 
of  hard  times  followed,  and,  for  a  time,  domestic  exigencies 
arising  from  general  economic  depression  demanded  the 
serious  attention  of  the  authorities. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

LOITER  CANADA  UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL 
ACT  OF  tjgt 

During  the  tummer  of  179a  Lower  Canada  Iwld  ita 
first  general  election.  Down  to  the  cinquest  in  1759 
there  had  been  abaolutely  no  recognition  by  the  French 
authorities  of  the  ri^t  of  the  peopk  tu  <rontr->l  their  own 
aflairs.  Nor  could  die  France  of  die  old  r%ime  reasonably 
have  been  expected  to  endow  her  colonies  with  that  which 
she  did  not  herself  possess.  And  dwrii^  the  first  few  dec- 
ades succeeding  the  conquest  the  presence  in  the  |»ovinc« 
of  an  ovawhelming  popubtion  of  aUen  extraction,  totally  un- 
habituated  to  the  forms  of  representadve  government  seemed 
to  rend«-  it  advisable  that  no  elecdve  Assembly  dumU  be 
granted.  In  feet,  the  Quebec  Act  of  1774,  ex|»cssly  sec 
forth  this  inexpe£ency.  But  simx  the  passage  of  that  Act 
the  British  government  had  been  tau^t  by  her  American 
colonies  several  important  lessons  in  the  science  of  cokmial 
adminiMration.  Lower  Canada  had  been  preservol  to  the 
mother  countiy  during  the  stormy  times  <^  the  Revolutionary 
War  if  not  by  the  strict  loyalqr  of  the  Frmcb-Canadians 
at  any  rate  1^  the  feet  diat  disfeyal  counsels  were  not 
accepted  bv  die  popuhtioa  in  general.  Smne  writers  have 
endeavored  n>  ^tribute  the  foilure  of  the  Mon^omery- 
Amdd  expcditKMis  to  dw  enthusiastic  loyaky  of  the 
Frendi-Canadian  hMumt.  %vx  as  has  been  shown  in 
die  {Mcvious  chiqpter  no  such  pontion  is  warranted'  by  dbe 

319 


320         CAVADA  AND  MRITtSH  NORTH  AMERICA 

&««.      The   truth   of  the   matter  is   that   the  bulk  of 
the  haHtanti  remained  neutral  during  the  war,  neither  op- 
posing  nor  supporting  the  invaders.     But  that  they  did 
even  this  is,  considering  the  circumstances,  to  their  credit 
and  especially  to  the  credit  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
in  Lower  Canada  which  lent  its  all-powerful  influence  in 
securing  this  end.    At  any  rate  the  attitude  of  the  French- 
Canadians  during  the  war  had  done  not  a  little  to  strengthen 
their  claims  to  an  elective  Assembly,  and,  in  1791,  the 
British  authorities  had  decided  to  entrust  such  an  institution 
to  their  care.     Excellent  provision  was  made,  however,  to 
restrict  the  powers  of  this  Assembly  by  confiding  to  an 
appointed  Legislative  Council  an  absolute  power  of  veto 
over  its  legisbtion.     In  this  way  it  was  sought  to  protect 
the  interests  of  the  English-speaking  minority  in  the  prov- 
mce.     Furthermore,  the  home  authorities  took  care  to  re- 
serve certain  «« casual  and  territorial  revenues"  within  their 
own  control.     The  result  was  that  the  new  Assembly  was 
far  from  being,  as  some  expected  it  would  be,  a  reproduc- 
tion of  the  British  House  of  Commons.     It  had  neither 
full  power  to  control  the  executive  nor  absolute  control 
of  revenue  and  expenditure.     The  appointive  Legislative 
Council  could  veto  financial  measures  and  did  veto  them 
without  hesiution.     Expressions  of  want  of  confidence  in 
the  executive  produced  no  effect  whatever  for  the  execu^ 
tive  in  no  wise  held  itself  responsible  to  the  elective  Mouse. 
But   while    the   French-Canadian    population   of  Lower 
Canada  regarded  the  Act  as  falling  far  short  of  expecu- 
tions,  its  leaders  took  part  in  the  first  elections  with  no  hck 
of  energy,  and  in  some  of  the  constituencies  the  contestt 
were  fought  out  with  a  vigor  which  showed  that  the  French- 
Canadian  was  not  tardy  to  learn  the  devious  ways  of  the 
politician.    As  was  expected,  the  French-speaking  members 
were  in  a  decisive  majority  among  the  newly-elected  lepre- 
senutives,  and  chose  their  candidate  for  Speaker  by  a  vote 
of  twenty-eight  to  eighteen.     The  promptness  with  which 
the  members  of  French  and  British  extraaion  respectively 


11 


^1 


The  Du  Calvet  home,  Montreal. 


\'l 


lomut  cjihmj  undu  jct  or  179*        jai 

ra^ed  dieniaeivet  in  oppoMtitm  to  one  another  ir«a  bu»> 
gettive,  for  tiiefc  were  m  jret  no  dedtive  diierencet  oo 
matters  of  general  poUcjr. 

One  of  the  fint  quettiona  iriiich  the  new  Houae  was 
called  upon  to  consider  was  that  aa  to  whether  the  business 
of  the  House  should  be  conducted  in  Ffrnch  t»  in  English. 
After  OHisiderkble  discussion  of  t'  .er,  it  was  decided 

to  compromise  the  claims  of  the  r  >  ve  umgues  by  per- 
mitting the  use  of  either  in  the  Hju^  aiA  pnviding  that 
the  journals  should  be  kept  in  both.  This  involved  con- 
siderable expense  in  the  way  of  additional  clerical  staff,  trans- 
lators, clerks,  and  the  lilw,  but  it  was  fmuid  the  only  way 
of  reconciling  the  two  interestt  cwicemed.  During  this 
first  session  only  a  small  number  of  bills  was  passed,  for 
the  members  were  inexperienced  and  transacted  business 
very  slowly.  Om  remarkable  feature  of  the  sessional  pro- 
ceedings was,  however,  the  high  tone  of  loyalty  to  the 
motherland,  which  found  expnessmn  both  in  icsolutions 
and  in  the  coune  of  the  debates.  The  immediate  occasion 
of  this  expression  was  the  outbraak  of  war  between  Gicat 
Britain  and  France. 

Various  causes— which  need  not  be  detailed  here  because 
they  were  connected  wholly  with  the  course  of  Eurmican 
politics— led  to  this  outbreak  of  hostilitks,  and  that  theie 
should  have  been  amoi^  the  hMunts  of  French  Canada  a 
latent  sympathy  with  their  former  compatriots  is  not  sur- 
prising. Undoubtedly  such  was  the  case  at  the  outset  of 
the  Revolution,  and  dw  same  mi^  be  said  with  truth  as 
regards  a  not  inconsiderable  portwn  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Great  Britain  itself.  But  the  excesses  which  marited  the 
upheaval  as  it  proceeded;  the  \amot%  of  the » red  tenor" 
and  the  execution  of  Louis  XVI. ;  aU  these  served  to  cause, 
both  in  the  mother  country  and  in  her  Canadian  colonies^ 
a  decisive  revulsion  of  feeling.  Nor  was  this  reaction 
lacking  even  among  the  French-Canadian  section,  for  there 
the  influence  of  the  Church  was  predominant,  and  the 
Roman  Catholk  Church  in  Canada  had  good  reastm  to 


iff 

t 

I 


i 


322         CJNdDJ  AND  BMTISH  NORTH  AMBRICJl 

remember  the  generottty  uid  unfailing  support  of  the  Boufw 
bon  tovereigni.     It  wu  principtUy  to  thU  chureh,  suunch 
champion  of  legiumate  monarchy,  that  one  mutt  very  lamlv 
•ttnbute  the  attitude  of  the  bMumt.     In  thU  connection, 
however,  the  Conttitutional  Act  of  1791  waa  a  veiy  timely 
•trpJtt,  for  while  it  did  not,  at  has  been  pointed  out,  fully 
Mttify  the  demands   of  the  predominant   nee  in  Lower 
Canada,  It  went  sufBdentlv  far  in  that  direction  to  have  an 
appreciable  influence.     The  combined  result  of  these  fea- 
nires  was,  that  when  the  emissaries  of  the  new  French 
Kepubhc  made  their  way  to  the  colony  with  the  avowed 
design  of  conducting  their  repubUcan  propaganda,  their 
reception  was  discouraging  in  the  extreme.    Even  the  lesis- 
toure  made  haste,  during  the  course  of  1794,  to  enact  L- 
Ml«ion  conferring  on  the  governor-general  summary  powers 
"•rr"'!  .^  revolutionary  agiutors.     This  was  the  so- 
called  "Alien  Act,"  which,  among  other  things,  requii^d 
every  alien,  on  arrival  in  the  colony,  to  declare  his  identity 
on  oath.     Citizen  Genet  and  his  friends  were  actively 
prosecuting  the  interesu  of  France  in  the  United  States^ 
•nd  the  Imslators  of  Lower  Canada  were  determined  that 
WMie  of  his  agenu  should  cross  the  border  with  impunity. 
And  m  order  to  secure  himself  againtt  any  possibility  of 
trouble,  Dorchetter,  in  the  foUowing  year,  onlered  the  pro- 
vincial  mUitia  to  be  held  in  readiness.     Some  compuiies 
were  stationed  at  points  where  outbreaks  were  mott  likely 
to  occur,  while  a  few  persons  whose  loyalty  was  not  whoUy 
above  suspicion  were  taken  into  cuttody.   But  on  the  whole, 
the  echo  of  the  Revolution  was  but  slightly  heard  in  Lower 
Canada,  and,  by  1796,  the  danger,  if  there  had  ever  been 
any,  was  by  all  conceded  to  be  patt. 

In  that  year.  Lord  Dorchetter  took  his  departure  from 
tte  province  to  be  succeeded  by  Major-generml  Robert 
««scott.  Dunng  his  long  term  of  service,  Dorchetter  had 
wr«  the  confidence  and  etteem  of  aU  classes.  Hi»  courage 
and  eneqpr,  his  tact,  his  shrewdness,  and  common  sense,  is 
well  as  hu  generous  perscral  interett  in  the  affiurs  of  the 


LOmER  CAMADd  VNDBR  ACT  Of  //p/  jaj 

colony  had  endeared  him  to  one  and  alL     Especially  were 
the  people  grateful  for  hit  unaelfidi  eflbrts  in  the  came  of 
constitutional  liberty,  and  it  was  with  deep  rcpct  that  thev 
learned  of  his  impending  departure.    The  home  authorities, 
recognizing  his  pt»x  capabilities  as  a  colonial  administntor, 
ttron^y  urged  his  continuance  in  office,  but  without  avail; 
Dorehester  was  firm  in  his  determination  to  retire  from 
active  political  life.     His  successor.  Governor  Prescot^  was 
a  soldier  by  profession  and  had  seen  much  service  in 
die  RevoluUonary  War.     On  one  memorable  occasion  he 
had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  Cmitinental  forces,  but  was 
afterward  exchanged  for  General  Charles  Lee.    After  the 
conclusion  of  peace  Prescott  letumcd  to  England,  and 
before  lone  was  again  in  the  service  against  Fiance.    Com- 
mandmg,  later,  a  successful  expedkion  against  Martinique, 
V    i^*?f  8***™**'  <»^  *•»«*  colony,  but  before  long  liis 
health  Ailed  and  the  ministry  now  sought  to  give  him  a 
more  congenial  post  in  Canada.     Immediately  upon  his 
amval  a  gmeral  election  took  pbuw,  but  little  change  in  die 
composition  of  die  Assembly  resulted.     Prescott  haJ  soon 
occasion  to  put  die  loyalty  of  his  new  kgisfatton  to  die 
proof,  for  there  had  hem  a  revival  of  intr^  on  the  part 
of  French  agitators  actins  under  die  directions  of  Adet,  die 
French  minister  at  Phihdet|riiia,  who  had  himself  addressed 
a  circubr  letter  to  the  French-Canadian  pqwhuion  calling 
upon  diem  to  prepare  to  take  up  arms  on  behalf  of  icgen- 
erated  France,  which,  be  dechued,  having  crusiwd  the  powen 
of  continental  Europe,  was  about  to  assert  a  BMMeiy  over 
Great  Britain.     Prescott  viewed  dwse  intrigues  with  what 
proved  to  be  somewiut  needless  alarm,  for  neither  the 
machuMtkms  of  Adet's  agenu  nor  his  personal  circubu- 
evoked  any  tangible  response.     What  Prescott  feared  more 
particularly  was  that  die  audiorides  of  the  United  States 
would  lend  support  to  die  movement,  but  hU  fears  in  diis 
-  "T*'^L!!*^  g«»>«M*leM,  for  to  see  France  (mce  more 
nrraly  rooted  in  North  America  was  one  of  the  last  things 
which  (Miblic  qpinion  in  die  United  States  desired.    The 


l1* 


fl 


314         C4MAD4  AND  MUflSM  MOHTM  MUUC4 

Aawmbhr  of  Low«r  Cinadi,  howvvw,  hMMMd  to  iiraigdwa 
the  handt  of  the  fovenioc^iraml  hy  reinacting  dw  AUen 
Act,  which  wu  >  tcmponiy  aieeniie  onhr  end  noir  ahovt 
to  cxptfC)  Inr  mnpeiuUfig  the  privikfe  otMnu  mpmt  tad 
hy  |ivuv  the  executive  auduiritiet  power  to  armt  and 
detain  in  c\Moiy  all  penons  niepected  of  wdwkwn  deeint. 

A  touch  of  the  tn^  was  lent  to  affiun  ahout  Am  iSnie 
throu^  the  McLane  episode.  David  McLane,  an  AoMri- 
can  citixcn  whow  ill  fortune  in  butineae  had  engendered  in 
him  a  ^irit  of  reckleMneat,  was  one  of  Adet's  numerotts 
agents.  Coning  to  Quebec,  he  undertook  to  unfold  an 
absurd  sdieme  for  the  capture  of  the  citadel  b^  dn^ging 
the  garrison,  while  a  force  of  men  from  across  d»  border 
would  overawe  the  other  stror^hoUs  of  tlM  province. 
McLane  was  at  once  arrested,  on  May  10, 1 797,  convkted, 
and  on  July  aist  barbarously  exaciMdt  iriUle  an  iUtterste 
trntJid/Ht  named  Frichet  was  sentenced  to  imprisonmeat  for 
life,  but  was  later  pardoned.  In  the  excitement  of  dM  mo- 
ment these  harsh  measures  seemed  necessary  as  deterrents, 
but  tlw  saner  opinion  of  later  days  has  rmrded  the  unfor- 
tunate McLane  as  having  been  a  more  M  subject  for  the 
aqrlum  than  for  the  iicaffiald.  It  is  difficult  to  believe 
that  the  barbarities  which  attended  this  execution  could  have 
marked  the  admiiiistnti<m  of  British  justice  on  the  eve  of 
the  nineteenth  century. 

During  die  next  two  or  three  years  the  history  of  Lower 
Canada  is  comparatively  barren  of  striking  evenu.  Routine 
laws  of  little  importance  continued  to  be  owcted  and  sup- 
plies were  granted  as  ficely  as  the  sknder  revenues  of  the 
province  permitted.  Year  by  year  there  was  a  consider- 
able deficit,  which  had  to  be  made  good  out  of  the  reserved 
revenues  of  the  crown.  But  on  the  whole,  executive  and 
legisbture  worked  harmoniously  together.  In  1799,  the 
ministry  decided  to  allow  Prescott  to  return,  to  England, 
still  retaining  the  nominal  title  of  govemor-gnwnd  and  re- 
taining the  emoluments  of  the  office,  amounting  to  some 
ten  thousand  dollars  per  aiutum,  while  Sir  K6btn  Shon 


iHHtl 


lorur  cdMMDd  wont  scr  or  rfft        325 

Milan  WM  mmom  to  pwferai  tktactiMl  exwocivt  Auie- 
tHMit  with  th*  title  of  lieutoHiit-fwtrBor  <>f  Lower  Ciaada. 
PreirioiM  to  kit  deputure,  Rmcott  hid  Ml  bm  on  the  moM 
aoucaUt  terms  with  Mme  of  hia  constitiitioma  wMmt 
bccaiHc  of  a  diffMence  of  opinion  u  to  the  A^oeel  of  dM 
crown  ba^  and  of  this  the  hone  auAorities  were  awai*. 
But  the  general  opinion  in  the  colony  seems  to  have  heen 
that  Prescott  was  on  the  rig^  side  in  the  controverqr,  and 
that  those  who  opposed  him  were  moved  to  do  so  t^  their 
own  pectiniarjr  interests.  Bjr  hto  Cajuwlian  contemponurieSf 
at  any  rate,  he  was  regarded  as  an  uprMK  oAdal  who  triad 
to  do  his  duties  fiythfolly  and  well 

Milnes*  like  his  predscessur,  was  a  solder,  and  like  him, 
had  served  as  governor  vS  Martinique.  One  of  his  first 
oficial  acts  was  to  Mng  to  the  notice  of  the  ministfT  the 
inadequacy  of  the  sahiy  attached  to  the  positioa  of  Ueu- 
tenant-goveraer,  and  wiA  socecssftil  results,  for  a  mbstan- 
tial  increase  wm  gnntcd.  The  historian  Christie  has 
preserved  for  us  the  records  of  sahuies  paid  to  the  vaiioas 
oficials  of  the  day.  Many  of  the  hardworidng  administift. 
tive  servanu  recdved  scant  enough  reanuMMien,  while, 
as  in  Great  Britain,  Acre  was,  on  Ae  other  laind,  no  dearth 
of  sinecures. 

In  the  openii^  year  of  the  nineteenth  ccntttiy  die  authofv. 
ities  undertook  M  deal  wMi  dM  question  of  the  Jeniits* 
eMates.  As  has  been  already  pouMed  out,  this  order  had, 
during  die  old  r%ime,used  iu  ii^hwnoe  wkh  the  oaonarchy 
to  iM  own  enrichiKnt,  so  dutt,  «  dM  time  c^the  conquest, 
it  possessed  wdl  on  toward  a  la^on  acres  of  the  best  lands 
of  the  colony.  But  the  order  had,  during  ^  course  of 
the  next  century,  &llen  into  dnrnute  wkh  the  l>ig^  m. 
thorities  in  various  countries;  the  Jesuits  had  been  ewpfjltd 
ftom  Spain  and  Frsnce  in  1764.  Fina%,  m  the  imerests 
of  harmony.  Pope  Clement  XIV.  diottght  it  weB,  in  1773, 
to  suppress  die  order  altogether,  and  it  remained  so  till  its 
revival  1^  the  Pkpwy  in  1814.  After  die  sup|msBon  of 
die  order,  die  remaining  Jesuit  priests  in  Lower  Canada 


IjI 


3S«         CMUDd  MID  BUrmi  MOUTH  dMBUCJI 

wa«  pcrmittid  to  mjojr  tlM  flOMluinaitt  viriiig  from  dMit 
MCatn  whicli  hU  not  boM  prevwudf  ditpoMd  of,  bM 
(kith  Mmn  thiaiMd  oitt  thnr  nuikt,  Mid  in  1800  thr  hat 
w-< .  jr  pMMd  awajr.  It  wtt,  tbtrafom,  decided  tlMt  the 
«MK(«  thould  be  sequntntod  to  the  crown,  and  Milncs 
was  inatntctcd  bjr  tbe  booie  aMkoritiea  to  arranfe  tot  tUa 
end.  Tbe  Aaaeo^  waa  anxioua  to  obtain  control  of  tbe 
n-venues,  bnt  waa  not  inaiatMM  on  tbe  pout,  and  dw  landa 
went  to  tbe  crown.  Milnet  reconnwttded,  bi  Deceaubcr, 
1800,  tbat  tbe  annual  income  sbooM  be  dievoied  to  e(b> 
cational  purpoaes,  to  wbicb  tbe  Brkidi  aiitboritiea,  wbiie 
espreaainf  a  general  approral,  M  not  pladp  tbenaelvea. 

About  At  lanw  time,  tbe  lieutenant-fovemor  forwarded 
to  bia  aoperion  an  intereattng  statement,  statiatical  and 
detcriptive,  of  tbe  general  conation  of  affiirs  in  dM  prov- 
ince. In  tbis  report  be  pbccd  tbe  popnhtion  at  one  bandred 
and  sixty  tbousand,  from  anwMif  wbom,  in  an  estremity,  a 
defensive  militia  fmce  of  about  tbiny-^^  dtoosMid  men 
could  be  drawn.  Tbe  expenaea  of  maintainin|  dM  ouli- 
tarv  establMbment  of  tbe  cdoay  are  eataaatcd  at  aboM  a 
milliMi  ddhrs  annually,  to  wMcb  mus  be  added  an  annual 
average  deficit  in  tbe  adminutration  of  dvtl 
amounting  to  about  six^  tbousand  dolburs^  aD  of 
bad  to  be  made  good  by  dw  home  govcrament.  TIm  repeit 
contained  an  excdknt  review  of  dw  relmiaas  of  Quack 
and  Stirte,  and  ia,  in  many  wiqrs,  an  i^k  atate  peper,  ahow- 
ing  Mibiea  to  have  been  a  capital  invest^atmr  sind  a  lucid 


Durii^  tbe  eariy  yean  of  tbe  century  a  aaovemem 
begun  having  for  its  purport  tbe  «*eai^)lishment"  of  dw 
Anglican  Church  in  the  province.  For  this  rrnuh.  Bishop 
Mountain,  of  Quebec,  an  abk  and  popdar  Eputeoptl  clergy- 
man, waa  extremely  anxious,  but  in  a  psovince  where  Roonn 
Catlnlidsm  was  so  overwhdasinghr  predominant  sttdi  an  end 
was  by  no  means  easy  of  accomplishment.  Milnes,fi>rhb 
part,  dcrired  to  recommend  nodung  u^icb  woi^  sMago- 
nize  the  Roman  Cttbolic  hierarchy,  to  whose  purely  polktad 


LMniL  CMAOd  WOMM  JCT  Of  t79t 


1*7 


power  h»  ptn  w»H  wri— w  rf  »»i^^  la  &et,  he  wu  ..^ 
cialljr  conctrntd  thtt  tiM  Romui  C«lMiik  kiMuehjr  thevM 
form  a  bofartrk  to  dw  Mneadvt,  awl  l»  wduvoiwi  to  arm* 
at  MMM  >iii<<maiiJiiig  witk  Mniiiri|iwiir  fkmkt  wiM>  tlrni 
held  the  poet  of  BiAop  of  Qurtac^  ddtoi^  Hoce  the  con- 
qiMtt  the  civa  authoritiea  of  the  provtnee  had  nevtr  fmatMOy 
recomind  the  powMioii  of  thh  tkte  by  aiy  other  dam  the 
AndicanbnhopofthatdioGeae.  But  HeMitt  who  was  ded- 
dedjr  the  abkat  po&kal  diplooMiiat  dM  Canadiaa  Rooan- 
iMB  had  known  aiace  dM  dqrt  of  Laval,  nade  die  oActal 
reeoiahion  of  hit  title  the  inw  fMi  mm  of  auppoR,  and  diit 
was  not  fofthcooii^  until  after  Milnca'a  tma  (Coffee  had 
expired.  Pleaaia  formulated  other  nqneeu  aa  weU,  but  no 
action  wm  taken  in  rqard  to  thcae. 

In  iSoSt  the  question  of  aboUdui^  the  seigniorial  teniuv 

r MB  in  die  provinoc  was  discnmsd  and  a  bill  provi&ig 
commtttation  of  dM  seigniorid  dues  thro«|||i  private 
voluntarj  compacts  between  dw  seifnion  mi  dK  ktAHmitt 
concnaad  was  iattoduced,  but  w«i  never  pMsed  or  even 
voted  i^en.  The  iMroductiea  of  dUs  bOl,  how«rer»  nuf 
be  looknd  apon  as  die  irst  si^  to  dw  loiy  mtwmeni  fat 
comaMttden  «4udi  did  not  culmiaato  ta  a  hdf-caaturjr 
kMT  In  the  same  jr«tf,  M&MS,  having  rtcunod  leaw  of 
aStence,  retuTMd  7  England,  leaving  as  adainistrafeer  dw 
•-'Ml-  Thnmas  Di  »,h  «4w  at  dw  tkne  mw  seniar  eneudve 
. wi  :t»i.?'  Milw  •  txpacMd, if  thr  scjoum  io^ioved  his 
•k  f 'in  ;>  r«nim  to  the  province  in  the  following  jrcari  but 
att  >-  F.?viny  bis  leave  extended  fiwn  tlii^«  to  ttaw  until  1807, 
he  £;>ra-  jsjpied  dw  pose.  Thn .ujithottt  bia  abeence,Dunn 
coi^ued  to  supervise  aftin  wiMJ?  axtd  wntt.  Akhou^ 
an  Englishman  \if  biith,  Dunn  :m\  Imoi  seveial  jean  in 
die  cdony,  had  aomirad  an  estate  dmc,  had  manied  a 
dai^uerof  French  Canada^  and  poseessed  a  wide  and  &vor- 
abk  acq'.';u.iuuice  with  Ow  peop!*?.  Hk  tdgime  opraed 
under  lu.  n  n^idoiw  drcumstancea,  hk  first  oticial  tMk 
in  reluion  to  hk  Asssmblv  beiwto  communicate  to  the 
airaibersthenewsofdwgktioiMTrafii%Br.  Thetwojpears 


"~'""^-iniwM-i 


1 


jaS         CJNMDd  JND  BRPnSH  NORTH  JilMRICJ 

of  hit  tenure  of  office  paued  without  incident,  i  •  ve  for  a 
■pinted  encounter  between  the  Assembly  and  certain  of  the 
provincial  newspapers,  whose  criticUms  of  legislative  action 
had  seemed  too  harsh  to  those  with  whom  fault  had  been 
found.  The  sergeant-at-arms  was  sent  to  Montreal  to  arrest 
two  of  the  oflfending  editors,  but  on  arrival  he  found  that 
they  were  not  within  reach,  and  the  matter  was  allowed  to 
drop.   A  Quebec  editor,  however,  being  within  easier  grasp, 
was  brought  to  the  bar  of  the  House  and  forced  to  apobgire 
for  havmg  made  some  aUusion  to  the  Napoleonic  despotism 
of  the  Assembly  in  press  matters.     There  seems  to  have 
bee^  however,  no  connection  between  these  difficulties  and 
the  ftct  that  about  the  samr  time  the  first  issue  of  the  ftmous 
Z^  CmuJifH  appeared.    This  publication,  the  avowed  object 
of  which  was  to  stand  for  the  preservation  intact  of  French 
instituaons,  language,  and  laws,  was  destined  to  pUy  a  most 
important  part  in  tlw  history  of  Canadian  journalism,  a  part, 
however,  not  altogether  to  iu  credit.     From  the  outset,  it 
assumed  a  position  of  irreconcilable  antagonism  to  the  exec- 
utive, to  the  British  minority,  and  to  the  industrial  and 
con  'ereial  as  distinguished  from  the  agricultural  interests. 
It  'vas  riblished  entirely  in  French  and  had  a  large  con- 
•titL    .^      Conducted  with  no  marked  ability,  it  won  the 
ear  of  the  unlettered  bMtmnt  by  the  persistency  with  which 
It  professed  to  support  his  interests;  and  by  eventually  stir- 
ring up  his  racial  jealousy,  Lt  CaHmiUm  was  not  least  among 
the  .nany  agenu  which  contributed  to  tiw  conditions  resultins 
in  the  abortive  risings  of  183  7-1 838. 

A  short  time  before  the  arrival  of  MUnes's  successor  in 
*<»07,the  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  became  very  dangerously  strained  as  the  result  of  the 
enforcement  by  the  former  of  the  right  of  seareh.  As  a 
precautionary  measure,  Dunn  ordered  the  mUitia  to  be  bal- 
loted for  and  held  in  readiness.  Bishop  Plessis  lent  his 
support  through  the  issue  of  a  matuUm*mt  which  stands  as  a 
model  of  patriotic  counsel.  Work  on  the  fortificatbns  at 
Quebec  was  pushed  ahead  vigorously  until  it  appnred  that 


il 


LOWMk  CASADA  USDEH  ACT  OF  1791  339 

immeditte  danger,  at  any  fate,  had  passed.    In  the  autumn, 
Sir  James  Cnug,  the  new  lieutenant-governor  arrived.  Cra% 
owed  his  appointment  largely  to  the  struned  relations  still 
existing  between  the  raotherbnd  and  the  United  &ates, 
which  seemed  to  make  it  advisable  to  place  an  experienced 
soldier  at  the  head  of  Lower  Canada's  a&itt.     The  new 
lieutenant-governor  had  had  his  fiill  share  of  active  service 
in  the  Revolutionary  War,  having  been  wounded  at  Bunker 
Hill  and  numbered  among  the  surrendered  at  Saratoga. 
When  the  later  war  with  France  hvpn^  he  was  once  again 
in  service,  but  ill  health  forced  him  to  leave  the  field  for  the 
time  being,  and  it  was  with  the  hqie  of  a  speedy  iccupera- 
tion  that  he  now  accepted  the  ofer  made  to  him  by  the 
ministry.     In  his  politkal  predilections  Cnug  was  a  Toiy 
of  the  extreme  type,  and  he  came  to  the  cdony  with  his 
mind  steeled  against  anv  further  concesnons  to  liberalism. 
Hence,  it  was  not  long  before  his  relations  with  the  Assem- 
bly were  fiur  firom  cordial.     The  latter,  during  the  hut  year 
of  his  term  debated  and  passed  with  an  appnwch  to  una- 
nimity, a  resolution  ctmdemning  the  practice  of  judges  taking 
part  in  political  affiurs.   But  in  this  resolution  the  Lcgisfattive 
Council  Ailed  to  concur.     Likewise,  the  Assembly,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  general  religious  intolerance  of  the  times 
expelled  the  representative  from  Three  Rivers,  Mr.  Hart, 
who  was  a  well-to-do  and  respected  citisen  of  dutt  town, 
but  a  Jew.    Anin  his  cmstituents  returned  hi  n,  and  apun 
he  was  expelled.    After  his  third  election  the  House  under- 
took to  pass  a  bill  for  the  general  diM|ualificaticm  of  Jews 
from  candidature  for  election,  whereupon  Governor  Craig 
ordered  its  dissolution,  upbrsiding  the  kgishtors,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  complimenting  the  attitude  shown  throug^ioitt 
the  session  by  the  Englisl^speaktnc  minority.    This  action 
served  to  place  the  executive  in  AiU  antagonism  to  the  As- 
sembly: an  antagoninn  which  Lt  Ctmu&H  did  its  best  to 
accentuate.    But  the  dections  showed  the  confidence  of  the 
electorate  in  their  r^resentatives.    And  no  sooner  had  the 
new  AssemUy  met  than  it  placed  on  record  its  opinion  that 


u 


330         CJNADJ  AND  BMlTtSM  MOUTH  JMBRKJ 

**any  tttempt  to  ceiuure  the  proccedii^  of  the  Houae  b^ 
approving  the  conduct  of  a  minority  md  disapproving  thtt 
of  the  majority  in  an  oficial  addreta"  waa  ^^a  breach  of 
IMivilege  and  an  atuu:fc  on  the  liberties  of  the  province." 

Craig  now  bi^an  to  assume  a  more  condliatory  tone, 
which  the  AaMmUy  at  once  accepted  as  a  confession  of 
weakness.     Friction  aroae  ovct  the  matter  of  granting  sup- 
plies, and,  the  Assembly,  not  being  able  to  procure  the 
auent  of  the  Legislative  Council  to  its  bill  for  the  disquali- 
fication of  iui%es,  promptly  dedared  vacant  a  seat  in  the 
House  held  by  Judge  de  Bonne,  of  the  Court  of  King's 
Bench.     But  Craig  was  not  thus  to  be  ou^eneralled,  and 
quickly  resorted  to  another  dissolution.     The  English- 
^eaUng  section  of  the  province  suppcmed  him  firmly,  while 
the  French  inhabitanu  as  wwmly  commended  the  Assem- 
bly.    The  governor  had  thus  produced  the  unfortunate 
result  of  identifying  racial  and  pcditical  difierences.   A  more 
experienced  political  strategist  would  have  striven  to  avoid 
openly  antagonising  the  dominant  party  in  the  colony- 
would  at  least  have  tried  to  disintegrate  iu  opposition. 
But  Craig's  training  as  a  soldier  led  him  into  the  error  of 
attempting  to  crush  a  constitutional  majority.    And  not  con- 
tent with  his  attempt  to  stifle  of^wsituMi  in  the  Assembly  by 
his  oflicial  weapon  of  dissolution,  the  govenun'  undertook 
to  muule  opposition  in  the  press.     Of  the  four  or  five 
organ«  of  public  opinion  in  the  colony,  only  one,  L*  Qmm- 
iw»  supported  the  Assembly}  the  others  u|riield  the  execu- 
tive.    But  the  bitter  incisiveiwss  of  the  little  French  '»rpm 
galled  Craig  sorely,  and  a  warrant  was  sworn  out  i«.  the 
■rrest  ^  its  publishen.     Press,  paper,  and  printers  were 
i«»ed  by  a  squad  of  troops,  while  a  number  of  |»tHninent 
•ympathisets  wMi  the  oppositi<m  were  arrested  and  held  for 
a  time;  to  behter  released  withoM  trial.    This  hanh  acticm 
was  justly  resented  by  the  peofde,  who  so  stton^y  n 
fested  ii»tit  opinions  at  the  ensuing  elections,  that  the 
AssM^^r  met  in  no  amicable  ftsme  of  mind.    As  the  gov- 
«aor  had  now  become  convinced  that  nothing  was  to  be 


uab 


lOmR  CAVADd  VMDBR  ACT  OP  1791  331 

gtined  by  the  Stuart  procedure  of  turning  the  House  out  of 
wtsionf  he  decided  to  approach  the  home  authorities  with  • 
request  for  such  an  alteration  in  the  constitution  as  would 
curb  the  Assembly's  power  {  in  the  meantime,  endeavoring 
to  get  along  with  the  Houte  as  best  he  miriit.  With  a 
diow  of  conciliation  Craig  anented  to  the  bill  for  the  dis- 
qualification of  judges  fnmi  seats  in  the  House,  and  the 
AssemUjr  passed  most  of  the  measures  recommended  to  it 
by  the  executive.  In  the  ■iterim,  the  home  authorities  had 
refused  to  consider  his  i^ggestions  for  the  amendment  of 
the  constitution,  and,  the  governor,  whose  health  was  not 
improving,  took  advantage  of  the  lull  in  colonial  animositiet 
to  ask  reOef  from  office.  In  June,  1 8 1 1 ,  he  left  Mr.  Dunn 
to  act  again  u  administrator,  and  set  out  for  En^and. 
Despite  his  fiutks,  the  governor  waa  sif  arii  and  heoett. 
Like  many  military  officers,  he  tmtmigmA  to  be  firm  and 
ended  by  being  arbitruy.  A  steadfast  uphddar  c^  obsdete 
theories  of  govemmeat,  thsrau^y  iHstsHUe  in  a  Rowing 
British  coloi^fkis  appointment  to  the  post  of  governor  was 
unfortunate  fs^ght  it  wouin  have  b«ca  iafimi^  more  so 
a  score  of  jrears  teer. 

Dunn  retained  his  <^cc  as  adwinisrnitur  oafy  till  the 
arrival,  on  Septtmber  la,  itii,  ftom  Nova  Scotia,  of  Sir 
Geoife  Prevoet.  PrevMt  had  hmm  bom  in  New  Ywk 
bef(Mc  the  Revolutionary  War,  had  caMmd  die  army,  and 
had  seen  so«e  service  in  the  West  In^n.  Buthehad,as 
rsnadiins  afterward  levnri  to  thev  ^^gint,  an  utter  lack 
of  anyf  the  qualities  <(f  a  swccai^il  administwiui  or  even 
of  a  good  solditf ,  and  dM  liiliiig  piipwiirilji  which  be  se- 
CMcd  on  his  urival  at  C^giAtc  mm^  to  his  abil^  to  tfmk 
French  iuently,  toon  deserted  him.  Dibu^  tlis  years  of 
Prevost's  r^me  the  cneigies  of  the  province  we«e  con- 
centrated upon  the  heavy  task  of  de<!nidfaig  its  fxpoecd 
frontiers  and  little  time  or  <qppottunity  was  pven  for  internal 
poikkal  animosities. 

The  military  -venu  of  these  years  are  diodt  with  tt 
lenph  in  a  prevbus  chapter,  and  from  dMse  the  reader 


i\\ 


t  i 


1 
I 

- 1 


33a         CJMJD^  JND  MRJTtSH  NORTH  MtMRJCJ 

mtyfotm  his  own  opinion  as  to  Provost's  worth.  After 
his  departure  iii  1815,  Sir  Gordon  Drumniond,  the  heio 
of  Lundy  s  Lane,  .turned  the  temporary  administration  of 

■ftirs  and  found  a  difficult  task  in  the  disposal  of  the  kgades 
left  by  the  war.     The  obligations  incurred  to  cover  the  ex- 
penditure had  to  be  dischiuged)  granu  rf  land  were  to  be 
made  to  nulitiamen  in  recognition  of  their  services  and 
arrangements  for  pensions  and  the  like  demanded  attention. 
All  these  thmgs  were  arranged  with  business-like  dispatch 
before  the  arrival  on  July  11,  1816,  of  Sir  John  Cope 
Sherbrooke  who  had   been   named    to  succeed  Prevort. 
Before  Dninimond's  departure  a  general  election  had  been 
held,  but  without  any  gratifying  results  as  far  as  the  execu- 
tive was  concerned,  for  most  of  the  old  members  were 
mumed.  Sherbrooke  was  a  veteran  of  Wellington's  Penin- 
sular War,  and  had  been  for  a  time  the  titukrhead  of  afiun 
m  Nova  Scotia.     He  had  neither  the  stubborn  dogged- 
ness  of  Craig  nor  the  grovelling  subserviency  of  some  of 
his  own  successors,  and  was  in  many  ways  weU  qualified 
to  make  an  able  administrator.     But  the  hostUity  between 
legislature  and  executive,  which  had  somewhat  decreased  in 
virulence  during  the  war,  was  stiU  a  factor  to  be  reckoned 
wth,  and  Sheri)rocV.e  lent  himself  to  adjusting  the  causes 
of  disagreement.     In  this  l»  was  strikin^y  successful.    By 
a  series  of  wise  concessions  the  weighty  influence  of  Bishop 
riessis  and  the  hierarehy  was  secured  in  support  of  those 
in  civU  authority,  the  old  animosity  of  the  Assembly  toward 
some  of  the  judges  was  placated,  and  to  a  conference  com- 

r?!  !i  k**"*  "**T  "^  8i»«  the  duty  of  adjusting 
«U  future  differences.  In  keeping  with  this  new  himoay 
the  home  government  handed  over  to  the  Assembly  for  the 
hrst  time  the  task  of  providing  by  vote  of  supplies  for 
the  deficiency  between  the  regular  crown  revenue  and  the 
annual  expenditure.  It  was  provided,  however,  that  for 
such  votes,  the  assent  of  the  Legishtive  Council  should 
d     oX****^'  *  **''***'°"  *•  Assembly  willingly 


LOWER  C4MJDJI  UNDER  JCT  Or  rfgr  333 

In  the  coune  of  three  veara,  Sherbrodre  <Ud  much  to 
bring  about  an  agreement  between  the  pditkal  putiet  of 
Lower  Canada)  it  was  unfortunate  that  fiuling  health  forced 
hi*  retirement  from  office  in  18 19,  when  he  was  succeeded 
by  the  Duke  of  Richmond.  Sherbrooke  \aA  hardly  gone 
when  the  two  Houses  fell  to  quarrdling  again,  and  the  new 
Conciliation  Committee  in  no  way  availed  to  effect  a  com- 
promise. This  time  the  bone  of  contention  was  the  Sup|dy 
Bill.  The  Assembly  decided  that  no  permanent  civil  lift 
should  be  granted  as  in  Great  Britain,  but  that  all  sakries 
of  officials  and  other  expenses  of  administration  should  be 
voted  each  year  as  items  in  the  Supply  Bill.  And  it  pro- 
ceeded to  pass  a  Supply  Bill  for  tlw  current  year  on  this 
plan,  cutting  out  all  sinecure  offices  and  useless  expenditure. 
In  this  bill  the  I.,egishitive  Council  refused  to  concur,  so 
that  the  colony  was  left  without  its  suf^lks  altogether. 
RichmiMid  finally  ordered  the  necessary  amounu  drawn 
from  the  crown  revenues.  The  most  striking  event  of  the 
year  was  the  governor's  own  tragic  death.  Whik  on  a 
tour  of  the  two  provinces  in  the  summer  of  1819  he  was 
bitten  slightly  in  the  hand  by  a  tame  fox.  Befme  his  tour 
was  completed  hydrophobia  developed  and  he  died  before 
he  could  return  to  Quebec.  The  senior  member  of  the 
Executive  Council,  who  at  that  time  happened  to  be  Chief 
Justice  Monk,  assumed  contnd  of  the  administration  but  in 
the  following  year  (i8ao)  the  Earl  of  Dalhousie  was  ttsns- 
ferred  from  Nova  Scotia  to  the  vacant  post. 

Owbg  to  the  death  of  the  sovereign  a  dissolution  of  the 
Assembly  was  made  necessary  at  thk  time  and  the  new 
electira  took  place  immediately  on  DaUtousie's  arrival. 
The  result  was  more  decmve  thm  ustnl  in  fevor  of  the 
French  element,  and  dw  strife  with  tiw  other  branch  began 
anew,  and  over  the  same  question  of  supplies.  The  U|^er 
House  |daced  itself  definitely  on  record  by  notifying  the 
Assembly  that  it  would  assent  to  no  vote  of  salaries  unless 
such  wet*  embodied  in  a  regular  civil  Um  granted,  as  in 
Great  Britain,  for  the  kin^s  Ufetime;  and  as  the  Assembly 


^4^         CJNdDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMBRICd 

Z;^>  k'  7°  T^  ■"."'"  ^°"*'»'^P'°^*"<*  now  had 
Upper  C^iMd..  M«t  of  the  goods  imported  from  abro^ 
ment  had  been  made  ««,y  year,  previoualy  wifcmby  Up^ 

t^,«  r'  •"  .*  '•iTu^^''^  ^'^  collected  dJe.  B« 
the  latter  now  ckimed  th«  its  .haiv  waa  unttrly  low  and 

tl  Bril%''r  '°  *^  *""!:"  government.  AcLdTn^ 
M  the  Cana^  Trade  Act,  which  conceded  the  demand  of 
Upper  Camjda.     B«  what  h«l  mo«  dfcct  upon  ^?„^ 

iowevt  "^  ""•""  *'^  *^  ^"°  P^^^"-  '^h  provision, 
however,  waijnot  to  go  into  effect  until  the  feelinp  of  the 
colonwt.  ,n  both  pn,vince,  could  be  a«*rtained.  A.  auch 
aun.on  would  give  a  dotthblow  to  French  aacendency,  S 
dominant  party  ,n  the  A«embly  of  Lower  Canada  beirr«l 
«^lf  to  prevent  any  ,uch  eventuality,  and  in  conaequence 
b^umc  «.mewhat  more  pliable.  By  way  of  coJ^r^ 
he  e«.mate.  were  granted  in  two  di.tinct  budgets,  dHfcren- 
t«t.ng  expenditure  m  which  the  recommenition  of  the 
executive  was  regarded  a.  final  from  that  in  which  the  As! 

fTn^'.r'*^.*"''  ^""  f  •^'«'*"'-  But  even  this  ^  „« 
found  altogether  successful,  and  difficulties  on  the  •««  of 
money  bills  by  no  means  came  to  an  end. 

The  defalcation  of  Receiver-general  Caldwell  kd  to  his 
suspension  from  office  in  ,8a J  Caldwell  wasTcr^ 
officid  and.  as  the  A-embly  had  no  control  over  his^ 
duct.  It  now  hastened  to  disclaim  responsibUity  for  the 
amount  of  the  defalcation.,  which  had  reached  the  cons  d! 
mble  sum  of  nearly  half  a  million  dollars.  As  Caldwell 
had  for  some  time  been  generallv  known  to  have  bein 

in  office,  the  outcome  reflected  very  severely  upon  the  finan- 
cial policy  of  the  executive,  and  this  featuriof  the  «Jei^ 
made  the  most  of  by  opponents  oT  the  latter.    In  its  session 


■■■■I 


ii^ 


jjH 


LOITBR  CMNADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  1791 


335 


of  1817,  the  AiHieiiibly  fai]H  to  renew  the  Militia  Aa^thus 
leaving  the  colony  without  legal  meana  of  defence,  a  n^lect 
which  brou^  another  dissolution.  But  the  popularity  of 
the  Assembly  throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  province 
was  such  that  this  availed  nothing.  Petitions  now  began 
to  be  numerously  signed  praying  the  home  authorities  to 
take  some  action  to  mend  matters,  which  had  now  become 
inconveniently  complicated,  and  in  response  to  these  the 
House  of  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  spring  of  i8a8, 
appointed  a  committee  of  twenty-one  members  to  inveMi- 
gate  the  whole  question  of  civil  government  in  Lower  Can- 
ada. This  committee  reported  hiter  in  the  year,  advising, 
among  other  things,  that  the  Assembly  be  given  Aill  control 
of  all  public  revenue  and  expenditure,  provision  being  made, 
however,  for  the  independoice  of  the  executive  and  judi- 
ciary. The  regular  and  casual  revenues  of  the  crown  were, 
however,  to  remain  exempt  from  legislative  control  as  before. 
In  the  meantime,  Dalbousie's  term  had  expired,  and  he  re- 
turned to  England.  On  arrival  he  submitted  to  the  colonial 
office  that,  in  his  o|Mnion,  the  proposals  of  the  committee 
would  never  solve  the  difficulties.  And  subsequent  eventt 
proved  him  to  have  been  right  in  this  c^bn,  for  the  As- 
sembly showed  itself  to  be  after  nothing  less  than  the  com- 
plete control  of  all  provincial  revenues  without  ccmdition  or 
reservation  whatsoever. 

Dalhousie's  successor  was  Sir  James  Kempt,  who  held 
office  from  September  8,  1828,  to  October  19,  1830. 
Kempt  had  afawady  visited  the  colony  as  one  of  the  com- 
manding geneeais  in  the  war  of  181 2-18 14.  He  was 
strongly  couns(&d  before  leaving  England  to  keep  the  olive 
branch  held  out  and  showed  the  result  of  this  counsel  by 
promptly  confirming  Papineau  as  Speaker  of  the  Assembly. 
But  the  Assembly  failed  to  respond  to  conciliarion  and  the 
Supply  Bills  for  1828  and  the  following  year  were  grarrol 
in  the  usual  niggardly  fashion,  thus  throwing  out  to  the 
L^slative  Couaett  a  strong  tempution  to  disallowance. 
During  the  suasions  of  these  two  years  the  usual  quota 


■)i 


I  ■ 


i 


336         GMMXU  JND  MMnUM  MOUTH  JMMUCA 

•[P«i««oM  for  icdmt  of  grkvanrff  wu  preiented  but 
ZT  S!!^*  i^****^  •"  P~^    On«  Act,  how. 

■«b«of  ■«BbmiiitIi«AM«iiWyto«|hty-ftHir.  Tho 
rTt^TSfu  ■■^.  *?!■  ^'y^  ."  «!»•  P«h  of  coacUktion 
of  tlM  ciwrn  revwww,  both  nguiv  and  cu»uL  but.  u 

cwwn  WMnotIik«fytowwveh.ririit.u,tWt  iJud 
S^JTS"  "^"^ '^ '^ '^  *" ***^ •^ •  P"^ 

2.  where  the  movemeiit   for  fwAmmentuj  reform  wm 

which  w„re«.ctmg  it.^firp.,Ii.„«^  ,„Hwith««Kl2 
3%^^  ">  «pre«it«ion,  ud  not  even  the  pretti.; 
of  WeUuigton  who  succeeded  Liverpool,  „A  the  ri.le  ««S! 
«.ce  of  th,  gjfted  Peel,  who  «.pporS^hi«,  were  ..S^t 
to  stein  the  ntm.  tide.  The  death  of  G«i»  IV  imd  X 
^o„  of  WiiLn  IV.  in  ^30,  ,i«plified^e„ll;!:! 
J?^  »»>«  "fw  kmg  WM  firm  in  his  determination  to  let 
the  movement  have  free  scope  within  pariiamentarv  boundi. 

of  Louii  Phihppe  had  Its  eflect  in  thu.  dispoMng  him.  At 
jny  ««.  Jl^n  the  bill  p„s«l  the  Comu^^  Jiw,  tte 

even  to  the  extent  of  threatening  concurrence  in  a  pnmoS 
to  cre«e  a  number  of  new  peen  sufficient  to  cany  \teS 
The  Reform  Act  of  183a  pot  the  control  of  iSdrs  in  £ 
lund.  of  men  who  both  in  -le  and  in  realit/re^„S 
^people.  Its  pas«|ge  w...  therefore,  of  ^^TinS^ 
to  the  popular  party  in  Uw«r  Canada,  for  it  had  direct 


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LOITER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  1791  337 

application  to  the  colonial  situation.    To  Pa|Mneau  and  his 
friends  the  issues  in  the  province  and  at  home  were  akin. 

Meanwhile,  Kempt's  term  had  expired  and  his  successor. 
Lord  Aylmer,  had  arrived  and  assumed  control  of  affiurs  on 
Oc^^ober  19, 1830.     Like  his  predecessor,  Aylmer  adopted 
from  the  first  an  attitude  of  compromise,  but  he  was  fortu- 
nate in  having  agencies  of  conciliation  which  his  predeces- 
sors had  not  possessed.     He  had  been  instructed  by  the 
home  authorities  that  the  crown  was  willing  to  surrender  its 
duties  and  other  reguhur  revenues,  amounting  to  nearly  two 
hundred  thousand  dollars  per  year,  if  the  Assembly  would 
guarantee  a  civil  list  during  the  lifetime  of  the  king  amount- 
ing to  half  that  sum;  but  the  casual  and  territorial  revenues 
arising  from  timber  dues  and  the  like  were  to  remain,  as 
before,  subject  to  royal  control  alone.     This  Aylmer  com- 
municated to  the  Assembly,  but  the  latter  demurred,  ex- 
pressing in  a  resolution  its  insistence  upon  the  control  of 
the  entire  revenue,  both  reguhr  and  casual.     Even  this 
rebuff  in  no  way  disconcerted  the  authorities  of  Downing 
Street,  and  in  1831  an  Act  was  passed  handing  over  the 
regular  revenues  to  the  Assembly  without  condition  whatso- 
ever, leaving  it  to  the  Assembly  to  provide  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  administration  as  it  might  see  fit.     Not  only  so, 
but  the  ministry  promised  to  arrange  that  colonial  ju^ea 
should  hereafter  be  appointed  for  life  and  not,  as  before, 
during  the  royal  pleasure,  and  to  order  their  future  absti- 
nence from  political  activities.    From  this  manifest  uion  of 
political  liberality  the  home  authorities  justly  expected  bene- 
ficial resulu  in  the  way  o(  coopemtion  from  the  Assembly. 
But  in  so  doing  they  misjudged  the  men  who  made  up  the 
legislature  of  French  Canada.     A  proposal  to  giant  a  per- 
manent civU  list  of  less  than  thirty  thousand  dollars  was 
negatived  by  the  Assembly,  which  likewise  proposed  that 
the  judiciary,  now  rendered  independent  of  the  executive, 
should  be  paid  from  the  casual  revenues  which  the  crown 
had  reserved  to  itself,  and  not  out  of  the  general  exchequer. 
With  an  unsparing  hand,  the  Assembly  continued  to  cut 


I 


■Mi 


1       .5 


338  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

down  the  Supply  Bills  introduced  each  session,  having  gained 
its  point  that  the  items  in  the  bill  should  be  passed  upon 
one  by  one. 

While  the  British  authorities  were  unmoved  to  any  open 
•how  of  resentment  by  this  seeming  ingratitude,  the  colonial 
secretary  threw  out  the  hint  that  the  charter  of  the  province 
might  have  to  be  modified  if  the  legislative  machine  could 
not  be  made  to  work  more  smoothly,  to  which  the  legislature 
replied  in  1834  with  its  famous  *<  Ninety-two  Resolutions." 
These  were  presumably  the  work  of  Papineau,  and  pro- 
ceeded at  tedious  length  to  recite  the  various  grievances  to 
which,  it  was  alleged,  the  people  of  Lower  Canada  were  conj- 
pelled  to  submit.     In  the  resolutions  there  was  little  newj 
most  of  the  grievances  had  been  made  the  subject  of  petition 
at  various  times  previously.    These,  with  a  request  for  their 
redress,  were  handed  to  ore  of  the  members  of  the  Assem- 
bly, who  was  despatched  to  England  and  instructed  to  lay 
the  whole  before  the  home  authorities.    The  presenution 
of  the  Ninety-two  Resolutions  in  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain  added  new  interest  to  the  discussion  of  the  affairs  of 
Lower  Canada,  and  it  was  decided  to  refer  them  to  a  com- 
mittee which  had  just  been  appointed  to  report  on  Canadian 
questions  in  general.  This  committee,  which  was  a  large  and 
influential  one,  made  as  exhaustive  an  inquiry  as  was  pos- 
sible at  a  distance  of  over  two  thousand  miles,  and  returned 
a  report  which  left  the  matter  just  about  where  it  had  been 
when  it  was  referred  to  them.     Their  report  claimed  that 
the  difficulties  were  due  to  purely  local  causes;  and  that  no 
decisive  action  in  the  way  of  remedy  could  be  suggested. 
The  failure  of  the  committee  to  justify  the  actions  of  the 
Assembly  was  no  surprise,  for  its  very  composition  had  not 
indicated  this  likelihood.   The  result,  however,  led  the  more 
radical  members  of  that  body  to  feel  that  the  condition  of 
aiiairs  in  the  province  was  rapidly  reaching  an  acute  stage. 
A  convention  of  representarives  from  difierent  parts  of  the 
province,  held  at  Montreal,  passed  a  series  of  resolutions 
strongly  condemning  the   committee's   report,  while  the 


LOWER  CJNADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  tjpi 


339 


Legislative  Council  and  the  EngUsh-tpeaking  tectton  of 
the  population  both  sought  to  express  their  approval  of  the 
report  with  equal  emphasis. 

^Vhile  all  this  was  going  on,  the  provincial  general  elec- 
tions of  1834  took  plMe,  with  the  result  that  Papineau  and 
his  friends  literally  swept  the  country.  In  an  Assembly  of 
eighty-four  members  he  found  himself  supported  by  seventy 
followers,  and  this  overwhelming  majority  secured  his  elec- 
tion as  Speaker.  Lord  Aylmer  opened  the  House  by  the 
declaration  that,  owing  to  the  failure  of  the  Assembly  and 
Legislative  Council  to  agree  upon  Supply  Bills  during  the 
last  two  sessions,  the  home  authorities  had  empowered  him 
to  use  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  out  of 
the  military  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  judges  and  other 
officials  who,  otherwise,  would  have  been  left  without  com- 
pensation. In  making  this  announcement,  Aylmer  referred 
to  the  confidence  felt  by  the  authorities  that  this  amount 
would  be  provided  for,  as  regards  repayment,  when  the  next 
Supply  Bill  was  passed;  but  the  Assembly  soon  made  it 
clear  that  since  the  preceding  year  there  had  been  no  in- 
crease in  cordiality  between  legislature  and  executive.  When 
the  previous  Assembly  had  bwn  last  prorogued  Aylmer  had 
taken  occasion  to  express  his  opinion  as  to  the  true  nature 
of  these  relations;  the  House  now  seized  this,  its  first 
opportunity,  to  reply  by  ordering  that  this  speech  be  ex- 
punged from  its  journals.  Likewise,  it  proceeded  to  record 
its  opinion  that  the  payment  of  officials  otherwise  than  by 
vote  of  the  House  was  unconstitutional  and  reiterated  its 
demand  for  an  elective  Legislative  Council.  Aylmer  him- 
self wa«  singled  out  for  atuck,  some  speakers  assailing 
various  of  his  appointments,  others  declaring  that  he  was 
responsible  for  the  scourge  of  cholera  then  raging,  since 
he  had  not  taken  adequate  preventive  measures.  In  fact, 
there  was  open  talk  of  an  impeachment.  The  governor's 
reply  was  calmly  to  send  down  the  estimates  for  the  current 
year,  but  as  no  notice  was  taken  by  the  House  of  his  com- 
munication he  at  once  decided  on  its  prorogation.   Aylmer's 


la 

.1-1 


340         CANADA  AND  MUTISM  NORTH  AMMRICA 

chief  hvit  wm  in  his  too  literally  construing  the  cond)./- 
tory  instructions  of  the  colonial  office}  the  attacks  macte 
upon  him  by  the  I^pineau  faction  were,  as  f^  as  he  was 
personally  concerned,  wholly  undeserved. 

Meanwhile,  the  representatives  of  the  Assembly  in  Eng- 
land, Messrs.  Roebuck  and  Viger,  continued  to  put  forward 
the  claims  of  their  principal  both  in  Parliament  and  in  the 
press  upon  every  possible  occasion,  while  in  the  province 
the  members  of  the  Assembly,  deprived  by  the  prorogation 
from  using  their  eloquence,  well  tinctured  with  invective, 
upon  the  executive  in  the  House,  disseminated  it  unspar- 
ingly among  their  constituents.  For  the  British  propa- 
ganda, associations  known  as  ** Constitutional  Clubs"  were 
formed,  and  through  the  media  of  these  the  country  was 
flooded  with  pamphlets  and  circulars  supporting  the  action 
of  the  executive.  It  was  at  this  stage  that  the  Peel  adminis- 
tration resolved  to  organize  a  commission  for  the  purpose 
of  studying  conditions  on  the  spot.  The  displacement  of 
Peel  by  Lord  Melbourne  made  no  change  in  this  matter, 
the  plan  being  accepuble  to  Melbourne  as  well.  Some 
little  difficulty  was  found  in  securing  suitable  appdntees, 
as  some  of  those  to  whom  places  on  the  commission  were 
oifered — among  them  the  well-known  diplomat,  Stratford 
Canning — refused  to  serve;  for  it  took  little  genius  to  discern 
that  the  task  was  no  less  thankless  than  difficult.  In  the 
end,  however,  it  was  decided  that  Lord  Gosford  should  suc- 
ceed Aylmer  as  governor-general,  and  that  he,  with  Sir 
Charles  Gr^  and  Sir  George  Gipps,  should  compose  the 
commission.  The  new  colonial  secretary.  Lord  Glenelg, 
took  care  to  add  that  Aylmer's  recall  and  the  appointment 
of  the  commission  were  in  no  wise  to  be  construed  as  cen- 
sures upon  the  vice-regal  representatives;  but  there  was  a 
very  general  feeling  in  official  circles  that  such  was  never- 
theless the  case,  and  this  was  the  more  or  less  prevalent  idea 
in  the  colony.  It  was  certainly  construed  so  by  Papineau 
and  his  friends.  Glenelg  was  an  even  more  confirmed 
friend  of  conciliation  than  his  predecessor  m  office  had  been. 


LOWER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  1791 


341 


and  conceded  hia  willingnest  to  gnuit  aU  the  minor  de- 
nuuidt  of  the  Assembly  in  icturn  for  a  civil  list,  fixed  for  a 
number  of  years.  But  on  '*">  -  in  question  of  an  elective 
Legislative  Council  he  was  iicuiovable  in  his  opposition, 
although  he  was  willing  that  the  commission  should  make 
this  a  subject  of  inquiry. 

The  personnel  of  the  new  commission,  which  duly  pro- 
ceeded to  Quebec  in  the  autumn  of  1835,  was  not  such  as 
to  warrant  any  great  expecutions  in  the  way  of  results. 
Lord  Gosford  was  a  man  of  second-rate  abiUty,  with  no 
political  experience,  and  his  appointment  was  due  to  the 
declination  of  the  abler  men  to  whom  the  posHion  had  been 
previously  offered.  Grey  had  been  a  member  of  the  Indian 
Judiciary,  while  Gipps  was  a  retired  officer  in  the  Rojral 
Engineers.  All  thiee  were,  however,  men  who  had  many 
personal  qualities  other  than  genius,  and  mi^  have  accom- 
plished a  misHon  of  ordinary  consequence  very  creditably. 
But  the  problems  with  which  they  had  now  to  deal  were 
of  no  ordinary  importance,  and  would  undoubtedly  have 
warranted  the  selection  of  much  abler  and  more  experienced 
men.  Of  the  work  of  the  commission,  Glendg  was  to 
have  a  general  supervision,  and  it  must  be  wi-^^tttA  that 
what  was  lacking  in  the  subordinates  was  far  fifom  being 
made  good  in  tlw  person  of  the  superior.  The  colonial 
secretary  was  not  lacking  in  acquaintance  with  political 
affiurs,  having  served  in  several  administrations,  but  be  was 
gifted  with  little  or  no  administrative  ability.  His  vacilla- 
tion, his  verbosity,  his  procrastirtation,  and  his  general  lack 
of  sound  administrative  ideas,  served  to  place  him  on  record 
as  one  of  the  most  incompetent  of  colonial  secretaries. 
Glenelg  had  carefully  |mmed  the  members  of  the  commis- 
sion with  instructions  to  be  conciliatory  without  making  any 
tangible  constitutional  concessions.  It  was  in  consonance 
with  the  shallowness  of  the  man  to  believe  that  colonists 
would  accept  the  shadow  for  the  substance. 

On  his  arrival  in  the  colony,  Gosford  and  his  colleagues 
made  haste  to  win  the  good  will  of  the  malcontents  by  an 


r 


H;- 


4. 


342         CMdDA  AND  MUTISH  NORTH  JMUUCA 

open  show  of  amity  with  their  leaiien.  Promptljr  sum- 
moning  the  Auembly  in  tettion  the  new  governor  made  die 
longest  speech  from  the  throne  in  the  annals  of  British  con- 
stitutional history,  enumerating  li  tcngth  the  inquiries  which 
he  was  about  to  institute  and  the  concessions  which  he  had 
been  instructed  to  ofller  ca  behalf  of  the  British  authorities. 
At  rather  wearisome  length,  Gosford  emfduuized  his  desire  to 
be  strictly  impartial  and  thorou^ly  open  minded.  Where 
the  existence  of  a  real  grievance  should  be  established  by 
his  inquiries,  he  made  it  pUun  that  prompt  redress  would  be 
afibrded  "ven  if  Parliamenury  legislation  were  necessary 
for  the  •  •wse.  Finally,  he  referred  to  the  recent  struggle 
forth'  '  arm  Act  in  the  British  Houses,  and  asked  the 
mem) :  ,  of  the  Assemblv  to  follow  the  example  of  **  for- 
bearance, moderation,  and  mutual  respect  there  exhibited" 
by  members  of  opposing  political  Actions.  In  a  floMrery 
peroration  Gosford  called  upon  ^the  offspring  of  the  two 
foremost  nations  of  mankind"  to  let  bygones  be  bygones 
and  to  assist  him  in  the  '   ■  \  of  restoring  political  amity. 

The  manner  in  whicL  ■ .;«  Assembly  met  these  concilia- 
tory overtures  was  ample  proof  that  Papineau  and  his  friends 
had  ulterior  motives.  The  Supply  Bill  was  left,  for  the 
time  being,  unconsidered  while  sundry  new  grievances  were 
being  discussed.  "The  time  has  gone  by,"  said  IHipineau, 
"when  Europe  can  give  monarchies  to  America;  on  the 
contrary,  the  time  is  now  approaching  when  Amenca  will 
give  republics  to  Europe."  In  the  end,  however,  the 
Assembly  agreed  to  vote  a  Supply  Bill,  but  for  six  -  nth> 
only.  The  moneys  advanced  out  of  the  crown  '"':^ 
pay  salaries  in  the  absence  of  previous  Supply  P'fs 
not  refunded,  while  the  now  usual  practice  of  voting  ^  ./- 
ance  addresses  to  the  home  Parliament  was  continued. 
As  everyone  expected,  the  Legislative  Council  promptly 
vetoed  the  inadequate  Supply  Bill  and  Gosford  was  now, 
like  his  predec-  isor,  left  without  funds  to  pay  the  salaries 
of  judges  and  crown  officials.  As  far  as  conciliating  an- 
tagonistic interests  was  concerned,  Gosford's  mission  had 


LOmtR  CdNADA  UNDM  ACT  OP  tnt 


343 


■Iretd;  proved  hwif  »  comj^ete  lailufc.  But  the  govcmor- 
genenl  did  not  entirely  |ive  up  hope.  He  undienook  to 
Snance  die  ■dministntion  with  the  crown  funds,  and,  in 
the  meantime,  with  hit  two  odleaguet  punued  hit  woric  of 
inquiiy.  The  Attembljr  had  tcrupuloutly  refrained  from 
overtly  recognizing  thit  tatk  of  the  commi*a<mer^  jret  no 
obstacle  wat  thrown  in  their  way.  All  were  men  of  more 
than  ordinary  urbanity,  and  found  no  difficulty  in  getting 
into  touch  with  the  Indert  of  both  partie*. 

In  the  autumn  of  1836,  Gosford  again  convened  the 
Assembly  to  give  it  a  final  opportunity  of  voting  supplies, 
and  in  the  opening  address  pointed  out  the  extreme  urgency 
of  its  so  doing.  But  the  Assembly  remained  immov- 
able: no  suppliM  would  be  granted  until  a  promise  should 
be  g^ven  that  the  Lcgisbtive  Council  would  be  made  r»> 
sponsible  in  some  way  either  to  the  people  or  to  the 
Assembly.  Thirteen  days  were  frittered  away  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  divers  grievances,  but  not  a  single  Act  was 
passed.  Even  Gosford,  who  was  nothing  if  not  patient, 
had  to  admit  that  the  case  was  hopeless,  and  at  once  pro- 
rogued the  House,  declaring  that  the  reniedy  could  be  now 
applied  only  by  the  rojral  authorities. 

Meanwhile,  the  commissioners  had  been  sending  the  re- 
sults of  their  inquiries  to  the  home  authorities  in  periodical 
despatches,  and,  by  the  end  of  1836,  the  work  had  been 
completed.  Gosford  remained  in  the  colony,  but  his  two 
colleagues  set  off  for  En^and.  On  the  whole,  the  report 
gave  little  satisfaction  to  the  Papineau  faction,  for  on  the 
crucial  question  of  a  responsible  Upper  House  it  sided 
strongly  with  the  minority  in  the  Assembly. 

Thie  refusal  of  the  Assembly  to  vote  supplies,  thus  clog- 
ging the  machinery  of  government,  was  unsparingly  con- 
demned, while  the  action  of  the  Legishtive  Council  in 
vetoing  the  «>  half-loaf"  Bill  of  1835,  was  fully  justified. 
In  the  minds  of  the  commissioners,  ^e  concessions  offered 
by  Lord  Glenelg  erred  only  on  the  side  of  ampleness. 
In  general  the  report  bore  none  of  the  marks  of  genius.   An 


If 


If: 


'^ 


344         CdMlDd  AMD  iUTttH  MOUTH  jUURKJ 

•bunducc  of  dats  wm  compikd,  much  of  which  wu  Imt 
<rf  iwe  to  Lord  DuriiMB,  but  tht  writers  showed  none  of 

that  nra  power  of  gencralisatioa  and  thtt  keen  pcnctiBtMNi 
mto  the  man  comidicated  issues  whkh  so  distincdr  naric 
Duiham's  great  worL  In  due  course  the  despatches  ww« 
laid  before  Pkrlianient  and  were  made  the  baste  of  some 
ten  resolutions  introduced  bjr  Lord  John  Russdl.  Thoe 
recited  the  fact  that  supplies  had  not  been  gnated  br  the 
Assembly  for  several  jrears)  that  in  spite  of  the  tSont  of 
L«d  Gosford  in  the  way  of  compromise  the  Assembly  had 
lefiised  to  recede  from  its  position,  and  that  it  was  expedient 
to  provide  ways  and  means  far  the  conduct  <^  the  adminis- 
tmtkm  of  the  province  by  placing  the  crown  revenues  in 
the^ovince  at  the  dispoml  of  the  ■ovenKMvgenenl  fiw  the 
conduct  of  administiation  until  sucA  time  as  the  Assembly 
should  guarantee  an  adequate  civil  list.  One  of  the  nso- 
lutions  categorically  leTjsed  the  demand  for  an  elective 
Upper  House. 

When  the  news  of  these  resolutions  raached  Lower 
Canada  the  Ripineau  adherents  were  forious  widi  indica- 
tion, and,  as  the  Assembly  was  not  at  the  time  in  sesMon, 
the  leaders  of  discontent  poured  out  thdr  invective  at  the 
various  pubUc  meetings  which  they  convened  in  diflerent 
^irts  of  the  province)  while  their  organ  in  M<Mitreal,  the 
riHMett$ry  became  extremely  vicious,  goii^  so  for  as  to 
call  upon  the  hmUtmts  to  Ik^cott  En^ish  goods  u  they 
had  been  boycotted  by  the  American  colonists  on  the  eve 
of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

Afker  a  stormy  summer,  Gosford  was  advised  to  convene 
the  Assembly  in  order  that  the  resolutions  mi|^t  be  officially 
conveyed  to  itt  members  in  the  form  of  a  royal  ultima- 
tum, declaring  that  only  the  acceptance  of  the  terms  of 
the  resolutions  would  preclude  the  application  of  coercive 
measures.  For  six  days  the  Assembly  considered  this  de^ 
mand,  and  then  by  an  overwhelming  majority  refused  com- 
pliance in  any  form.  Gosford  had  only  one  alternative: 
to  dissdve  the  Assembly,  which  he  acconiingly  did.     This 


lOr  JX  CMHiUd  UMDMIt  JKT  0/  779/ 


34S 


wu  the  kM  FulJammt  of  L<m«r  Caiiada.  ForthimTMn 
tlM  unioa  of  tlw  two  pmviiiMS  of  U^«r  and  Loirtr  Caiuidt 
took  iwajr  from  ^  FmieK-Cttn^aM  that  iM^htivc  aien- 
dency  wiueh  they  had  unqucitioniMj  abuMO :  it  was  onljr 
with  the  comiuBiiiation  of  confederation  in  1867  that  the 
povince  received  a  local  k|idature,  and  evea  thai  without 
an  decttve  U^ier  House. 


II 


CHAPTER  XV 
WUR  CJMIDJ  UNDM  THi  CONSmVTtOKML 

jicT  or  tjft 

Tm  paniiig  of  the  Constitutioinl  Act  « t  <  ^  •.  aaij  bt 
•wdtohavcmiincdtliclegalbiithof  theProvi.x^  >^  Upper 
Canada.  Its  fim  executive  head  wa»  Jdin  Graves  Slmcoe, 
a  veteran  of  the  Revduttonarjr  War,  who  had  received 
his  baptism  of  fire  at  Bunker  Hill,  and  who  had  been  num- 
bered among  the  priwners  at  Yorittown.  After  the  war 
he  had  entenMl  pditical  life  and  won  the  firiendship  of  the 
younger  Pitt.  It  was  due  mainly  to  the  influence  of  this 
valuM  friend  that  the  position  of  Ucutenant-govemor  of 
Un^  Canada  was  now  placed  at  his  dispoMl.  At  the 
same  time,  the  British  authorities,  in  accordance  with  the 
provisions  of  die  Act,  named  a  number  of  le^slative  coun- 
cillors, but  on  Siracoe's  arrival  it  was  found  that  several  of 
these  had  not  yet  arrived  in  the  colony,  and  for  lack  of  a 
quorum  no  business  coi-  <  be  done.  But  permisMon  was 
soon  given  by  the  home  ^mment  for  the  appointment  of 
additional  members,  and  i  short  time  a  quorum  was  had. 
At  the  same  time,  the  first  Assembly  was  called  to  meet  at 
Newaiic  (now  Niagara),  and  five  representatives  were  pres- 
ent '...the  day  c  '  opening.  Despite  this  meagre  numerical 
dMNk .  .^t  Simcoe  made  his  way  to  them  in  full  official  regalia, 
cscwted  by  a  squadron  of  fifty  soldiers,  and  delivered  his 
speech  from  the  throne  in  true  vice-regal  fiwhion.  In  due 
course  the  remaining  eleven  members  strag^ed  in.  One, 
being  a  Quaker,  was  deemed  incompetent  to  take  the  oath, 

347 


ir'ti. 


I  ^  I     u 


IJ  ii    ! 


348  CJffADJ  AND  BRiriSH  NORTH  AMERICA 

wid  a  new  election  wu  ordered  in  his  constituency  of 
Pnnce  Edward  County.     This  first  session  was  fruitful  in 
legislation.    One  Act  abolished  the  old  French  law  in  favor 
of  the  common  law  of  England  with  full  provision  for 
rnal  by  juiy.     Another  made  provision  for  the  machinery 
of  justice,  dividing  the  province  into  districts  and  counties. 
The  production  of  eight  Acts  in  five  weeks  showed  that  the 
legislator  of  Upper  Canada  could  do  their  work  more 
rapidly  than  those  of  the  sister  province,  and  the  members 
ended  their  short  session  amid  a  generous  shower  of  praise 
from  the  governor.    Newark,  being  a  central  point,  had  been 
utilized  as  a  place  of  session,  but  since  it  had  been  now 
arranged  between  the  British  and  American  governments 
that  the  fropf.er  posts  should  be  handed  over  to  the  United 
Stttes  in  complete  fulfilment  of  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of 
1783,  It  was  felt  desirable  that  the  provincial  capital  should 
be  placed  at  a  more  secure  distance  from  the  boundary. 
Simcoe's  preference  lay  for  a  site  on  the  Thames  about 
where  London,  Ontario,  now  stands,  and  it  was  also  his 
desire  to  fortify  York  (Toronto)  making  it  the  naval  strong- 
hold of  the  great  lakes.     But  in  this  latter  design  he  was 
forestalled  by  Lord  Dorchester,  who,  as  govemor^neral, 
was  his  superior  and  who  commanded  the  land  and  naval 
forces.    Dorchester's  preference  was  for  Kingston,  and  the 
conversion  of  that  point  into  a  military  and  naval  head- 
quarters was  begun. 

A  new  capital  had  not  been  selected  when  the  time  came 
around  for  another  session,  hence  the  Assembly  was  again 
convened  at  Newark.  The  striking  incident  of  this  ses- 
sion's legislation  was  the  Negro  Slave  Law.  Slavery  had 
been  legalized  in  the  Brirish  colonies  by  an  Act  of  173a 
(sGeo-  II-  c-  27X  •>"!  the  provincial  legislators  now  pro- 
ceeded to  exempt  the  province  from  its  operations.  While 
It  did  not  release  the  slaves  already  in  ownership  within 
the  province,  it  forbade  further  importations,  and  decreed  the 
manumission  of  children  bom  to  slaves  on  reaching  the  age  of 
twenty-five.  This  measure  met  with  considerable  opposidon. 


UPPER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  1791 


349 


the  scarcity  of  labor  in  the  province  being  vigorously  urged 
as  an  objection,  but  Simcoe's  influence  was  exerted  strongly 
in  its  favor;  in  &ct,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  him- 
self was  the  prime  mover  in  having  it  proposed.  Another 
Act  legalized  marriages  which  had  been  informally  con- 
tracted, and  made  rules  for  the  future.  Three  further 
sessions,  during  the  years  1 794-1 796,  served  to  arrange  a 
large  number  of  routine  matters  incidental  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  a  new  State.  Throughout  the  whole  five  sessions 
remarkable  harmony  prevailed.  But  Simcoe  encountered 
difficulties  and  animosity  elsewhere.  The  Indian  tribes  of 
the  Northwest  were  giving  the  authorities  of  the  United 
Sutes  an  abundance  of  trouble,  and  as  the  latter  had  reason 
to  believe  that  Simcoe  had  not  been  guiltless  of  encouraging 
their  enemies,  serious  complaints  on  this  score  were  made 
to  the  British  government.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Simcoe 
was  a  consistent  ill  wisher  of  the  United  States,  and  of  his 
predilections  in  this  direction  he  made  no  secret  whatsoever, 
but  that  he  in  any  way  instigated  the  Indian  troubles  has 
never  been  satisfactorily  proved.  Dorchester  was  an  equal 
object  of  remonstrance,  and  probably  with  more  reason. 
Some  historians  have  attributed  Simcoe's  recall  in  1796  to 
these  complaints.  But  it  is  probable  that  his  failure  to  work 
in  exact  accordance  with  Dorchester  had  more  to  do  with 
the  matter.  Dorchester  had  little  sympathy  with  the  pro- 
posal to  fix  the  provincial  capital  on  the  Thames,  and  he 
manifested  objection  likewise  to  some  of  Simcoe's  elaborate 
plans  for  the  settlement  of  the  colony  through  the  media 
of  individuals  who  agreed  to  settle  whole  townships  at  once. 
At  any  rate,  the  governor,  a  man  of  wealth  and  position, 
was  not  desirous  of  a  too  lengthened  voluntary  exile,  and 
his  recall  nuy  have  been  indeed  due  to  his  own  desire. 
The  Hon.  Peter  Russell  became,  for  the  time  being,  admin- 
istrator of  the  province. 

From  the  writings  of  the  Due  de  Rochefoucault,  who 
visited  Upper  Canada  in  1795  and  remained  some  weeks 
as  the  governor's  guest,  we  have  a  good  description  both 


115 


It     m  l>< 


1J1 


f  i 


350  CJNADJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

uon  of  affiur,  .„  the  province  over  which  he  presided^ 

her  husband  considerably  even  in  his  official  correspondence 
and  rouune.  What  impressed  the  venter  unfavorablVwas  the 
fanatical  hatred  of  the  United  States  which  marked  SiWs 
otherwise  generous  and  conservative  views. 

Despite  the  influx  of  Loyalists  the  province  was  even  vet 
very  spar«.ly  settled,  and  those  who  had  taken  up  "an^d" 
were  scattered  all  over  its  bounds,  but  chiefly  i^  the  west- 
en,  parts  and  particularly  in  the  Niagara  district.     A  7Zl 

posal  of  the  Assembly  and  yielded  somewhat  less  than  five 
thousand  doUar,  annually,  out  of  which  the  SpeaS?  Zd 

ance      rI.T^"''  ?^  '"^^  ^°^  ^'  ^  °^  ^"^  ""end- 
resource^^f  th  •    ~""»^««'  "?<>»  *«  undeveloped 

resources  of  the  province  very  enthusiastically,  but  deplored 

X,  „  .      ,f  "^"^  ^^  "^^  "'"'y  °^^"»"e  and  immi- 

a  ofTe^u':""^''  •'"'*'"' "  *^^"^«  -^  -^^-- 

molTnTi'""'^  "•?"  ^™*^°^''  ''*P*«"«  *e  question  of  re- 
moving the  capital  was  once  more  uken  up,  and,  in  lyqT 

o  RiheT''"'  !°  "'"*  ^r"^'  "'''*^''  w.s'then,'accorJh?' 

^hfb^if  K  '  *  '*?88''"8  '•»'^«  °^  »  do^n  house! 

mhabited  by  a  more  or  less  rowdy  element. 

'iiZ  **!!  y~"  «:hich  elapsed  between  the  departure  of 
Simcoe  and  the  arrival  of  Governor  Gore  in  ,8^  present 
itde  of  interest  to  the  student  of  histo^r.  RusseU  contTnuS 
^tlr  *'','"">'«"^°'-  »i»  ^  799,  when  Geneml  Peter  Humfr 
amved  as  lieutenant-governor.  But  Hunter  died  in  ,805 
G«nt\r'^""'T!.^"'  ^Sime,  and  the  Hon.  Ale^S; 
&an  administered  the  afiairs  of  the  province  until  Gore" 
amval  in  the  following  year.  There  is  no  period  inThe 
h..too^  of  the  province  in  regard  to  which  prim*^  mareria^! 


UPPER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  779/ 


35» 


are  to  meagre.  The  Ruuell  and  Grant  fnpert  are  not  to 
hand  and  contemporary  memoirs  are  strikingly  lacking. 
Of  Russell  we  know  comparatively  little,  excepting  that  he 
has  generally  been  charged  by  historians  with  using  his 
official  position  to  amass  large  holdings  of  land ;  an  accusa- 
tion which  Kingsford  seeks,  with  dubious  results,  to  rebut. 
Nor  c;\n  much  more  be  learned  about  Hunter  than  that  he 
was  a  soldier  by  profession  and  a  man  of  moderate  abilities, 
who  busied  himself  with  the  political  affiiirs  of  the  province 
no  more  than  was  absolutely  necessary.  Grant  had  been 
in  the  colony  for  years  and  had  served  for  a  decade  as  a 
member  of  the  Executive  Council.  During  this  period  the 
Assembly  continued  to  meet  yearly  and  to  transact  the 
usual  routine  business.  While  harmony  prevailed  on  the 
whole,  one  may  mark  even  at  this  early  date  the  begin- 
nings of  that  division  of  parties  in  the  House  which  was 
to  be  fruitful  of  difficulty  later  on.  There  were  those 
in  the  House  who  supported  the  executive  implicitly,  and 
those  who,  on  the  o«her  hand,  showed  a  disposition  to 
find  much  fault  with  some  of  its  doings,  more  especially  in 
the  matter  of  land  grants.  The  vast  expanses  of  ungranted 
lands  furnished  a  strong  temptation  to  the  greedy  friends 
and  partisans  of  those  in  executive  control,  with  the  result 
that  vast  tracts  were  too  often  granted  by  patent  to  specu- 
lating followers  when  btna  fidt  settlers  were  forced  to  con- 
tent themselves  with  small  holdings  in  undesirable  locations. 
But  the  great  phenomenon  upon  which  the  eyes  both  of 
Englishmen  and  Canadians  were  focused  at  this  epoch  was 
the  struggle  with  France;  side  by  side  with  this  the  politi- 
cal broils  of  an  infant  colony  passed  as  insignificant. 

Sir  Francis  Gore  assumed  charge  of  afiairs  in  1806,  and 
efibrts  were  at  once  made  by  the  adherents  of  what  might 
be  called  the  '* executive  party"  to  secure  his  favor.  Gore 
was  a  comparatively  young  man  with  considerable  military 
but  almost  no  political  experience,  and  was  an  entire  stranger 
to  the  political  conditions  of  Upper  Canada.  And  since 
the  executive  party  comprised  the  more  aristocratic  element 


,!' 


.■;  W 


352  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  the  population  the  new  governor  toon  fell  under  its  in- 
fluence. Thii  wu  shown  in  the  nutter  of  Judge  Thorpe. 
Ihorpe  was  »  man  of  unusual  independence  and  on  his 
circuit  lent  a  ready  ear— it  was  claimed  even  actual  encour- 
agement-4o  grievances  which  the  grand  juries  were  wont 

V  ?!*^iJl.*°  """  ^°'  •"•«»»»«<»"  to  the  authorities  at 
York.     This  m  itself  was  enough  to  render  him  unpopular 
with  the  executive  party,  who  openly  accused  him  of  foment- 
ing discontent  among  the  people.    But  his  popularity  amone 
the  people  at  large  was  considerable  and  the  governor  and 
his  fnends  hesitated  to  effect  his  removal  without  cause, 
even  although  members  of  the  judiciary  at  the  time  held 
oflice  only  during  executive  pleasure.     Thorpe,  however, 
•oon  gave  them  the  necessary  cause  by  becoming  a  candi- 
date for  elecuon  to  the  Assembly  from  a  wester^  constitu- 
ency.    Whatever  may  have  been  thought  of  the  policy  of 
such  a  move  it  was  quite  within  the  bounds  of  legality  for 
a  judge  to  seek  election  to  the  House,  and  although  Thorpe 
wss  opposed  from  headquarters,  he  won  easily  at  the  poUV. 
During  the  elecuon  and  even  in  his  addresses  to  the  nand 
Junes  from  the  bench  he  was  unwise  enough  to  critici^  the 
executive  and  its  administration  with  rather  unbecoming 
asperity     "When,"  he  said  from  the  bench  on  one  occa? 
sion,  "there  is  neither  talent,  education,  information,  nor 
even  manners  in  the  administration,  little  can  be  expected 
and  i^thmg  is  produced."     These  matters  Gore  prompdy 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  colonial  office,  and  Thorpe's 
suspension  wu  decreed.    He  went  off  to  England  to  lay  his 
case  before  tiie  audiorities  for  reconsideration,  but  received 
scMt  satisfaction  and  never  returned  to  the  colony. 

But  apart  from  his  subservience  to  those  of  respecuble 
position  but  of  ^If  seeking  habits.  Gore  was  a  satisfactory 
governor.  H,s  interest  in  the  cause  of  education  was  esp<s 
ciaUy  laudable,  and  it  was  due  largely  to  his  efforts  that  £ 

fS."."iT  '^°^}  •/"*'"'"  *•»«  P'o^'ince  had  its  beginning 
in  1808.  Aside  from  the  comphunt  that  a  minority  of  the 
represenutives,  through  their  friends  in  die  Executive  and 


-  i 


I 


UPPER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OP  ,79,  j^j 

L«2»l«tiye  CounciU,  were  showing  a  tendency  to  concen- 
trate power  ui  their  own  hands,  the  people  at  lame  had  no 
ttngiWe  political  grievance,  and  the  colony  was  growing  rap. 
Idly  both  «  population  and  in  wealth.  A.  mtter.*wJ« 
moving  smoothly  within,^-although  quite  the  reverse  with- 
out, owmp  to  the  growing  tension  with  the  United  States,- 
Gore  left  .n  the  fall  of  1811,  and  proceeded  to  England  on 
leave  of  absence,  the  administration  being  temporary  taken 
over  by  Sir  Isaac  Brock,  then  in  comnSnd  of  the  f«rceS! 
and  before  his  return  the  province  was  ftted  to  undenro  the 
ordeal  of  a  three  vears'  struggle  for  its  existence.    Bn^k,  in 

*"  P"PrV°"!i  ■  *  u^  •'»P«''<'^g  ^nfiict.  'howed  himTJslf 
possessed  of  indomitable  energy  and  extraordinaiy  resource. 

fii.  fl^Tu*^  *°  ■"J'°"*  *'■**  "^  <*"«  the  resolute  de- 
fence oSered  by  the  province  to  its  invaders  in  tSia.  But 
his  early  fall  deprived  the  colony  of  his  servic  es  at  a  time 

^IZ.'^fV'"  "u**  "*^*''»  "''  ^™'»  *«t  «"«  ^  the 
SHfl  ^  '*"  '"T*"  °^  '^'5  the  dvU  administra- 

STtfl  *t''"'""u*  """•  '^'^  whomK«ver  happened,  for 
the  time  bemg,  to  be  m  command  of  the  forces.  When  the 
war  was  over,  it  was  found  that  somewhat  of  a  change  had 
come  over  the  temper  of  the  people,  and  this  was  refected 
m  the  Assembly  when  it  met.  Deprived  of  the  stimulant 
which  the  conflict  had  infused,  the  people  began  „"7?o 

There  were  gr.cvances  m  plenty,  and  these  tl^  Assembly 
showed  Itself  ready  to  investigate.  But  the  membere^S 
executive  party  which  controlled  Gore,  had  no  desire  for  «rv 
uiveniption  which  was  likely  to  disclose  their  unsavo^  bSd 
manipulations;  so  that  when  the  Assembly  be^  t?  dS 
with  u>e  matter  of  grievances.  Gore  was  in^gat^to  onS 
Its  P«>roe.t,o„,  although  the  scwion  had  lastS  but  a  few 
£!'  Ji!!i— °"  w~"*  tf«t»«»t  did  much  to  intensify 
wSh.H  '^'•"f!"  theprovince,and  among  those  govemon 
who  had  a  hand  in  «,wwg  the  seeds  of  bter  trouble.  Gore, 
for  his  acuon  on  this  and  previous  occasions,  must  b^  given 
his  share  of  criticism.  ^ 


i 


? 


354         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

It  wu  amidst  this  growing  excitement  that  Robert  Fleming 
Gourlay  made  hit  arrival  in  the  colony  and  soon  became 
the  most  prominent  figure  in  the  rising  wave  of  discontent. 
Gourlay  was  a  native  of  Fifeshire,  Scotland,  and  had  been 
educated  at  St.  Andrews  and  at  Edinbur^.  As  his  father 
was  in  good  circumstances,  he  chose  no  profession,  but  set- 
tled down  on  his  fiither's  holdings  as  a  gentleman  farmer. 
But  he  soon  got  into  trouble  with  his  neighbors,  for  he  was 
a  man  of  quarrelsome  disposition,  and  moved  for  a  time 
into  Enghwd.  There  he  soon  quarrelled  with  his  landlord) 
a  suit  at  law  ensued,  and  while  Gourlay  in  the  end  won  his 
case,  he  disbursed  most  of  his  fortune  in  costs.  It  was  with 
the  view  of  retrieving  his  finances  that  he  went  to  Canaua 
determined,  if  prospects  proved  £ivorable,  to  become  a  set- 
tler. But  on  arriving  in  the  colony  he  found  the  people  at 
different  points  wrou^t  up  in  the  discussion  of  their  various 
grievances.  To  this  sort  of  thing  Gourlay  by  nature  lent 
himself  readily  and  he  soon  became  one  of  the  most  inter- 
ested. Convinced  that  what  the  province  of  Upper  Canada 
needed  most  of  all  was  settlers,  he  decided  to  become  a 
land  agent,  and  with  a  view  of  becoming  thoroughly  in- 
formed on  colonial  conditions,  he  set  about  the  compilation 
of  a  statistical  and  descriptive  account  of  the  province.  As 
there  were  many  things  essential  to  his  compilation  which 
the  regular  census  did  not  contain,  he  sou{^t  information 
by  addressing  to  the  various  township  authorities  throughout 
the  province,  a  ctrculat-  letter  of  questions.  This  circular 
contained  in  all  some  thirty-one  queries  of  which  the  major- 
ity asked  only  for  such  dau  as  any  immigration  agent 
would  find  it  well  to  have  on  hand.  But  the  last  question 
on  the  list  was:  **What,  in  your  opinion,  retards  the  im- 
provement of  your  township  in  particular,  or  of  the  province 
in  general;  and  what  would  contribute  most  to  the  same?" 

The  insertion  of  the  question  was  regarded  by  those  in 
authority  at  York  as  a  covert  insinuation  that  maladminis- 
tration of  some  form  or  other  was  taken  by  Gourlay  for 
granted,  and  influence  was  used  to  prevent  answers  being 


.1  Fl 


VrPMR  CMAD4  UNDER  ACT  Of  1791  355 

'""^l    *"*  "*  """^  **^  *•  »<»«'n^P  •uthoritiet  m- 
•weicd  the  queries  Miy^mi  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  that 
the  sjrstem  of  parcelling  out  laife  tncu  of  land  amons 
members  of  the  little  cotwie  who  enj6jred  the  favor  of  the 
executive  was  the  prime  cause  of  taidj  colonial  develop- 
mem.     Gouriay  also  busied  himself  with  the  issue  of  pam- 
jMUets  and  letters  on  the  general  question,  and,  in  more  ways 
than  one,  made  himself  known  to  the  people  at  lamt  for 
«n  unquenchable  thirst  for  notoriety  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  his  mo«  prominent  characteristics.     When  the 
Assembly  again  inet,  it  was  folly  expeaed  that  it  would 
forthwith  take  up  the  investigation  of  the  various  grievances, 
but  Gore  promptly  forestalled  an  attempt  to  do  so  by  pro- 
rogumg  the  House  in  the  early  days  of  its  session.    This 
gave  Gouriay  a  new  field  for  activity,  and  he  at  once 
propounded  a  scheme  of  holding  a  general  convention  of 
deieptes  from  the  various  townships  to  discuss  the  atiev- 

SirA*^p''"''i"  n  ^  ***  *^^  ««>Iutions  for  tranlmis- 
s.ontotheBitt»hPari«ment.     The  scheme  was  received 
w«h  some  favor  by  the  |^,  the  convention  assembled 
at  York  ui  the  summer  of  1817,  «nd  adopted  a  number  of 
resolutions  setting  forth  their  various  grounds  for  complaint. 
In  due  course,  the  iwolutions  were  transmitted  to  EngUnd. 
but  the  C<Jon«l  Office  had  been  duly  primed  by  th^L 
vincial  authorities,  and  all  the  resolutions  were  laid  aside 
with  the  «cception  of  one  which  declared  diat  grants  of 
b«d  should  be  made  to  the  mUitiamen  who  serv^  durine 
the  war;  th»  recommendation  the  British  audwrities  ordered 
to  be  earned  into  eftct.    But  the  episode  convinced  die  pro- 
vmcMjJ  audiomies  that  GourUy's  agiutions  presaged  forther 
mjuble,  and  it  was  informdly  deSed  to  lEikelife  in  Ae 
colony  unb«rable  for  him.    Hereby  the  audiorities  gave  him 
and  themselves  more  trouble  and  notoriety  dun  ekher  had 
bargamed  for.     In  the  meantime,  however.  Gore  gave  up 
his  post  on  June  19, 1817,  ^d  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Pere- 
gnne  Maidand,  who  held  office  from  April  13,  1818,  to 
November  3, 1828.     In  die  eariy  days  of  MaiSmd's  term 


y 


356         CANMjI  MD  BUTttH  SOUTH  JMMUCI 

Gourlay  wu  taken  into  ctittody  at  Kingtton,  chamd  with 
having,  in  one  of  hit  numerous  pamphlet*,  libellot^  attrib- 
uted corrupt  practices  to  those  in  authority.  Tie  local 
court  acquitted  him  without  deUy,  and  a  subsequent  arrest 
and  retrial  at  Brockville  resulted  simihu^y.  1^  authorities 
were  now  in  high  danger  of  making  a  martyr  .  jt  of  the 
prying  egotist,  for  popular  feeling  was  stron^y  in  his  fiivor. 
But  the  Assembly  was  not  wholly  in  sympathy  with  his 
mode  of  redressing  grievances,  and  the  idea  of  a  convention 
of  delegates  had  what  was  to  them  a  repugnant  American 
flavor  about  it.  Hence,  when  Maitland,  on  calling  them 
together,  proposed  that  the  House  should  make  provision 
against  abuses  of  the  right  of  public  meeting,  that  body 
readily  concurred,  and  on  October  a8, 1818,  pfaiced  on  the 
sutute  books  an  Act  for  the  prevention  of  all  such  future 
gatherings,  saving  intact,  however,  the  free  right  of  petition 
to  individuals. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  the  Assembly  of  Upper 
Canada  could  have  passed  an  Act  of  this  kind}  iu  course 
can  be  explained  only  on  the  assumption  that  the  chum  of 
the  executive  party  that  GourUy  was  a  disloyal  mischief- 
maker,  and  that  he  had  tried  to  supphmt  the  legally  consti- 
tuted Assembly  by  a  convention  of  township  delegates,  had 
too  much  weight  with  the  members.  The  d>noxious  Act, 
however,  did  not  long  remain  in  forces  it  was  repealed  two 
years  later. 

Thus  fortified,  Maitland,  who  was  now  in  full  accord 
with  the  executive  clique,  again  turned  his  attention  to 
'lourby,  who  at  this  time  was  residing  in  the  Niagara  dis- 
j^ict  and  putting  forth  his  writings  with  renewed  vigor. 
For  their  new  persecutions  the  York  authorities  had  re- 
course to  the  old  "Alien  Act"  of  1804,  which  was  still 
unrepealed,  and,  by  the  provisions  of  which,  the  executive 
was  authorized  to  procure  the  arrest  of  any  inhabitant  of 
the  province,  resident  for  six  months,  who  had  not  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  and  who  might  have  given  any  ground 
for  suspicion  of  seditious  intent.     Further,  it  provider  that 


I 


«W«  CJNMM  UMDiK  JCT  OF  irp,  3,7 

**  P«f«y  •«»  MUMted  might  be  ouMcd  ftom  the  uovince  or 
compelM  u  an  altemativc  to  give  adequMe  leeuritiet  for 
bis  Aitiif.  good  conduct.    Not  only  hwl  this  Act  long  since 
ftUni  into  dimiee  and  become  aU  but  forgotten,  but  it  had 
been»in  ita  inception,  directed  arniMt  aliena  and  moie  enw. 
ciaUy  agamet  iramigranta  from  the  United  States.    OouiW 
was  not  an  alien}  as  a  native-^iom  Briton,  he  had  no  need 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.    Certain  membera  of  the 
Legislative  Council,  however,  obtained  a  person  to  lar 
the  necessary  information,  and  GourlaV  wu  again  arrested 
•nd  put  on  trial.    To  the  end  that  he  might  iSoTthis  time 
•acape  through  anjr  pressure  of  public  opinion  he  was  at 
once  arraigned,  adjudged  guilty  of  a  violation  of  the  provi- 
sions of  the  Act,  and^ordered  to  leave  the  province  within 

?n -^w  '^*^*'  7".  **^  ■  "<"*  •'>«»«1««  mockery 
of  Bntish  justtce,  for  it  was  known  to  aU  concerned  thtt 

Gouriay  h«dbeennotlessthana  year  anda  half  inthe 
province  and  that  he  was  a  native  of  Great  Britain.  Ob- 
stinate as  ever,  Gouriay  decided  to  refuse  to  go,  and  the 
ten  days  bavins  expired  he  was  committed  to  jaU  Janu- 
ary 4,  1819),  where  he  lay  for  over  six  months  unsu^«s». 
fully  endeavoring  to  sue  out  a  writ  of  hthtt,  ttrpm.  At 
the  conclusion  of  that  period,  shattered  in  health  him  hia 
close  confinement  and  thoroughly  broken  in  spirit,  he  was 
given  twenty-four  hours  to  leave  the  province,  a  privileae 

he  pubhshed  hu  Statutual  Acemmt  tf  Upttr  Cmuula  an 
exhaustive  work  in  two  volumes,  the  cimpiktion  l^n- 
tains  much  valuable  mfonnation  which  has  been  preserved 
nowhere  else.  In  spite  of  its  poor  arrangement  and  irri- 
totuig  egotism,  historians  have  occasionally  found  it  a  valua- 

y  T^  ''L^^  T."*"  •""'  "^^  *«»«  ~''"«  of  events 
•bowed  cleariv  that  Gouriay  had,  in  turning  the  light  of 
publicity  on  the  doing  of  that  corrupt  little  band  at  Yorit, 
„«"„';Jrl'*"*''^"u"  «al  aervice,  an  ofSdal  pardon  was 
granted  him  together  with  a  life  pension  of  two  hundred 


1^ 

(i 


1^         CdHMJI  AHO  MtrUH  MOUTH  JMMUOI 

Adlan  a  jpmt.  But  ht  nttmd  to  accept  dtlier,  demaiuling 
nothing  kM  than  the  expunginf  of  hit  praeecutionf  fioin 
the  oficial  iccords  of  the  court  as  a  formal  atteatttmn  that  the 
whok  proceeding  against  him  had  been  iUepl  This,  how. 
ever,  wu  further  than  the  authorities  were  willing  to  go,  and 
he  closed  his  days  in  1862  still,  as  ever,  wkh  a  grievance 
in  hand. 

The  proceedings  evoked  vcrjr  contideiable  indignation 
in  diflerent  partt  of  the  province,  the  more  so  since  the 
authorities  did  not  confine  their  energies  to  Gourlaj  alone. 
Publishers  who  had  allowed  their  columns  He  used  u 
channels  of  critkism  came  in  far  prosecution  as  well.  It 
was  well  known  that  Maitland  had  surrendeicd  himself 
completely  to  the  official  cabal  or «« Family  Compact,"  as  it 
now  came  to  be  known,  from  the  fact  that  all  its  members 
were  more  or  less  closely  joined  by  ties  of  blood  or  mar- 
riage. And  the  governor  was  possessed  of  no  such  per- 
sonal popularity  as  would  tend  to  oflset  the  popular  odium 
with  which  this  surrender  was  regaitlcd.  For  his  office  he 
seems  to  have  had  no  particular  fitneM  whatsoever,  and 
he  was  currently  believed  to  have  owed  his  appointment  to 
an  elopement  with  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
and  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  ktter  to  have  him  sent  olF 
to  distant  parts  until  such  time  as  the  social  gossips  of  Eng- 
land should  have  ceased  to  give  this  nutter  their  attention. 
At  any  ra»,  his  overbearing,  pompous  ways  stood  him  in  no 
good  stead  with  the  pioneers  of  a  Canadian  province.  But 
he  evidently  was  strongly  intrenched  at  the  colonial  office, 
for  he  was  continued  as  governor  despite  hit  patent  un- 
popularity with  all  but  the  official  classes  and  their  friends. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  Rev.  John  Strachan  began 
to  take  a  lively  interest  in  the  affiurt  of  government,  and 
commenced  a  career  of  prominence  wHich  was  to  extend 
over  a  period  of  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Stiacban, 
who  was  then  Rector  of  York,  was,  like  most  of  those  promi- 
nent in  the  early  affiurs  of  Upper  Canada,  a  Scotchman  by 
birth.     Educated  at  St.  Andrews,  he  c.\iMe  out  about  the 


Umn  CJUtADd  UHDU  JCT  OF  1791  359 

beginning  of  tht  centturjr  to  Kingtton,wli««  ht  taught  a  MBall 
■cbool  for  a  time,  but  later  wa«  ordained  a*  an  Episcopal 
ckrgjrman.  Hit  integrity  and  abilitiet  toon  procured  for 
him  the  appointment  to  the  rectorship  at  York,  and  in  thk 
poettion  he  MicccMivelj  enjojred  the  fricndahip  of  Gore, 
Brock,  and  Maitland.  Thro«^  the  influence  of  the  fint 
named  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  both  the  ijcecutive 
and  Legialative  Councils,  but  it  was  understood  that  he  was 
to  act  as  an  honorary  member  only,  and  apparently  he  took 
little  open  part  in  the  proceedings  of  either.  His  personal 
influence  grew,  and,  in  i8ai,  Maitland  appdnted  him  to 
an  active  membership  in  the  latter  bodyt  the  appointment 
being  publicly  gaaetted.  Strachan  took  kindly  to  pditicsi 
at  once  identified  himself  openly  with  the  Family  Compact, 
to  whose  members,  by  the  way,  he  was  not  in  the  slightest 
deme  related  at  this  time,  but  in  the  course  of  all  his 
political  Palings  the  welArn  of  the  EpiscofNU  Church  in 
Canada  was  ever  his  first  care.  When  the  new  diocese  of 
Toronto  was  established  in  1839  Strachan  became  its  first 
bishop,  and  with  this  appointment  he  retired  from  politi- 
cal lifo  and  devoted  himself  wholly  to  the  immediate  affiurs 
of  his  bishopric.  As  a  churchman,  Strachan  left  his  in- 
delible impress  upon  Canadian  Anglicanism,  but  it  is  as  a 
political  figure  that  we  have  here  to  follow  his  carcert  as  the 
foremost  personage  in  the  Family  Compact)  as  the  inm- 
gloved  ruler  of  successive  governors  and  councils,  and  the 
general  *< power  behind  the  throne"  in  provincial  matters 
for  two  whole  decades.  ^  s  McMuUen  has  aptly  remarked : 
*♦  He  commenced  life  by  ling  boys;  he  finished  it  by  ruling 
men."  Strachan  entered  active  politics  just  at  the  time 
when  the  Church  of  England  was  being  called  upon  to 
make  good  its  claims  in  the  matter  of  the  Clergy  Reserves, 
and,  as  will  be  seen  later,  it  was  Strachan's  uncompromising 
stand  on  behalf  of  that  church's  pretensions  which  more 
than  all  else  caused  this  question  to  be  one  of  the  burning 
topics  in  Upper  Canada  politics  for  many  years,  prolonging 
iu  settlement  unduly  and  to  no  good  end. 


■ri 


\  • 


I  : 


I 


■f     !      i      » 


360  CaNADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

As  will  be  remembered,  the  Constitutional  Act  of  1791 
Iwd  made  provision  for  the  reservation  of  one-seventh  of 
the  ungranted  lands  of  the  province  to  be  used  for  the 
mamtenance  of  a  "Protestant  clergy,"  and  for  over  two 
decades  the  emoluments  from  these  reservations  had  been 
itted  toward  the  support  of  Episcopal  clergymen  alone. 
Now,  mi8i9,  petitions  began  to  be  presented  to  Governor 
Maitland  from  Presbyterian  interests  in  various  parts,  daim- 
mg  the  right  to  partake  equally  in  the  revenue  of  the 
"reserves"  on  the  ground  that  the  Church  of  Scotland  was, 
in  the  absence  of  an  Established  Church  in  the  province, 
on  an  equal  footing  with  its  sister  as  a  recognized  Protes- 
tant denomuiation.    Maitland  referred  these  petitions  to  the 
colonial  office  and  received  reply  that  the  prayer  of  the  pe- 
tition should  be  granted,  but   that  the  term  "Protestant 
u 'E^    ,       ''^  "°*  ^  construed  to  include  clergymen  of 
the  Wesleyan,  Congregational,  and  other  dissenting  denom- 
inations which  had  not  obtained  formal  legal  recognition  in 
Oreat  BnUin  at  the  time  the  Act  was  passed.     But  that 
the  church  of  his  fathers— for  Strachan  was  bom  and  bred 
a  Presbyterian— should  share  in  the  disbursements  was  not 
at  all  to  the  mind  of  rhe  Rector  of  York,  and  he  at  once 
gathered  influence  sufficient  to  induce  the  home  authorities 
to  order  the  whole  matter  left  in  abeyance  for  the  present. 
A  few  years  later  the  question  was  brought  up  in  the  Assem- 
bly, and  an  address  was  voted  to  Parliament,  asking  that  an 
adjuwment  of  the  matter  be  made.    But  no  action  resulted, 
and  for  a  long  time  the  whole  question  remained  untouched. 
Strachan  had  thus  far  been  successful,  and  his  success  was 
not  a  little  due  to  his  ha.-monious  understanding  with  the 
pvernor  and  his  friends  of  the  Family  Compact.    The  latter 
had,  therefore,  been  drawn  to  take  sides  in  a  purely  ecclesi- 
awical  matter;  to  champion  the  cause  of  a  small  minority  of 
the  population;  to  identify  political  and  religious  diflferences. 
Meanwhile  the  province  had  been  growing  rapidly  in 
population  and  the  Assembly  hastened  to  keep  pace  with 
the  legislative  needs  of  an  expanding  community.    Perhaps 


UPPER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  1791  -gl 

the  most  important  undertaking  for  which  authority  was  riven 
was  the  construction  of  the  Welland  canal,  a  company  for 
that  purpose  havmg  been  incorporated  in  1822,  with  the 
SSir  ^^'^''''  °f  °"f  hundred  and  sixty  thousand 
dollars.  Thus  far  even  the  Assembly  had  contained  a  smaU 
majority  favorable  to  the  Compact  interests,  but  at  the  een- 
etal  elections  of  1824  a  change  resulted  and  the  opposition, 
now  known  as  the  Reform  Party,  obuined  a  small  but  suffi- 

obumed  for  most  of  its  rising  young  leaders.  Among 
these  were  John  Rolph  and  Marshal  Bidwell,  both  destined 
to  make  prominent  places  in  the  history  of  their  times. 

It  was  this  election  that  first  brought  into  the  public  eye 
Wdham  Lyon  Mackenzie,  who  was  to  become  fhe  reci- 
nized  leader  of  the  movement  for  reform  that  culminated 
n  the  nsing  of  1837-1838,  and  to  be  one  of  the  chief 

ite  stock  he  made  his  way  to  Canada  about  1820,  after 

ings  which  he  successively  sought  to  follow.  During  his 
hm  few  year,  in  the  colony  he  tried  his  hand  at  vafiou, 
things,  but  ended,  in  182+,  by  becoming  the  editor  ^d 
propnetor  of  a  new  weekly  which  he  cSled  the  SiW 
Advocate,  published  at  Queenston,  near  Niagara.  In  Ws 
first  issue  he  declared  open  hostilities  with  ITprovLS 
executive  by  a  vigorous  criticism  of  Governor  MaitSd  aS 
a  reference  to  the  Legislative  CouncU  as  ««the  tool  of  a 
«mle  power.  After  a  kv,  issues,  in  each  of  which  he 
Sr„.         rt  ^."P*"  ■  goodly  share  of  his  editorial 

the  vSl'l   /l"^""'  ""?°^^  •*'•  P*P«'  »°  Toronto  where 
the  victims  of  his  vituperation  would  be  nearer  at  hand.    The 

of  better  mem,  of  rebuttal,  to  brand  Mackenzie  as  a  sedi- 
joner ;  such,  mdeed,  seem,  to  have  been  the  course  pursued 

beforTJh!  a1        'r '  "T  ^°'  g^«''«n«^«.  «  was  not  long 
before  the  Jdvteate  found  ground  for  criticism  in  the  pottd 


/ 


I  1 


!  i 


i  . 
.    I. 

'■       I 
I 

3ff 


i*mmmm 


I 


i'  i^ "  I 


:^i 


362  CANADJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

service  and  an  investigation  was  ordered  bjr  the  Assembly 
as  a  result.  The  investigation  amply  confirmed  Macken- 
zie's allegations  that  the  service  was  inadequate,  unneces- 
»«"ly  expensive  and  ill  organized:  a  complete  vindication 
of  his  criticisms.  The  general  attitude  of  the  Advocate  gave 
abundant  ofience  to  the  executive,  and  especially  to  Mait- 
land,  who  was  extremely  sensitive  to  criticism.  In  various 
petty  ways  the  governor  sought  to  subject  Mackenzie  and 
his  publication  to  open  marks  of  his  disfavor,  a  course  which 
served  only  to  give  both  editor  and  paper  a  welcome  adver- 
tisement. Still,  the  paper  was  not  a  paying  concern,  and 
the  editor  found  it  so  hard  to  make  ends  meet  that,  during 
the  early  days  of  1826,  he  entertained  serious  thoughts  of 
suspending  publication  altogether.  But  about  this  time  an 
affeir  occurred  which  gave  the  sheet,  under  very  peculiar 
circumstances,  a  new  lease  of  life.  During  a  short  absence 
from  Toronto  on  the  part  of  Mackenzie  a  number  of  young 
scions  of  Compact  families  in  the  provincial  capital  under- 
took to  vent  their  resentment  in  violent  fashion.  The 
newspaper  office  was  made  the  object  of  a  visit,  the  press 
destroyed,  and  the  type  thrown  into  the  bay.  On  his  return, 
Mackenzie  had  little  difficulty  in  ascertaining  the  names 
of  those  who  had  perpetrated  this  outrage,  and  a  suit  for 
heavy  damages  was  at  once  entered  against  them.  A  jury 
promptly  found  in  his  favor  an  award  of  over  thref  thou- 
sand dollars, — a  sum  much  in  excess  of  the  actual  loss, 

and  on  the  whole,  the  fiery  editor  lost  neither  in  purse  nor 
in  popularity  by  this  ill-advised  atuck.  A  new  outfit  was 
soon  to  hand  and  the  issues  were  resumed  with  ceruinly 
no  decrease  in  bitterness.  The  fact  that  the  award  of 
damages  was  raised  by  subscription  among  the  members 
of  the  Compact,  thereby  identifying  their  sympathies  with 
the  afiair,  created  a  strong  impression  throughout  the  prov- 
ince that  Mackenzie  was  being  made  a  martyr  to  reform 
principles  rather  than  a  victim  of  personal  animus. 

Meanwhile,  the  action  of  the  Assembly  which  now  for 
the  first  time  embraced  a  reform  majority  was  such  as  to 


UPPER  CANADA  UHDER  ACT  OF  1791  363 

give  good  cause  for  alarm  in  official  circlet.   While  not  yet 
courting  an  open  rupture  with  the  executive,  the  Atsemblv 
proceeded   to  pare  down   the  estimatet  in  a  way  which 
augured  ominously  for  those  who  had  long  been  enjoying 
stipends  and  perquisites  of  office  out  of  aU  proportion  to  thei? 
official  duties.     Likewise,  it  sought  to  repeal  the  Alien  Act 
under  which  it  will  be  remembered  Gourlay  had  been  prose- 
cuted,  but  the  Legislative  Council  refused  to  concur.     In 
the  session  of  1827,  it  had  the  courage  to  pass  a  direct  vote 
01  censure  on  the  governor's  action  in  receiving  addresses 
reflectmg  on  the  Assembly.     All  these  were,  however,  but 
the  rumbhngs  of  a  storm.     Various  episodes  outside  the 
House  served  to  accentuate  popular  feelings.     Members  of 
tlie  Assembly  were  spied  upon  by  men  in  the  pay  of  the 
executive;  military  officers  who  fraternized  with  assembly- 
men were  reported  to  the  home  government,  and  one  of 
«>em  lost  his  pension  on  a  preposterous  charge  of  disloyalty. 
At  least  one  of  the  judges  was  removed  from  the  bench  for 
no  other  reason  than  that  he  refused  to  hearken  to  the  dic- 
tates of  an  unscrupulous  official,  who  sought  to  prostitute 
the  admimstration  of  justice  to  the  exigencies  of  a  political 
situation      Perhaps  the  episode  which  caused  most  excite- 
ment and  feeling  was  a  quarrel  between  Maitland  and  one 
,™.T  ;  I  ^?'"^  innkeeper  near  Niagara  Falls,  who 
sought  to  keep  visitors  from  viewing  the  great  catarart  ex- 
cept from  his  own  grounds.   To  this  end  he  built  a  fence  on 
his  own  land,  but  adjacent  to  lands  belonging  to  the  ciown. 
Protests  were,  of  course,  -nade  to  Toronto;  and  had  Mait- 
land been  wiser,  he  viodd  have  invoked  the  aid  of  the 

Z.  Tu\^°  ~°!P*'  **  demolition  of  the  obstruction, 
instead,  he  hastened  to  put  himself  in  the  light  of  a-dicutor 
by  ordenng  the  miliury  at  Niagara  to  effect  the  required 
redress,  and  a  squad  of  soldiers  pr..nptly  tossed  the  offend- 
ing fence  into  the  river;  whereupon  the  avaricious  Boniface 

;i~T  ^"°'.  '"*  *»  ^y^  °^  *»»  neighbors  a  martyr  to 
executive  despotism.  But  this  was  not  all.  Forayth  at  once 
brought  the  matter  by  petition  before  the  Assembly,  and 


M 


\  \ 


'/ 

Al 


364  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

that  body,  now  nowise  averse  to  a  quarrel  with  the  gov- 
ernor, proceeded  to  investigate  the  whole  affair.  As  a 
means  of  getting  at  the  facts,  two  government  officials  were 
summoned  before  it,  but  Maitland  promptly  ordered  them, 
as  their  superior  officer,  not  to  attend.  To  this  the  Assem- 
bly replied  by  committing  them  to  the  common  jail  for 
contempt,  whereupon  Maitland  went  down  in  anger  and 
prorogued  the  House.  Nothing  was  now  possible  but  to 
submit  the  whole  case  to  the  home  authorities,  who  thought 
it  best  to  transfer  Maitland  to  the  governc  ship  of  Nova 
Scotia,  putting  Sir  John  Colborne  at  the  head  of  affairs  in 
Upper  Canada.  He  began  his  term  on  November  3, 1828, 
and  remained  in  office  until  January  23,  1836. 

That  this  action  was  warranted  is  amply  shown  by  the 
results  of  the  general  elections,  which  took  place  later  in 
the  same  year  (1828).  The  reform  party  literally  swept 
the  provmce,  defeating  most  of  the  prominent  supporters 
of  the  Compact,  and  electing  all  their  u»vn  leaders,  among 
the  rest  William  Lyon  Mackenzie,  who  was  returned  tri- 
umphantly from  the  provincial  capital  itself  despite  the 
whole  strength  of  official  opitosition. 

Under  these  circumstances,  much  was  sure  to  depend  on 
the  temper  and  attitude  of  the  new  governor,  and  much 
was  expected  of  him.  Colborne  was  a  trained  soldier,  a 
veteran  of  the  Peninsula,  and  the  commander  of  a  regiment 
on  the  field  of  Waterloo,  but  without  extensive  experience 
in,thc  domain  of  administration.  As  lieutenant-governor 
of  the  little  island  of  Guernsey  he  had  been  markedly 
successful,  but  political  conditions  in  that  atom  of  the 
empire  were  not  such  as  to  render  success  difficult  of  attain- 
ment. But  of  courage,  determination,  and  integrity  he  had 
no  lack,  and  all  things  considered,  his  appointment  was  no 
unpardonable  error.  Like  his  predecessors,  he  at  once 
gravitated  mto  the  hands  of  the  Compact,  for  in  view  of  the 
social  distribution  of  the  populadon  of  Upper  Canada  at 
the  time  he  would  have  been  a  rare  man  who  should  have 
done  elsewise.     Dr.  Strachan  and  John  Beverly  Robinson, 


ii 


UPPER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  1791  jg, 

then   attorney-general   and   later  chief  justice,   were  hit 

known  to  the  Assembly.  A  petition  from  the  Assembly 
for  the  release  of  one  Collins,  an  editor  who  had  b^""^ 
pmoned  for  libel  during  the  closing  day.  of  mSL?s 
regime  was  rejected  by  the  new  governor,  whUe  an  address 

tr±rf  "*"  ^fTT  ^'  "»»"o""«««J  himseffwIS 
the  same  advise«  who  had  in  times  past  so  deeply  wounded 

LrouS'"^,""l'"J""''  *•''  ^»*  '«'^'""  of  thVcountry^ 
bought  only  the  curt  answer  that  it  was  less  difficul^to 
point  out  jealousies  than  to  e&ce  them. 

Assembly  had  now  to  contend  was,  however,  that  of  main- 
ta.nmgun.ty,afldthis  by  1830  seems  to  have  proved  b^^d 

TnJ^  ^  consutent  support  of  the  more  m,ilenite 
wmg  composed  of  men  like  Baldwin,  BidweU,  and  Won 
Ryerson^  and  on  many  measure,  a  united  from  wST  „« 
presented.     This  fact  aUowed  the  Compact  party^  Z 

Sli^l.  Act'^^.^K  "'^T  ^  ^°*°  "  ^•^  "Everhutil^ 

aaiane«Act,  whereby  wlanes  were  guaranteed  in  Deraetuirv 

to  the  executive  «,d  judicial  functiSISi  ^  Se'lSe 

m  return  for  the  surrender  of  the  crown  duties  ro  Se  c^ 

trol  of  the  Assembly.     Mackenzie  vigorously  opL«dtht 

measure,  but  the  more  moderate  reformer.  thougKe  baJ! 

pin  a  good  one  and  helped  the  Compact  tJ^LZ^W 

through.      Throughout  S«  session,  M^kSS'    e^mL 

«t.tude  reacted  detrimentaUy  on  the'  cause  "f  true  reST 

and  he  soon  became  as  little  liked  by  his  former  friSdi™' 

by  his  consistent  opponents.     The  Articles  in  Se  ^J^ 

contmued  to  bristle  with  virulence,  forM^k^zifl^S: 

writing,  never  seemed  able  to  differentiae  £^„'"t' 

oS^ji"'?-  ^°"»«'"«^y.  «  was  the  inSXlC 
porter  of  a  policy  who  received  the  force  of  his  toumalt«!r 
onslaughts  rather  than  the  policy  itself.  As  a  ES^? 
the  Asremblymen  were  now  arrayed  against  him!  kW 


366         CASJDA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

determined  to  expel  him  from  the  House;  and  ground  wu 
•oon  had  in  one  of  hit  most  caustic  articles,  which  reflected 
in  rather  injudicious  language  on  the  general  conduct  of 
affiurs  by  the  majority.  An  alliance  of  moderate  reformers 
and  ultra-Tories  managed  to  vote  through  the  resolution  of 
expulsion,  but  the  constituents  of  York  promptly  reelected 
their  represenutive.  Five  successive  times  was  the  fiery 
agitator  ousted,  and  as  often  reelected — usually  by  accla- 
mation. Under  the  spur  of  official  persecution,  his  popu- 
larity waxed  rapidly ;  a  public  meeting  of  his  constituents 
enthusiastically  expressed  confidence  in  him,  while  the  mem- 
bers of  the  reform  party  throughout  the  province  sent  him 
to  England  in  1832  to  lay  their  «rievances  before  the  home 
authorities.  Mackenzie  reached  England  at  a  very  opportune 
time,  for  the  reform  element  there  had  just  become  domi- 
nant and  the  great  Reform  Bill  of  1832  had  just  passed 
into  l^w.  Consequently,  the  British  authorities  had  no 
hesitation  in  expressing  their  opinion  that  the  expulsions 
had  been  ill  advised.  They  were  not,  however,  prepared 
to  grant  the  prayers  of  the  petitions  which  Mackenzie 
brought  from  the  colonists,  but  went  so  far  as  to  remove 
from  office  two  executive  officials  who  had  been  among  the 
most  prominent  in  the  expulsion  proceedings.  And,  on 
recommendation,  the  provincial  Houses  agreed  to  the  pat- 
s^e  of  an  Act  which  reformed  the  judicial  system  by 
making  the  tenure  of  judges  during  life  or  good  conduct. 

Shortly  after  Mackenzie's  return,  the  provincial  capital, 
York,  was  incorporated  as  a  city;  and  in  1834,  Mackenzie, 
now  a  veritable  idol  with  the  provincial  masses,  became  its 
first  mayor.  Very  unfortunately,  his  course  of  action  while 
in  office,  however,  left  much  to  be  desired.  Both  as  a  pre- 
siding officer  of  the  corporation  and  as  chief  magistrate,  he 
allowed  his  doings  to  be  governed  by  all  sorts  of  personal 
animosities,  and  showed  a  pettiness  such  as  even  his  old  an- 
tagonist, Maitland,  had  never  exhibited.  Soon  his  popularity 
began  to  wane,  and  the  decline  was  hastened  by  his  injudi- 
cious publication  of  a  personal  letter  from  the  great  English 


UPPER  CANADA  UNDER  ACT  OF  1791  367 

radical  Hume,  in  which  the  latter  declared  hit  belief  that 
the  courte  of  evenu  in  Canada  would  logically  "terminate 
m  independence  and  freedom  from  the  baneful  domination 
of  the  mother  country."     For  hit  apparent  coincidence  in 
thit  tentiment,  Mackenzie  toon  found  himtelf  repudiated 
by  many  of  hit  tupportert,  who,  whUe  ttaunch  reformert, 
were  ttiU  ttauncher  loyalittt.     Similarly  the  public  meet- 
ingt  which  had  hitherto  acclaimed  him  at  the  tribune  of  the 
people  now  battened  to  overwhelm  him  with  centuret  he 
wat  defeated  at  the  poUt  when  he  again  tought  election; 
and  thortly  afterward  forced  by  an  untparing  public  opinion 
to  lutpend  the  publication  of  the  Athtcatt.     But  at   the 
general  elections  of  ig34  the  reform  element,  by  vigorously 
repudiatmg  the  Hume  sentiments,  succeeded  anew  in  secur- 
ing a  majonty  in  the  Assembly,  while  Mackenzie  himself, 
after  a  hard  fight,  was  able  to  capture  one  of  the  four 
ndings  mto  which  York  had  just  been  divided.   The  genenl 
result  left  the  Family  Compact,  in  a  House  of  less  than 
sixty  members,  in  a  minority  of  eight  or  ten.     The  first 
session  of  the  new  House  was  hardly  opened  when  Mac- 
kenzie  moved  for  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  on 
Grievances  and  succeeded  in  having  such  named,  with  him- 
self at  chairman.     After  a  careful  inquiry  the  committee 
preaented  an  exhauttive  report  covering  tome  fifteen  clotely 
pnnted  pagea  of  the  Attembly's  journal.     On  the  whole, 
the  report  seems  to  have  been  a  truthful  presentment  of  the 
Mate  of  afiairt  in  Upper  Canada  during  the  few  decades 
preceding  and  a  vigorous  protest  against  a  continuation  of 
the  existmg  conditions.     Periups  one-third  of  the  whole 
report  was  devoted  to  the  advocacy  of  a  "responsible  ex- 
ecuuw    and  the  necessity  of  vesting  more  influence  over 
*«>"  of  Sute  in  the  accredited  represenutives  of  the 
people.     The  remainder  dealt  with  divers  grounds  of  com- 
plamtj  the  meddling  of  judges  aAd  other  officials  in  political 
quarreb;  the  retarding  effect  on  provincial  development  of 
tlie  Ueigy  Reserves  {  the  practice  of  appointing  mUitaiy 
govemon  to  whose  nature  conciliation  and  courtesy  seemed 


^S 


:■;;.( 


'     M 


!/> 


«:  rs 


r     i 


368         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

intrinucally  foreign }  and  1  host  of  other  grievancei  all  more 
or  lest  real.     This  report,  wrinen  in  a  tone  which  showed 
that  Mackenzie's  natural  acerbity  had  been  subjected  to  the 
tempering  influence  of  his  colleagues  on  the  committee,  was 
passed  by  the  House.    Together  with  resolutions  asking  for 
the  redress  of  the  grievances  it  was  forthwith  sent  oflT  to 
England.    There  it  created  a  profound  impression  in  official 
circles,  for  the  Peel  ministry  was  more  open  to  popular 
protest  than  were  its  predecessors  of  the  pre-reform  epoch. 
The  colonial  office  decided  that  prudence  alone  demanded 
the  pursuit  of  a  more  concessionary  policy  than  that  hitherto 
followed  by  the  represenutives  of  the  crown  in  Upper 
Canada,  and  as  Colbome  could  not  be  expected  to  execute 
any  such  volttfact  with  dignity,  his  recall  was  decided  upon 
and  Sir  Francis  Bond  Head  was  selected  for  the  vacant  post. 
But  before  the  change  could  be  efiected  Colbome  effected, 
on  behalf  of  his  friend  Strachan,  a  coup  which  caused  a 
storm  of  criticism.     It  will  be  remembered  that  while  the 
colonial  office,  many  years  previous  to  this  time,  had  ex- 
pressed its  opinion  that  the  Church  of  Scotland  should  share 
in  the  emoluments  of  the  Reserves,  Strachan  had  succeeded 
in  having  the  matter  of  a  division  held  in  abeyance.     And 
at  different  times  the  efforts  of  Presbyterians  in  the  province 
to  have  the  question  dealt  with  had  been  promptly  frustrated 
by  the  influence  of  Strachan  and  his  friends  in  high  places. 
But  now  it  was  seen  that,  owing  to  the  altered  temper  of 
the  home  authorities  born  of  the  reforms  of  1832,  no  such 
policy  of  procrastination  could  be  indefinitely  pursued,  and 
as  there  was  a  danger  that  not  alone  the  Church  of  Scotland 
but  the  other  dissenting  denominations  would  make  good 
their  claims  to  shares,  Strachan  induced  the  retiring  gov- 
ernor to  endow  from  the  Reserves  some  fifty-seven  Angli- 
can rectories  and  thus  to  secure  to  the  Church  of  England  the 
lion's  share  of  the  lands  in  advance.     Through  some  diffi- 
culty, fifteen  of  the  patents  were  left  unsigned,  and  the 
Church  in  the  end  got  less  than  it  had  reached  out  for,  but 
the  signed  patents  were  held  vaU'?  by  the  courts,  and,  tatfrn 


i 


I' ' . 


<        f 


IWffM  CdHdOM  UNMM  JKT  Of  tfft  ^ 

M  a  wiMlt,  tbeplMOMjrbeatidtoiMvebwa  mccmiIU. 
But  th*  ciicunMtuicn  under  which  k  mm  dbcMd  do  ao 
mt  ofdk  cithtr  to  tht  goyernor  or  to  hb  pramiNm, 
■khoygh  It  miiM  be  Mid  in  pvtial  cxtraintioa  dw  mim 

WW  before,  when  the  Compect  pMty  enjoyed  the  eoofid«w» 
of  thoee  in  authontx  ^  «be  Britidi  niniMfy,  the  prindpk  of 
miking  tome  provision  for  Epiacopel  racton  out  of  the 
Knervet  had  received  the  sanction  of  the  colonial  ofice. 

Th«  appointment  of  Sir  Fnuida  Bond  Head  was  thotttht 
hy  the  colonial  ofice  to  be  a  distinct  concession  to  die 
reformers  of  Upper  Canada.   He  had  absolutdv  no  political 
ncpermice  whatsoever,  nor  was  he  known  to  have  anv 
fixed  id«s  on  the  subject  of  colonial  sdministiation.    He 
would,  therefore,  be  p&able  dajr  in  the  hands  of  Oownint 
Street,  and  instructions  u  to  a  conciliatory  policy  miditbe 
given  with  confidence  that  they  would  be  carriMloitt. 
Son»  writers  have  dedared  that  the  appointment  went  to 
Sir  Francis  by  mistake  for  his  cousin.  Sir  Edmund,  a  much 
abler  nuui,  who    subsequently  became  governor  of  the 
United  Frovmces  from  j«S4  to  i86t.    There  was  only 
London  gossip  m  support  of  thb  idea}  more  than  likely  die 
absolute  unsuitability  of  Sir  Fruicis  for  die  post,  when  act- 
•    .y  demonstnted,  caused  people  to  disbelieve  dttt  die  colo- 
nial office  could  ever  have  intendonally  selected  such  a  man 
otherwise  dian  by  mistaking  him  for  someone  else.    Still 
die  appomtment  was  haiieJ  by  die  reform  demem  in  die 
province  with  unmixed  joy,  for  Mackensie  had  been  duly 
informed  by  Hume  that  diere  was  good  ground  for  eladon. 
And  If  the  inexperienced  appointee  had  any  sense  of  humor 
lie  must  have  been  roundly  amused  to  find,  on  die  occasion 
of  his  entry  into  Toronto,  die  streets  adorned  widi  placards 
bearing  die  words:  "Welcome!  Sir  Francis  Head:Trted 
Reformer. 

TTie  new  governor,  who  was  installed  on  January  a*. 
1836,  started  weU  by  calling  to  his  councU  duce  pronunem 
reformers.  But  dwse  refosed  to  accept  unless  die  old 
members  still  remaining  were  dismissed,  and  die  governor. 


MOHl 


370 


CANADA  AND  iUTttH  NORTH  AMMMICA 


■I 


'i 


\ 


niBpectifig  that  the  giving  of  the  reform  element  an  excluiive 
control  of  the  Council  would  promptly  reduce  him  to  a 
pontion  of  complete  impotence,  at  once  refuted  compliance. 
In  the  end  the  reform  appointees  agreed  to  serve,  but  it  waa 
not  long  before  the  two  faction*  came  into  irreconcilable 
conflict  and  the  whole  Council  reaigned.  Nothing  daunted. 
Head  accepted  'heir  retignations  and  appointed  othen  who 
were  willing  to  serve  him  without  being  bound  to  either  party. 
At  this  both  parties  in  the  Assembly  rote  in  protest.  For 
the  domination  of  the  goverm^  alone  teemed  to  be  no  im- 
provement on  the  domination  of  either  party  over  the  other. 
The  Aatembly  almost  unanimoutly  condemned  thit  action 
and  asked  for  the  reinstatement  of  the  old  councillors,  and 
when  the  governor  remained  unmoved,  the  Assembly  fell 
into  line  with  Lower  Canada  and  refused,  for  the  first  time, 
to  vote  the  supplies.  In  the  crisis.  Head  proved  himself  pos- 
sessed in  a  high  degree  of  the  qualities  of  an  actor  dranuti- 
cally  appealing  to  the  people  at  large  and  to  the  home 
authorities  for  support.  In  this  he  was  providentially  aided 
by  the  publication  at  the  moment  of  a  seditious  letter  ad- 
dressed by  L.  J.  Papineau,  the  leader  of  discontent  in  Lower 
Canada,  calling  on  the  reformers  of  Upper  Canada  to  join 
their  fellows  of  the  Lower  Province  in  an  armed  revolt 
against  executive  domination.  With  dramatic  effect  Head 
affirmed  that  the  cause  of  British  connection  was  at  stake; 
dissolved  the  Houas ;  ordered  a  new  election,  id  himself 
took  the  stump  to  declaim  vigorously  against  tne  seditious 
designs  of  his  opponents.  Strangely  enough  his  appeal 
proved  effective.  When  the  results  were  known  it  was 
found  that  the  governor  could. count  on  a  majority  in  the 
new  Assembly,  while  Mackenzie,  Bidwell,  and  most  of  his 
leading  opponents  were  defeated  at  the  polls.  For  a  man 
who  knew  nothing  of  the  devious  ways  of  politics.  Head 
had  made  rather  astounding  progress,  and  his  apparent 
success  at  this  juncture  strengthened  him  with  the  colonial 
office.  But  defeat  in  the  House  served  but  to  convince 
some  of  the  leading  reformers  in  the  country  that  their  ends 


VWR  C4S4D4  UNDi'lt  JCT  OP  1791  37, 

couid  be  attained  onlir  through  the  emplovment  of  meana 
much  mofc  draatK  than  tboM  hitherto  udliwd.  and  from 
th,,  date  one  may  mark  the  beginningt  of  the  movement 
^ward  open  revolt.  Mackenaie  wa.  specially  angered  by 
defeat,  and  hit  new  organ,  the  Cmtitutun,  became  more 
viofent  than  hit  Adv^cau  of  a  decade  before. 
kjJ?  K  .  li  r*  •*^""**  *"  Awembly  ready  to  support 
tejj;;  K^"  ^?  "?  "^"^  "••  ''*'"  °^  ■'*  *••  ^Jifficultiel. 
wSL  ff^2!"*il    **^  ""•!«»»«"»'  opposition  within  the 

1835  1       "£2  °"^'*'*"'  *'*'^*-     ""^  '«'*l^n  of 


\v 


a 


1 

frf 

1. 

i'il 

'mtii 

r* 

h 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  mNNING  OF  RESPONSIBLE  GOrEKNMSNT 

tJ^  ^  forgoing  chapter,  an  endeavor  ha.  been  made  to 

f^Ll  STn*^  ''^  *'  ^~'  P°«^*^»»  grievancea^c^ 
fwmoie  than  a  «:ore  o  year^  had  *rvS  to  foment  dia- 
-fection  among  certain  claue.  of  the  colonial  popXioT 

I-'^nt  rr-'"'  ^'37,  the  widcpread  K^Jt' 
wa.  Ken  to  be  npenmg  mto  open  .edition}  the  asitators 
be«memore  mflammatonr  ii,  their  add«..e.  to  theTSSfc^ 
while  de  proclamation,  of  the  goveinor^„e„a  forbSfi 
^ddmg  of  unauthorized  meeting.  Xe  defiant^  dTi? 

^„T!?  ^^°^''  ^'"^^^y  °f  <ii'e»>~  actively^etted  £ 
p«^er^  movement,  there  can  be  no  doubt  whJS^tK 
few  .f  any  of  them,  did  much  to  pacify  the  pe^jTor  to 
pomt  out  to  them  the  d«v„  of  Ipen  „beU.^  McJ! 

T  KA*  '^T  '^^"^^  "^  fitquently  held  o,^  SuXi 
after  Ma«.  «,d  at  the  very  doorT^f  the^^ch^ 
A«ughout  the  Lower  Province,  cpeciaUy  kTSe  dSS 
of  Quebec  and  Montr«l.  At  theae  S  at  d»  v«La^ 
githenng.  the  agitator,  diaplayed  flan  with  tr^^U^ 
•jnp^n^  whUe  pamphletaVd  ci^rStn^:^^ 
L^oTS^^r^^"^    Seditiouai^JiZ; 

lap«  m  ,u  ch«ter  due  to  negligent  of  S  kgidiiSfJriS 

373 


M 


.1 


374  CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMBRICJl 

very  inadequately  policed,  »  that  the  riotoui  element  had 
wViTfoled  T  "*^-  '^^^"^  evolutional  oS«ti^J 
?r»/       •    /r™  *?°"8  *•«  ™"'"  of  younl  French! 

t^^35ei"^n?l7f'r'"Pr''*  ""^  prominent  Sln^ 
ine  KxaJJed  Sons  of  Liberty,  the  members  of  which^for 
the  most  part  young  students^penly  avowed  tS,!^ 
to  "emancipate  the  province  from  all  hum«,  authoriJ^ 

S  a^S  1^'^^"  '*"°^""^  "•'*"8  withiJ"  t.  £2im/' 
This  and  the  other  organizations  found  their  official  o.^^ 
m  the  y,nd,cator,  edited  by  one  O'Callaehan,  which  m«S3 
with  truculent  o«enution  manifestoeslSd^lution??™!^ 
nating  regdarly  from  the  seditious  gatheAiw  "' 

l^ax  as  the  authorities  were,  they  could  not  but  heed  th«* 

Ce'J^or  '-"-r'th^^-ult  t^t  S?r  Jot  cS! 
b«rne  who  had  given  up  the  administration  of  Uppir  Canada 
^Zi  ^'^^t"'^  »>o'»e  to  England  via  NeJ^  York  w« 
i*«lled  at  the  latter  port  to  assume  command  of  the  forc« 

wither  emr"*  *"'  1°  'w°'''  "'-^^^  -  «adi:;es7toTe3 
^nlf  ^  "nergency  which  might  arise.  Colbome  was  a 
capable  and  eneigetic  military  officer,  but  the  forees  ^11 

more  than  a  half  as  many  more  could  be  Sd.     Nor  weS 
mditary  stores  and  supplies  plentiful,  for  nSriy  ."^^ 

^^ro™t"r;8rr  I- 1  -^  -^^  "^^^ 

with  firmn!«  ,[   *'  .^7.     In  this  his  krace  condemned 


THE  BINNING  OF  RESPONSIBLE  GOFERNMENT    ^j^ 

wa,  ordemTto  be  ««1  in  ^  the  chS^-of^!  Tt'' 
and  h)  nadine  had  >  v*rv  ».rtj^   i!     .^  ***  "*  dioceie, 

land,  of  a^l^^^r  S?tJ  "*",  "■  •«°S*"i»g  I* 
for  rebellion  „igk,  ^  haverZcd^S^^trT 

Just  about  this  time  two  monster  meetinn  wen  hi-U  K„ 
the  respect  ve  factions      At  Sr  ri.-lj^^*^  !^«  "*''*  "^ 

.evemlTousand  ^lcont1m^«o^^^^^^^  *^'  **"''""'^' 
assembled  under  the  li^^S  "Pi^"*»8  »«  counties, 

•on,  and  oS  Th!^  "  ^  °^  ^rP'""*"'  W°'f««'  Nel- 
salvos  of  muskttnr  A  JS  *  ''^/""^f*  °^  »«""«^"  ««* 
-  erectedtr'Se  ^J^lt'jZ^:^^^^^' 

?^:i4ar7rom^St^;?:-2  ^^tF^^ 
meeting  and  adopted  with  acclaim     %  J       ^^  .'*^°'*  *'*" 

gnevances,  and  that  the  tim^  h.A^  r  °  "*''*"■  P^*" 
old  authorities  «^d  the  e  uwS^ 'T'  t°'  "'^'^  *°  »^ 
thi.  «  a  preamble,  Ihe  -S^orX";:;^^.    "^'f 

«me  time  uS  svLmatic^'''  PT^ondly,  „d  at  the 

pointed  b,  .If  g:crrt.Trp;  L""„^"jl-'- 

resolution  of  all  As  that  which  nl/S?.K  ^  ***^"« 
.nd  encounge  desertion  from  thl IS^c'^^f'^^^  *° •^•' 
stationed  in  die  province.  "^^  *^P« 


>  :     i 


71 


376         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

On  the  tune  day  a  monster  gathering  of  the  loyalist 
pany  was  convened  at  Montreal,  attended  likewise  by  sev- 
eral thousands,  and  adopted  resolutions  of  a  veiy  diflerent 
tenor.     These  called  upon  the  authorities  to  make  an  end 
to  <*  injudicious  and  inefiectual  attempu  at  conciliation," 
and  to  put  down  with  a  firm  hand  the  rising  disorders. 
The  meeting  pledged  the  support  of  the  loyal  section  of  the 
population  to  the  authorities  "in  order  to  maintain  connec- 
tion with  the  British  Empire,"  and  proceeded  to  appoint 
committees  to  see  to  matters  of  organization  and  to  con- 
cert plans  for  the  immediate  rendering  of  assistance  to  the 
authorities  in  case  of  need.     Following  the  example  of  the 
malcontents,  the  young  loyalists  of  Montreal  had  oigan- 
iied  a  political  association  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Doric  Club,  and  the  avowed  purpose  of  which  was  to  act 
as  4  counterpoise  to  the  Sons  of  Liberty.     It  was  not  long 
before  the  two  organizations  and  the  symp;:thizers  with  each 
came  into  collision.     Early  in  November  the  Sons  of  Lib- 
erty undertook  to  assemble  and  plant  a  tree  of  liberty  on 
Place  d'Armes  Square.     This  the  loyalists  determined  to 
prevent  with  the  result  that  a  riot  of  grave  proportions 
took  place.     The  ViiuBcatar  office  was  demolished,  and  the 
mob  was  only  with  the  utmost  difficulty  prevented  from 
wreaking  a  like  vengeance  on  the  residence  of  Mr.  Papi- 
neau.     But  the  troops  were  able  to  secure  quiet  and  the 
authorities  at  once  issued  a  proclamation   forbidding  all 
unauthorized  meedngs  of  any  kind.     Outside  Montreal  the 
bMtanu  bepn  to  assemble  at  various  points,  chieHy  along 
Richelieu  River;  more  particulariy  at  St.  John's  and  Cham- 
bly,  where  they  forced  several  of  those  who  had  received 
commissions  from  the  authorities  as  justices  of  the  peace 
to  resign  their  appointments.     Colborne,  now  fully  alive  to 
the  pavity  of  the  situation,  drew  into  Montreal  all  the 
troops  he  could  spve  from  Quebec  and  other  points,  while 
wananu  were  sw     1  out  for  the  chief  agitators  then  present 
in  Montreal.     Bu     hese  managed  to  escape  to  the  Riche- 
lieu section  where    jeir  arrest  was  difficult.     About  the 


TUB  WINNINa  OF  RMSPONStBLB  GOFBRNMBNT 


377 


Mme  time  a  tnull  troop  of  cavalry  was  despatched  from 
Montreal  to  St.  John's  to  assist  in  the  execution  of  a  war- 
rant which  had  been  issued  against  the  postmaster  of  that 
place  and  some  others  who  had  been  prominent  in  foment- 
ing sedition.  The  arresu  were  effected  successfully,  but 
on  the  way  home  the  party  was  confronted,  November  17, 
1837,  near  Longueuil,  by  a  krge  boJy  of  armed  baUtaHtt 
who  succeeded,  after  a  brisk  conflict,  in  releasing  the  p  1- 
oners  and  sending  the  troops  back  to  the  city  empty  handed. 
This  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  opening  of  the  rebellion. 
The  haUtantt  began  to  concentrate  in  large  numbers  at  the 
villages  of  St.  Charles  and  St.  Denis,  on  the  upper  Riche- 
lieu, and  to  disperse  them  it  was  forthwith  decickd  to  send 
out  two  strong  bodies  of  troops.  A  force  of  about  three 
hundred  men  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  under  Colonel 
Wetherall,  was  despatched  from  Montreal  to  Chambly, 
thence  to  proceed  to  St.  Charles.  The  <^her  force,  con- 
sisting of  about  two  hundred  infiintry  and  three  guns,  under 
command  of  Colonel  Gore,  was  to  be  transported  down  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  Sorel,  thence  to  ascend  the  Richelieu  to 
St.  Denis,  and,  having  dislodged  the  rebels  there,  was  to  pro- 
ceed on  to  St.  Charles  in  time  to  effect  a  junction  with  the 
forces  led  by  Wetherall. 

Gore's  force  reached  Sorel  on  the  22d  of  November,  and, 
reinforced  by  the  bulk  of  the  garrison  there,  lost  no  time  in 
proceeding  toward  St.  Denis,  which  was  only  sixteen  miles 
up  the  river.  The  slushy  road  was  covered  in  a  night,  and 
by  morning  Gore  found  himself  at  &.  Dmis  c<Mifronting  a 
force  of  nearly  five  hundred  habitants  well  disposed  in  the 
houses  of  the  village.  Nelson,  Papineau,  and  O'Callaghan 
were  in  charge  of  the  insurgents,  but  beforr  the  attack  com- 
menced the  two  hitter  hastily  took  flight  to  St.  Hyacinthe, 
whence  they  shortly  afterward  crossed  to  the  United  Sutes, 
a  cowardly  desertion  of  their  followers  which  stamped  both 
as  uttdy  undeserving  of  the  confidence  which  the  undit- 
criminaring  habitants  had  imposed  in  them.  In  striking 
conttast  was  the  demeanor  of  Dr.  Nelson,  who  defended 


' 


378 


CANADA  AMD  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


^hld 


m 

m 

t 

s 

M 

m 

.9 

i 

r 

[I 


the  viilage  with  gallantry,  and,  toward  evening  on  Novem- 
ber ajd,  compelled  Gore  to  draw  ofF  hi*  force  with  consid- 
erable lou.  But  the  events  of  the  day  were  marked  by  the 
brutal  murder  of  a  young  regular  officer,  Lie"tenant  Weir, 
of  the  Thirty-second  Regiment.  Weir  had  a  rived  «t  Sorel 
after  the  departure  of  Gore's  force  and  set  off  to  St.  Denis 
unaccompanied  and  by  a  shorter  route  than  that  uken  by  the 
troops.  Arriving  at  the  outskirts  of  the  village  in  advance 
of  Gore  he  was  uken  in  charge  by  the  insurgents  and  con- 
ducted to  Nelson's  house,  whence,  after  the  firing  com- 
menced in  the  morning,  he  was  sent  back  to  St.  Charles  in 
charge  of  an  armed  guard.  Very  unwisely,  the  young  officer 
attempted  to  escape,  but  was  caught  and  brutally  murdered 
by  those  who  had  him  in  charge.  Even  an  attempt  to  escape 
could  hardly  have  justified  the  deliberate  slaying  of  an  un- 
armed and  pinioned  prisoner.  Gore,  after  his  repulse,  fell 
back  to  Sorel,  while  the  insurgent  success  greatly  augmented 
both  their  numbers  and  their  enthusiasm. 

Wetherall's  expedition,  meanwhile,  had  been  moving 
from  Chambly  to  St.  Charies,  but  on  receiving  the  news  cf 
Gore's  repulse,  halted  at  St.  Hilaire  for  reinforcements  and 
instructions.  These  arrived  shortly,  and  a  few  days  later 
the  force  reached  St.  Charles,  where  the  insurgents  were 
commanded  by  a  renegade  American,  Thomas  Storrow 
Brown.  Although  an  anempt  had  been  made  to  fortify  the 
village,  Wetherall's  field  guns  and  a  gallant  atuck  with  the 
bayonet  soon  dispersed  the  defenders,  who,  by  the  way, 
considerably  outnumbered  the  atucking  force,  and  on  No- 
vember 26th  Brown,  with  only  a  portion  of  his  followers, 
fled  precipiutely  to  St.  Denis  leaving  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  dead,  variouf '/  estimated  at  from  forty  to  one  hun- 
dred. On  arrival  at  St.  Denis  a  consultation  with  Nelson 
was  had  at  which  it  was  decided  that  to  remain  at  St.  Denis 
would  now  be  dangerous;  the  force  of  insurgents  there  was 
disbanded,  and  Gore  was  allowed  again  to  approach  the 
village,  this  time  without  opposition.  Brown  followed 
the  example  of  Papineau  and  reached  the  frontier  safely; 


■ 


THE  irtNMlNG  OF  USPONSIMU  OOriRNMBNT    379 

Nelion  wu  captured  by  a  tnuU  body  of  militia  and  brouriit 
a  prisoner  to  Montreal.    The  rebellion  wa*  at  an  end  to  ftr 
aa  the  Richelieu  counties  were  concerned,  for  the  volun- 
teers of  the  frontier  townships  had  been  successful  in  re- 
pulsing a  body  of  American  sympathizers  which  had  crossed 
from  Swanton,  Vermont.   By  Christmas  the  whole  country 
was  patrolled  by  troops  of  volunteers,  while  the  jails  were 
overflowing  with  political  prisoners.   But  there  was  another 
section  of  the  province  still  to  be  quieted,— the  county  of 
Two  Mountains  to  the  northwest  of  Montreal  where  a 
strong  body  of  rebels  had  taken  up  a  position  at  the  village 
of  St.  Eustache.   These  were  under  the  command  of  AmMry  44^1 
Girod,  whom  Papineau  had  appointed  to  the  command  of 
^  msurgent  forces  on  the  north  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 
This  task  Colbome  himself  undertook  to  accomplish  about 
the  middle  of  December.     Having  collected  a  fonr^able 
force  of  regulars  and  volunteers  to  the  number  of  about 
two  thousand  he  set  off  amidst  noisy  loyalist  enthusiasm, 
n*"'j7S*"'*'"  '♦'  '*37.  crossed  the  Ottawa  on  the  ice 
at  Bord  a  Plouft  and  made  his  way  to  St.  Eustache.    Here 
he  found  Girod's  foUowers  to  the  number  of  about  a  thou- 
sand ensconced  within  the  principal  buildings  of  the  hamlet, 
the  church,  the  manor  house,  and  the  rectory.     Colbome's 
artillery  made  short  work  of  these  sheltpns  the  in&ntry 
promptly  stormed  the  village  and  put  its  defenders  to  pre- 
"P'*f **•*#*•     The  insurgent  lou  is  not  easy  to  estimate; 
the  killed  alone,  however,  must  have  numbered  nearly  a 
hundred.    Very  unfortunately,  the  attackers  fired  several  of 
the  houses  and  the  whole  vilhige,  of  some  seventy  buUdinn, 
was  burned.    For  this  Colborne  and  his  officers  were  iTno 
wise  to  blame;  it  was  found  impossible  to  restrain  the  puni- 
uve  ardor  of  some  of  the  volunteers  comprising  die  fwce, 
many  of  whom,  indeed,  had  been  plundered  and  maltreated 
by  these  very  rebels  during  the  preceding  months.     Girod 
and  some  of  the  more  prominent  agitators  managed   to 
escape,  but  the  former,  finding  himself  closely  pursued, 
ended  hu  days  by  suicide  less  than  a  week  later.    From 


i 


/^ 


11 


3I0         CMNdDJ  JND  iUTUH  NORTH  JMUUCJ 

St.  EiMUcbe,  Colbomc  puted  on  to  St.  Bcnoit  and  to  dM 
neig^btMruig  hamlett,  in  neh  of  whkh  the  uncondkional 
submiauon  of  the  hMumu  wu  promptly  tendered. 

Aa  the  year  dowd,  the  Lower  CanaAi  lebeUion  ■eened 
entirely  crushed.  The  govemon  of  Vermont  and  New 
Yoit  had,  by  prociamationt,  prohibited  the  dttsens  of  these 
Sutes  from  violating  the  neutrality  of  the  United  States  by 
assisting  the  rebels,  so  little  hope  of  support  could  be  hdd 
out  from  these  quarters.   The  authorities  now  became  indul> 

Knt  and  instead  of  putting  the  insurgent  jwisoners  on  trial 
fore  courts-martialr-«s  the  authorities  had  an  undoubted 
•  right  to  do,  martid  law  having  heen  proddmed  throughout 
the  Montred  district  smne  time  before^— allowed  numbers 
of  the  prisoners  to  depart  scot  free,  as  it  was  fUt  that  civil 
trials  by  jury  wodd  only  increase  the  ftctiond  animosities. 
Shortly  after  New  Year  (January  8,  1838),  Monsdgneur 
Lartigue,  of  Montred,  issued  his  second  mandate,  in  which 
he  chid  the  hahtmts  for  their  seditious  behavior  and  their 
Allure  to  obey  the  advk:e  tendered  in  his  pattord  of  some 
months  before.    A  day  of  public  thanksgiving  for  the  resto- 
ration of  poUticd  tranquillity  was  then  proddmed.    Lord 
Gosford  having  recdved  permisdon  from  the  home  author- 
ities to  relinqdsh  his  post  of  governor,  gave  over  the  ad- 
ministration to  Colbome  and  teft  the  province.     Gosford 
had  shown  an  entire  inability  to  ded  with  the  ex^encws  of 
the  situation.     At  the  outset  he  had  underestimated  the 
seriousness  of  the  outbreak,  and  when  he  finally  awoke  to 
its  gravity  it  was  only  the  energy  and  ardor  of  Colbome 
which  rendered  it  posdble  to  cope  with  a  movement  which 
his  own  apathy  and  ill-advised  compromidng  had  allowed 
to  assume  such  threatening  proportions.   Colbome,  dthou^ 
it  was  known  that  he  was  to  assume  control  only  until  he 
home  authorities  codd  make  some  permanent  appointnwnt, 
took  hold  of  affiurs  with  his  usud  sfurit  and  soon  had  in 
foree  such  measures  as  were  essentid  to  a  find  padficatira. 
In  England  the  news  of  the  outbreak  had  been  rvcdved 
with  min^  surprise  and  exasperation,  especially  as  the 


rj  i  -i.i 


■  .ti 


i 

'hI'I 

% 

Hnf 

■ill  I 

■ilif 

m\mL\ 

THE  mMHWO  or  MMiHUiitMlM  oorgMNMUtr 


3ti 


of  Gon*!  vipdM  ac  St.  Dn^  wm  VMdf  m- 
_  VWom  of  aaodwr  coIoiimI  ww  of  bi^^m- 

dtac*  bcfwi  to  loot  btfefie  tilt  ms  of  EadyuMo,  umI 
thtre  were  tt  once  viforoue  wtniims  bodi  u  the  Hom* 
■ad  out  of  it  that  the  nadon  wouM  hrook  no  icpetitioii  of 
those  mmiaterial  fidliee  which  little  over  a  ludf  cemutr 
belbra  had  coat  Oiwt  Britain  her  thirteen  Maboaid  coio- 
niet.    The  ministry,  therefore,  which  had  hitherto  allowed 
cdooial  compfaumt  to  be  comphceatly  pigeon-holed  and 
petitioni  bearing  thouiande  of  names  to  be  laid  withoM  dis- 
cussion on  the  table  of  the  House,  now  icalised  that  ks 
apatlqr  had  produced  a  staM  of  a&irs  with  refincnce  to  which 
immediate  actkm  of  a  decisive  aMure  was  impaatively  nec- 
essarjr.     Under  the  stimulus  of  <^en  nrck  it  riiook  off  its 
lethaigjr  with  unwonted  rapiditj,  and  before  January  was 
over  it  had  decided  upm  the  drastic  course  of  suspending 
the  constitution  of  Lower  Canada,  and  or'  soidtng  out  a 
new  governor  armed  with  dictatorial  powers  to  oiforce  im- 
mediate submit  .kmi  t..  -I  to  make  a  full  inquiry  into  ^  alleg^ 
griewices  of  u.-  .  .  hmtt.     This  inquiry,  the  ministers 
hoped,  would  form  the  basis  upon  which  a  new  constitution 
could  be  drafted,  under  the  provisions  of  n^iwh  pditkal 
harmony  couM  be  secured.     But  to  find  jutt  such  a  man 
was  not  easy,  for  nature  does  not  often  give  the  firmness 
of  a  dictt^M-and  the  tact  of  a  diptomat  to  one  and  the  same 
individual.     Ordinarily,  the  task  would  have  been  an  ex- 
tremely  difficult  one  ftw  any  ministry,  but  there  was,  at  this 
time,  one  individual  to  whom  the  members  of  the  admin- 
istration were  aUe  with  unanimity  to  turn.    This  man  was 
Lord  Durham. 

John  George  Lambton,  first  Eari  of  Duriiam,  was  bom 
at  Lambton,  in  the  County  Ftdatine  of  Durham,  on  A|Mil 
12,  179a.     The  son  of  a  staunch  Whig  he  entend  the 


H^  M 


House  of  Commons  as  sotm  as  he  became  .  _g,,  _ 
the  rq>resentative  of  his  native  Aire,  and  soon  cmmected 
himself  widi  the  radical  wing  of  the  Whig  party  which, 
thou^  at  that  time  numeri<»lly  weak,  was  ofqiosing  the 


Ki^r- 


iiillllil 


I    1 


382         C4NADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMBRKA 

Liverpool  muugtry  with  much  spirit.  During  the  move- 
ment which  culminated  in  the  pausing  of  the  Great  Reform 
Act  of  1832,  Lambton  took  a  leading  part.  In  the  same 
year  be  was  intrusted  with  a  diplomatic  mission  to  St.  Peters- 
burg, which  he  carried  out  with  conspicuous  success.  In 
1828,  he  had  been  made  Baron  Durham,  and,  in  1837,  he 
was  further  honored  by  an  elevation  to  the  dignity  of  an 
SI.'.i.  ?„Tl.  T  ^^^T  ^  •**="»*  "nbassidor  to 
r„r.  :^  Y^  "^  iT""  *••  ^^  "•«''  ^'^  threat, 
enmg  sute  of  a^rs  m  the  Canadas  gave  new  fields  for  his 
eneipr.  In  spite  of  the  check  placed  upon  his  political 
acavities  by  uncertain  health  and  the  possession  of^  un- 
fortunate  acerbity  of  temper  which  he  did  not  always  hold 

popdar  of  Enghsh  peers.  And  there  were  other  reasons 
why  his  appointment  at  this  time  seemed  a  wise  stroke. 
The  ftct  that  Durham  had  always  been  a  Liberal  in  politics 
•eemed  to  render  safe  the  intnistment  to  him  of  dictatorial 
powers,  while  related  as  he  was,  by  blood,  marriage,  and 
traming,  to  tlie  conservative  element  in  England,  he  was, 
»n  spite  of  his  hberalism  not  unacceptable  to  the  Tori«! 
t-onsequently  his  appointment  brought  forth  unqualified 
•pprovd  both  from  the  House  and  the  country.     He  re- 

«  W-  J°^'^°"  ^  ^  •P'^8  ""^  '838  and  set  forth, 
a.  Justm  McCarthy  remarks, "  with  the  assurance  of  every- 
one that  his  expedition  would  make  a  career  if  not  a  nation'" 
Durham  s  commission  was  a  twofold  one.  In  the  first  place, 
he  was  appointed  govemor-general  of  the  five  provinces  of 

S'X"  ^"^J^Vf^  ^°''»  ^°^'  New  Brunswick. 
^LfT  f  ^"^  ''H'  *>»»«^»»g  *U  'uch  power.  « 
Srii'' A't  "*"^'*^  ^y  **  iovereign  henelf.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  was  appointed  "Lord  High  Commit- 
sioner,  with  full  power  to  inquire  into,  and,  if  possible, 
to  adjust  all  qw«ions  of  civU  government  pending  in  tlw 
provmces.  With  the  commission  went  a  letter  of  instmc- 
tion.  from  the  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies  informing 
him  that  It  was  the  desire  of  her  Majesty's  govemmew 


THE  mfNJNO  OF  RESPONSIBLB  QOrBRNMBNT    383 

"that  the  rebels  should  be  treated  with  the  utmost  posnUe 
lenkncjr  compatible  with  the  public  safety." 

Arriving  at  Quebec,  Lord  Durham  issued  a  prodamatkm 
dissolving  the  old  Executive  Council  and  appointing,  under 
the  terms  of  the  Act  suspending  the  constitution  of  tlw 
province,  a  new  Council  of  five  members  taken  from  among 
the  members  of  his  own  entourage.  Although  the  earl 
has  been  soundly  criticised  for  having  done  this,  he  had,  as 
his  prodamation  shows,  the  soundest  reasons  for  his  action. 
H«;  desired  his  council  to  be  so  composed  that  the  responsi- 
bility for  eveiy  administrative  act  should  rest  upon  his  own 
shoulders.  He  wanted  to  hold  himself  entirely  aloof  from 
every  fiurtion  in  the  province,  and  this  he  could  not  do  if 
members  of  his  council  were  to  be  taken  from  the  ranks 
of  its  prominent  men. 

The  next  question  which  thrust  itself  upon  his  attention 
was  the  difficult  one  of  disposing  of  the  rebel  leaders. 
Some  of  these  were  in  custody  awaiting  trial,  some  of  them 
were  at  huge  in  the  province  and  some  were  in  the  United 
States,  but  anxious  to  return.     To  bring  those  in  prison 
to  trial  and  to  decree  the  perpetual  outhwry  of  those  at 
large  would  ai^ur  ill  for  permanent  pacification:  to  allow 
all  to  go  free  would  have  bem  construed  as  a  lamentable 
confession  of  weakness,  and  would,  in  addition,  have  un- 
quesdonably  disgusted  the  loyalist  secttmi  of  the  popula- 
tion.    Duiham  attempted  a  solution  of  die  question  which, 
whatever  its  defects,  had  at  least  the  merit  of  originality. 
He  opened  up  indirect  communication  with  some  of  the 
more  prominent  of  the  leaders  in  which  he  is  alleged  to 
tove  pJe«%ed  him^lf  that  if  they  would  place  themselves  un- 
reservedly  at  his  disposal,  without  demandii^  a  formal  trial, 
a  general  amnesty  would  be  prodaimed  in  fevor  of  all  the 
minor  figures  concerned  in  the  revolt.     TYnt  plan  was  suc- 
cessful, andL.  toward  the  end  of  June,  1838,  ei^t  of  the 
m<He  iMvmiinent  rriicls  gave  themselves  up  unreservedly. 
Three  days  huer,  the  council  passed  an  ordinance  dccieeing 
their  immediate  deportation  to  The  Bermiulas.    The  same 


3S4         CMADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMBRICd 


ordiiiance  forlNule  the  return  to  the  provinces  of  Papinegu 
and  about  a  dozen  others  who  had  not  accepted  the  pit>. 
posal,  but  granted  a  full  pardon  to  all  others,  saving  only 
those  who  were  charged  with  the  murder  of  Weir  and 
others.  Accordingly,  the  eight  leaders  were  placed  on 
board  her  majes^s  ship  Vtstaly  then  in  pmt  at  Quebec, 
and  set  off  for  The  Bennudas  where  they  arrived  in  due 
course. 

In  the  colony  this  action  was  received  quietly  and,  on 
the  whole,  with  approval.     But  in  Enj^d,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  at  once  brou^t  forth  a  chorus  of  disapproval     As 
soon  as  the  news  reached  London,  Lord  Brou^iun,  who 
was  a  bitter  personal  enemy  of  Duriuun,  commenced  his 
onslaught  by  the  introduction  of  a  Bill  to  provide  indemnity 
(at  all  those  who  had  been  concerned  in  putting  the  ordi- 
nance in  force.    The  bw  officers  of  the  crown  reported 
di^  the  ordinance  was  clearly  ill^al,  the  govemor-genend 
taivmg  no  authority  to  order  the  detention  of  prisonen  in 
The  Bermudas  or  anywhere  else  outside  his  own  jurisdic- 
tion.    Despite  the  exertions  of  some  of  the  earl's  warm 
friends,  the  Indemnity  Act  passed  both  Houses,  and  the 
colonial  secretary  notified  the  eari  that  her  majesty  had  been 
fwced  to  disallow  the  ordinance  of  deportation.    But  before 
the  despatch  reached  Quebec,  Durham  read  the  news  in  the 
columns  of  a  New  York  newspaper,  and  at  once  mailed 
his  resignation.     His  reason  for  this  haMy  action,— often 
criticised  by  writers  as  the  result  of  a  petuk-t  temper^— is 
best  given  by  the  earl  himself.     «!  have  come  to  the  de- 
termination  of  resigning,  not  merely  because  I  feel  disgust 
and  annoyance  at  the  nulignity  and  treachery  with  which  I 
have  been  assailed,     ...     but  because  aU  weight,  all 
power,  IS  taken  from  my  authority  {  all  civil  power  i    •nni- 
hilated;  nothing  remains  but  military  force,  whir', 
wield  as  weU  u  an  officer  and  would  not  if  I  coi  <: 
these  circumstances  I  feel  that  I  can  be  of  more  , 
Canada  in  the  Pariiament  of  England  than  here— « 
disavowed  governor." 


..ot 

r  to 
.ded. 


mM   ' 


THE  mNNING  OF  RBSPOlfSIBLB  GOrMRNUBHT 


38s 


Without  doubt,  the  miiiutiy  had  not  accoided  the  hi^ 
commiuioner  that  unwavering  support  which  he  had,  under 
the  circumitancet,  the  right  to  expect:  whether  the  necea- 
•itiet  of  the  caie  were  auch  as  to  justify  an  immediate 
resignation  is  a  question  upon  which  the  friends  and  critics 
of  the  eari  have  disagreed.    But  before  tl^  govemor-genenl 
took  hu  departure  his  impetuosity  got  the  better  of  his  pru- 
dence on  more  than  one  occasion.     When  it  became  his 
duty  to  announce  officially  the  disallowance  of  the  Depor- 
tation Ordinance  and  the  enactment  of  a  Bill  of  Indemnity 
to  all  who  had  been  concerned  in  putting  the  ordinance  in 
force,  Durham,  instead  of  making  the  announcements  with- 
out comment,  proceeded  to  set  forth  at  considerable  length 
his  own  disapproval  of  the  measures  in  question.    This 
expression,  in  a  royal  prochmation,  of  unstinted  criticisms 
of  the  policy  of  the  British  authorities  was,  to  say  the  kast, 
an  unparalleled  political  phenomenon.     When  the  report 
of  this  act  reached  England,  there  was  but  one  coune  open 
to  the  nunistiy:  to  &  vise  the  eari's  immediate  recall    The 
iMiAm  Itmtt  referred  in  sarcastic  terms  to  the  **|Mesump- 
tion  and  arrogance  of  the  Lord  High  Seditioner,"  wfaUe  the 
^ctattr  uiged  that  the  ministiy  should  deal  in  exempbry 
fashion  with  the  official  who  had  made  «an  indecorow 
appeal  against  the  government  and  Parliament  of  Great 
Bntam  to  the  prejudice  of  an  excited  people."     Instead  of 
accepting  the  eari's  resignation  the  mlnistiy  advised  a  sum- 
mary  recall,  the  order  for  which  was  dmatched  without 
delay. 

Durh.im,  however,  did  not  wait  for  the  letter  of  recaU  to 
reach  hmi.  There  were  several  matters  requiring  his  imme- 
diate attention,  and  he  determined,  when  these  were  anannd. 
to  set  put  for  England,  leaving  Colbome  once  more  in  charge. 
Many  important  administtative  reforms  were  under  conmi- 
mtion  at  the  time,  but  these  were  one  and  aU  dropped. 
UuAam  gave  his  signature  to  such  measures  as  had  already 
received  the  formal  assent  of  his  councU,  made  a  few  minor 
appomtments,  arranged  his  private  affiura,  and  eariy  in 


;  ) 

t  4 


386         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

November, — leu  than  six  months  from  the  date  of  hit  arrival 
in  the  colony, — yn»  on  his  way  home.  The  departure  of 
the  earl  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  great  popular  demonstra- 
tion in  his  favor,  and  on  his  arrival  in  England  the  Radicals 
gave  him  an  enthusiastic  reception. 

The  vessel  which  bore  the  earl  homeward  was  hardly 
out  of  the  St.  Lawrence  when  the  flames  of  revolt  burst 
forth  anew.  This  time  it  had  its  centre  at  Beauhamois, 
although  it  soon  became  general  throughout  the  district  lying 
west  of  the  Richelieu  and  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
extending  to  the  American  frontier.  But  with  his  usual 
swift  and  vigorous  measures  Colbome  crushed  the  bodies 
of  rebels  at  dlflferent  points  before  they  were  able  to  ^kct 
any  dangerous  concentration.  Tliis  recrudescence  filled  the 
prisons  anew,  and  some  of  the  judges,  doubting  the  right 
of  the  council  to  suspend  the  operation  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act,  b«gan  to  issue  writs  for  the  production  of  the 
prisonm  in  the  civil  couru.  Colbome  met  this  official  in- 
surrection efiectually  by  suspending  from  their  functions 
the  ju^;es  who  had  thus  ventured  to  tie  his  hands  at  a  crit- 
ical moment,  and  in  this  the  home  authorities  gave  him 
prompt  and  decisive  support. 

As  for  the  prisoners  now  in  custody,  it  was  determined 
that  they  should  be  tried  by  courts-martial.  Some  few  were 
hanged;  others  were  outlawed  and  forbidden  to  return  to 
the  province  upon  penalty  of  death;  the  greater  number  of 
those  convicted  were,  however, — by  express  British  author- 
ity on  this  occasion, — shipped  to  the  convict  settlemenu  in 
Australasia.  Colbome's  severity,  thou^  justifiable,  served 
to  engender  a  feeling  of  irritation  among  a  section  of  the 
habitanu  which  the  lapse  of  severd  decades  did  mxt  wholly 
eradicate. 

By  the  spring  of  1839,  the  province  showed  unmistakable 
signs  that  no  further  danger  was  to  be  apprehended  and  the 
militia  oorps  were  disbanded;  Colbome,  at  his  own  request, 
WM  recalled,  and  Mr.  Poulett  Thomson — the  province  now 
requiring  a  sutesman  rather  than  a  soldier — ^waa  sent  out 


THE  WWNma  OP  RMSPONSttU  GrrgRMMBlfT    387 

to  take  hit  place.  The  authorities  recognized  Colbome't 
efficient  Mrvices  in  the  nippreMion  of  the  intunection  by 
honoring  him  with  an  elevation  to  the  peerage  and  a  iuIh 
stantial  pension. 

But  to  turn  to  contempotaiy  evenu  in  Upper  Canada. 
In  that  province  matters  had  been  brought  to  a  head  by  the 
triumph  of  the  Conservatives  in  the  general  elections  held 
dunng  the  spnng  of  1 836.  Piactically  aU  the  reform  lead- 
ers,  mduding  even  Mackenzie  himself,  had  been  defeated 
at  the  polls ,  so  that  the  era  of  passive  resistance  to  the  ex- 
ecutive pohcy  seemed  to  have  passed.  Although  they  did 
not  venture  to  prockim  it  at  the  time,  it  must  have  seemed 
to  tbe  more  prominent  reform  leaders  that  the  day  for  active 
resisunce  in  some  form  was  at  hand.  The  articles  which 
Mackenzie  had  been  publishing  in  his  newspaper,  Tbt  Cmt- 
i*ftrtj«,  beoune  more  openly  hostile  and  inflammatory, 
meetuigs  of  his  sympathizers  were  held  in  different  oarts  of 

I^?i[!'lIf^S*'T"""J?*^  WM  opened  up  with  Pkpineau 
and  the  other  leaders  of  discontent  in  Lower  CanadaiNrhile 
msomc  parts  the  drilling  of  men  u,d  the  concentration  of 
arms  and  supphes  were  secretly  begun.  AU  this  continued 
for  nearly  a  year,  without  the  slightest  interference  from 
Governor  Head.  That  the  latter  weH  knew  what  was  going 
on  IS  beyond  question,  but  he  believed,  as  he  afierwaidd!: 
ckred,  that  rt  would  work  out  iu  own  cure,  through  the 
chsjinels  of  public  opinion.  Hence,  when  the  fiiWrising 
took  place  m  Lower  Canada,  Colbome  was  permitted  tS 
withdraw  aU  the  troops  from  Toronto  and  Kin«ton,  leaving 
rto^  centres  entirely  ungarrisoned,  for  IW  did  not  see 

S  xl^^  S~™>  "^  ■*•"**  *«  ^^  regiments 
shwild  be  enrolled  to  take  the  pkce  of  the  departed^^ 

outblS*^';?  Hrf*  "°*  ^""^^  ^'^  ^  conte^Iated 
outbreak,  and  Mackenzie,  who  was  by  all  means  the  most 
impulsive  of  the  reformers,  determined  to  seize  the  opZ! 
tumty  Momson,  Rolph,  and  the  other  leaden  were  !eti- 
cen^  but  at  a  meetmg  held  during  October  at  Noel's 
brewery,  on  the  outskirts  of  Toronto,  Mackenzie  seems  to 


T! 


:!; 


I  I 


388         CANADA  AND  MUTtSH  NORTH  AMERICA 

htve  demonstnted  the  ndvi^iMty  of  an  immediate  stroke. 
At  this  and  subitjqtrnt  meetings  held  elsewhere,  it  was 
^reed  that  the  malcontents  of  the  firovince  should  be  sum- 
moned  to  rendezvotu  at  Mc^tgomeiy's  tavern,  about  four 
miles  from  Toronto,  whence  an  immediate  descent  would 
be  made  on  the  City  Hall,  in  which  a  huge  quantity  of  arms 
and  ammunition  was  stored.    This  done,  it  was  i^arded  as 
a  simple  matter  to  make  prisoners  of  the  governor  and  his 
Council;  to  prochum  a  reform  constitution,  and  to  secure 
its  adoption  by  the  people  long  before  the  home  authorities 
would  be  able  to  interfere.     Much  stress  was  hud  on  the 
fact  that  in  Lower  Canada  all  the  disposable  regular  troops 
would  be  kept  fully  employed  by  Papineau  and  his  adhe- 
rents.    The  7th  of  December  was  selected  as  the  date  of 
the  attack,  but  in  the  meantime  Governor  Head,  on  the 
earnest  solicitation  of  his  advisers,  shook  off  his  apathy 
sufficiently  to  caU  tc^ether  a  meeting  of  his  council,  in 
order  that  the  situation  mi^t  be  discussed.     News  of  this 
reached  the  ears  of  Rolph,  who,  without  consulting  Mac- 
kenzie, determined  to  precipitate  the  attack  by  three  days 
and  to  reach  Toronto  on  the  4th.    This  upset  Mackenzie's 
arrangements  to  such  an  extent  that  the  force  which  gath- 
ered at  Montgomery's  ttvem  numbered  less  than  four  hun- 
dred instead  of  the  boasted  four  thousand  which  the  leaden 
had  assured  themselves  could  be  rallied.    Had  even  this  smaU 
force  pushed  into  the  city  on  the  nig^t  of  the  4th,  the  sur- 
prise would  have  been  a  complete  and  probably  a  successful 
one;  but  when  the  leaders  decided  to  postpone  the  attack 
until  the  foUowing  day,  they  discarded  the  only  trump  card 
they  possessed. 

TTie  delay  of  a  day  allowed  full  information  to  reach 
Head,  who,  not  less  convinced  than  astonished,  now  be- 
stirred himself  in  a  way  which  surprised  even  his  friends. 
The  loyal  inhabitants  were  speedUy  rallied  and  armed;  and 
the  governor  quickly  accepted  a  suggestion,  tendered  him 
by  one  of  his  military  attaches,  that  a  flag  of  truce  should 
be  sent  to  the  rebels,  with  an  ofier  of  negotiation,  as  a  means 


I 


r^T  i"""^ 


TKM  mmtOfO  OF  MMSfOtrsUU  aOFEJUaUNT   ate 

of  gunii^  a  few  boura.  The  mrncmmi  wnt  neamd  br 
die  iiinii|8m  kadei^whoadml  dm  H^.  piopowl,  AoZ 
be  put  la  wridng,  pRwuaiiig  to  Rfisia  fiwn  attack  till  the 
•neiwigeii  could  letura  with  the  wfktenpropowlfc    Inthb 

rjLT^  'S'*  •*?"  '^  S"^  *V  *•*  authoritiei, 
wWe  the  fawwledge  diat  surpriM  waa  out  of  die  queadon 
<«»l»«tejied  die  rcbeli.  Sdll,  hamg  had  dieir  numbefa 
augmented  bj  recent  arrivals  to  die  number  of  nearlv  etdit 
hundred  m  all,  a  night  attack  waa  decided  upon.  tG 
«tack,  however,  miMuried,  chieflj  owing  to  die  feet  diat 
mwiy  of  die  inniigents,  having  been  aanired  of  die  blood- 
less  capture  of  die  dtjr,  now  refuted  to  lend  any  endiuM- 
Mmtoanamult.  Ne«  day.  matters  had  endidy  altered. 
A  bodv  of  Buhtiamen^^  the  command  of  Colonel  Sir 
iWhn  MacNab  armed  by  steamboat  from  Hamilton^  die 
Sir"  S"SJl"i  "**•  •**««•    Atdiesametime, 

die  tide  had  turned  decirively  in  his  fivor.  Head  determSd 
to  move  out  widi  as  strong  a  force  as  his  slender  resources 
wouWp^hmito»obili«e.    Leaving  a  guardT^ 

nvo  hundred  mw  to  garrison  die  pbceTiTbo^  of  over  four 
omes  d«  number,  wid,  MacNab  in  commid.  preceeSd 
toward  Montgomery's  ttvem.  where  Mackenaie  stiU  had 
his  head^uartm.    Afker  a  coniict  which  was  litde  more 

dun  a  skmmsh,  die  casuaWes  on  bod,  rides  being  litdeoJS 
a  dozen  .n  number,  die  rebeb  scattered  in  hut?  An  ign^ 

mimous  feilure  m  ,ts  outcome,  the  rising  had  in  it  an  ele^ 
of  danpr  to  die  government  j  for.  had  die  rebels  been  capa- 
Wy  W.  die  optuusm  and  apadiv  of  die  audiorities  miX 
have  given  ^  provincial  capital  as  an  easy  prey  to  mS- 
W  and  h»  men.  Substantial  rewards  W^  dfcred  for 
the  apprehen«on  of  die  leaders,  but  most  of  diese.  including 
Mackenwe  himself,  managed  to  make  cood  dieir  cK^ne  t» 
die  United  States.  "««  gw»a  tneir  escape  to 

m.i"i!i^'*^  J^^*'.P~''"~  there  had  been  Ktde  open 
manifestation  of  disloyalty  except  at  London  in  die  westom 

pemnsula.     Head  decided  to  ^  a  foree  dridw^^JS 


I 


k 


390         CJMM4  MID  MMrm/t  MOUTH  JUtMUCd 

mn  were  dtMnnedaiHidMpefMd  without  dificuhv.    Th« 

toie-i  hopet  of  ultimate  tucxwi,  and,  wWilaffiJo  M  hit 
I»«fc|u«t«.,  he  buried  hiaedf  w5rp«p«SBrfor  M 
«2«o«  of  the  pmmc.  ftom  the  UniSdSS!^  Br  i! 
oner  of  hvHb  grants  of  tend  and  monetair  bounties  Mac- 

^;^;^.«"^;!^'>fv»'^m»,    Operationfw.,, 

•im  River,  few  nuJeedwre  the  fiUU.  Thi.  they  fordffi 
«.der  die  d«««ion,  of  one  of  their  numberrZlS^ 
RM««h«r..dMhin^^^ 

pttToon.  AtNarylibnd.owideraWefoicewMdlowedto 
concenttwe,  deqnte  vigorous  proteMs  made  bv  the  Britiah 

omobilne  h«  militia  on  the  river  wh«Tatt51m 
likdjrtobemade.  Supplies  were  brought  to  the  "PMriota," 
M  the  Idand  forces  denominated  themselves,  bv  meamof 
.  .m^iU  •!««»«,  Ae  Cr^,  and  MacNab^tSSdS 
•  woke  awM  be  accomplohed  by  the  destruction  of  this 
m^    Accordmgly.  small  body  of  men  under  the  com- 

tMk  and  findmgthe  CriiW moored  on  the  American  ride 
^  ?^;  SJTiL!**  "T^  "^  8u««I  «"  J  Hrive  them 

dnft  toward  the  Alls.  The  afiir  caused  quite  a  wave  of 
excitement  m  the  United  States,  for  the  attai  was\ZL£. 
edly  a  violation  of  the  righu  of  a  neutral  Sttte,  uid  i!^!Zt 
dem«d  for  reparation  WM  made  to  the  Britid,  authorities^ 

JiL!^  ^"  *:'"  P""'^  »<»  «^  »»««»««  American  au- 
d.onu«  themselves  had  not  been  without  fiiultlJ^t^ 
a  nid  on  a  friendly  Sute  to  be  oiganized  in  the  WitoS 
«»der  Aeir  juri^Uction  and  by  thdTown  compattST^ 
iw  only  -ome  yw.  later,  after  the  relations  between  the 
two  countries  had  become  ominouriy  strained,  that  w^ 


'    ^^^^- 


TKHntmuro  OF  USHitWMU  OOrgMMUfT    391 

■HitiHl  nplMMtioM  and  •  twdv  Briddi  apekfjr,  dM  aftir 
wualknMdtodrop.  SiMftljr  aftar  dM  tpMt  of  dw  Gw*. 
iwr,  dM  MPttriott,"  fiodiiig  dMt  Nav/  Ittand  waa  befaM 
icndarad  umem^  bjr  dM  awaMJahawnf  of  baiiariaa  on 
dMCaaadiaatlMM(«,avacuaiad  dM  poaidoa  and  ikfumi, 
Abofttvc  attemptt  to  coaduet  feicaa  of  Aflaarkan  ijra^a* 
ddacn  into  the  province  wcia  ^tada  about  tlM  aaoM  tbM 
at  WindMir,  and  at  Pireacott  oa  dM  St.  Lawnoea.  At  ^ 
fonncr  place  dM  uivaden  arcie  d^aiaad  bjr  a  Maall  fbica 
ol  milttiunm,  whila  at  dM  latter  the  partjr,  having  OMda 
good  dMir  landing  on  dM  Canadian  aide  of  dM  river,  wkn 
with  considerable  diAeul^  MinoiiBded  in  a  Mooe  wiadaiO 
and  forced  to  Mirrender. 

Like  tta  aiiter  province.  Upper  Canada  had  now  a  huge 
quota  of  priKtoera  on  ita  hands.  Then  was  a  diffeience, 
however,  in  dttt,  in  the  fai»fer,  bmuv  of  dM  ^isoaen  were 
American  citizens  who  had  oniif  Aemsdves  to  btane  for 
havii^  becooM  au»d  i^  in  a  moveaent  iHydi  in  no  ww 
concerned  dMBk  But  dMtr  foreign  ddsenahip  waa  allowed 
in  no  dqree  to  <^erate  in  their  fiivor.  Couft»'nMrtial  weie 
assenUed  at  ^Ancnt  pointa,  and  a  cooaideiaUe  Munber  of 
persona  woe  encuted,  iHrile  scons  wen  saMaaeed  to 
tnuispoitation. 

Now  dMt  dM  a&ir  waa  over,  dM  British  audMrides  saw 
plainly  dMt  dM  apadMtic  and  imprudent  conduct  of  Gov- 
emw  Head  was  not  a  little  to  Uaaae  for  dM  whole  ^ku^. 
Fot  he  had  followed  up  a  jtu  of  injwficiow  •^tniftnwiftn 
by  a  year  of  groes  ne|^  of  the  most  obvious  railkair 
necessities.  Consequendy,  he  was  now  recalled  (1838),  to 
be  succeeded  by  Sir  George  Arthur,  fonnetly  governor  of 
Tasmania. 

But  to  return  to  Lord  Duriuun.  Before  leaving  Canada, 
as  well  as  while  un  shipboard,  dM  eari  had  devoted  much 
of  his  time  to  the  pvepantkm  of  an  elidK»ate  rqmrt  on  the 
causes  of  the  discontent  in  the  colonies,  together  with  |ho- 
posab  for  the  removal  of  the  same,  tUs  being,  as  will  be 
remembered,  one  of  dM  tasks  which  had  been  set  before 


J : 


39a         CdMMd  dMO  BUTttM  MOUTH  MUUCJ 
^ittihciiMorkttappoiiiiaciit.    Tkn  icpoct was emn. 

-inL^J!^^*'  '•'****"  •  "»««pi«*,tml  it  may 
w«B  b«  dottked  If  ■  mora  coapiclwmiw  mm  puer  hu 

•mbw,l«d|iefoi..|.||yMlwl»ody.    l»tfctS«mrf 

of.  niigl.  S«e,j«,  WT    .f  pn»dph.f  but  a  w«  of 
BmM*  Mthomiw  bad  .pparemly  opccttd  tlut  two  »ce^ 

^fiSf^i!^?^'*^    TT^tequence^weoidingtothr 
wport,  li«r  abuadantly  juitJiied  those  who,  in  tjlu  htc 

•i|«nedthrtnodiingoftheldndwouUttkepI«».  'colni„. 

owro  «o  OMW  ipectfc  con«idefatioi»,  the  report  desk  with 

ttejconomic  and   wcial  yrievancci  of  Lower  Canada. 

a»ef^mojy  the  former  waath.  reterdon  of  the  .j  tem 

of«p»wl««itti*  which,  after  careful  contideiation  *ro« 

«wy  aM^t,  the  report  unhesitating^  declared  oualt 

to  be  abobshe^,  due  compensation  being  gnmted  to  the  ^ 

^J^^^^LT^'"!!^  The  report  then  pruceedX 
tow  tttention  to  the  ^efficiency  and  expensiveness  of  the 
colonial  judicial  system,  recommending  divers  r  *^«nns,  chief 
among  which  was  the  exclu«on  of  judge,  fro,  any  partici- 
P«ion  .n  the  executive  functions  of  ovem.  nt  With 
WW  legal  acumen  the  eari  took  occa  n  to  poir  ,  he 
«ror  into  which  the  British  authoritie    t«d  al!       d  rhem- 

Ae  oW  Frendi  system  of  civil  procen  .„  anu         French 
civil  law  code  wiraout  retaining,  a    the  same     aie,  tha 


^t 


rMM  mtmmo  or  utmiWBLM  oorgufMsnT  393 

t^mmift  ■jrttm  wMcli  i*m  akwlmdT^  cMemial  to  iti 
e»rorMia««{  ot^-^nhat  wm  even  oiok  rinl  ■drniHtc 
HKliiMfy  for  the  pra|i«Mi« «  adjuKoMm  of  the  dvU  law 
code  to  the  needs  of  a  mmag  cotony. 

But  it  ii  in  kit  coniifaatkMi  of  tfce  inedfic  political  friev- 
•im  ttat  the  oommiMieaer  ihowcd  hit  aoM  thoioiigh  tratp 
orCamdttBafiKi.    After tketching the  Waoiy oirAeifeJ 
between  the  executive  wad  legithttive  bianchet  of  the  colo- 
na!  ftdminittrati'    ,  the  repent  stated  ^ainly  that  the  naia 
i«8ce<rf'^  wboletrutiblecoul    be  found  in  the  immon- 
»i»icchaa.  tcr  vF  thMe  ofldab  to  whom  executive  fonctiont 
lurfhoeaimnMMi)  a  conduMon  which  directly  conttovcfted 
'    ched  bv  the  Goefotd  Commitwon  of  a  few  yean 
"   ^'        ae  refinal  of  the  Atter  ^     to  vote  the  annual 
w      i3uiliain  believed,  fUly     «rified  by  the  plain 
wat      e  only  defentive  weapon  that  the 
wed      **  It  it  a  vain  iUtnion,"  the  report 
•magin       at  tuBfk  lettrictiaiM  in  the  cooati. 
.  -i..  exclimv*.     (tern  of  fovemnent,  will  induce  a 
popular  repfctiatativea  to  content  theraadves  wMi 
"rj^"  ^?'«»»»*«  «»»  •«»•  tirm  letting  pattive  or 
mdifierant  while  thoae  who  are  mppoeed  to  execute  the 
lawi  elude  thea^  and  ivliile  nmi  in  whote  o^ms^  and  in- 
tenuont  they  have  no  cmifidence,  m?tui»  dM  a&ua  of  the 
country."    The  earl't  {Mopotal  a 
forCf  the  full  adoption  of  the  pt 
retpontibility.    The  one  great  di&<. 
place  the  Britith  minority  in  the  low 
it  the  mercy  of  the  French  majorit 
crown  had  carefully  guarded  the  interr        .  ™.  ,ormer  by 
giving  ^em  predominance  in  the  compoeition  of  the  execu- 
tive.     But  thit  diCculty  the  report  tougfat  to  meet  by  pro- 
posmg  an  immediate  federation  of  the  two  provincet  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Canada  with  an  ultimate  federation  of  aU 
the  provincet  of  Britith  Nor^  America. 

A  chapter  ir.  ihv  report  wat  devoted  to  the  contideradon 
of  zfbm  m  Upper  Canada.    The  matter  of  the  Clergy 


1^ 

1* 

deci- 

tutic 

bods 


nffued  war,  ♦heie- 

^  <Uiect  miiuttenal 

that  thit  would 

nee  comple^y 

1  the  put  the 

the  former  by 


394         CdMADd  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMBRICA 

Resenret  received  itt  sh***  of  attention,  and  the  secularisa- 
tion of  thew  was  recommended.     The  political  grievances 
of  the  province  it  was  hoped  would,  in  a  hap  measure,  work 
oitt  their  own  remedy  if  the  principles  of  ministerial  respon- 
sibility and  federation  were  adopted.     Nor  were  the  Mari- 
time Provinces  denied  their  share  of  consideration  in  the 
report.     Particular  grievances  were  examined  and  remedies 
suggested.    Especial  attention  was  devoted  to  the  causes  of 
decreased  immigration  into  these  provinces,  the  necessity 
of  an  mter-colonial  raihroad  was  pointed  out,  and  the  prob- 
tems  arising  out  of  the  knd  monopolies  in  Prince  Edward 
Island  were  commented  upon.    Finally,  Duriuun  discussed 
at  some  length  the  general  features  of  governmental  policy 
w*ich  had  given  more  or  less  cause  for  dissatisftction  in  a^ 
tte  provmces.    The  system  of  panting  large  tracts  of  land 
without  strict  requirements  as  to  spenJy  settlement  came 
m  for  criticism.     In  conclusion,  Durham  urged  that  as 
ftr  u  possible,  frurtion  with  the  great  and  growing  repub- 
lic to  the  south  should  be  avoided  and  her  friendship 
culuvated.     But  of  aU  the  recommendations  which  the 
report  contained,  two  stand  out  as  predominantly  impor- 
tont:  the  proposal  for  complete  colonial  autonomy  with 
the  predominant  political  power  in  the  hands  of  an  elective 
J^islature,  and  the  proposal  for  an  intercolonial  federation. 
Duriiam  was  aUe  to  see  that  diere  were  insurmountable 
practical  difficulties  in  the  way  of  an  immediate  federation 
of  all  thi  provinces,  but  he  l^d  firmly  to  the  idea  of  a 
union  of  Upper  and  Lower  Canada  as  Ae  first  step  in  that 
duection. 

The  question  as  to  whether  Durham  himself  wrote  his 
report  has  been  much  discussed  at  various  times.  Greville, 
in  his  diary,  records  his  opinion  that  it  was  written  putly  by 
Bttller,  pardy  by  Wakefield,  two  clever  members  of  hh 
entmuage.  Jdw  Stuart  Mill  tiioug^t  practically  dw  sanw. 
In  fcct,  the  genend  opinimi  at  die  time  was  epwrammatically 
expressed:  "Wakefield  diought  itt  Bulkr  «^  it;  Duiw 
ham  ^ned  it."    But  opinbn  has  since  changed  conccnui^ 


THE  wmimiO  or  KMSFONStMLM  GOrMMMMST    1^95 

the  authonhip  of  the  report,  and  Kingafiwd  hat  gMie  so 
frr  u  to  dtsmitt  the  idea  tlutt  Duriiam  was  not  the  aole 
author  of  the  whole  report  as  •*  unworthy  (^  a  qiourter-of- 
an-4iour's  consideration."  But  this  is  nmelj  rushing  to 
the  other  extreme,  for  the  theory  that  Durham  wrotcdlthc 
three  hundred  pages  which  the  report  contained  is,  for  a 
variety  of  reasons,  as  improbabk  as  that  he  wrote  nothing 
at  all.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  the  whole  of  the  matter 
which  the  document  contains  was  certainly  subjected  to 
his  lordship's  scrutiny  and  'm  incmrpmation  as  certainly 
received  his  sanction. 

In  due  course  the  report  was  considered  in  Parliament, 
the  ministry  having  decided  to  adopt  the  main  recommenda- 
tions of  the  earl.  Oj  i^reement,  many  of  the  less  important 
proposals  were  to  be  left  fw  the  consideration  of  the  new 
Parliament  with  which  the  United  Provinces  were  now  to 
be  provided. 

Accordingly,  during  the  session  of  1839,  a  bill  was  in- 
troduced into  the  British  Parliament  prov»dhig  for  the  union 
of  the  |»ovinc«s,  the  MenMume  ministry  founding  sponsor. 
In  ths  committee  su^,  however,  the  point  was  made  widi 
much  force  that  it  would  be  untactful  to  put  thioi^  a  meas- 
ure of  such  monent  withmtt  having  fim  ascertained  througli 
Pkrliaraentaty  channds,  die  fedii^  of  die  C«»«i«f«  people 
themselves  cm  the  merits  of  the  measure.  In  diis  view  the 
ministry  cmicurred,  a&l  instructions  were  forthwith  trans- 
mitted to  Governor  Thomson  to  have  the  Iq^bladve  bodies 
in  each  province  expreu  dwir  cmicurrence,  or  odierwke, 
by  resolution.  In  Lower  Canada,  the  constitution  being 
still  suspended,  dM  only  e»sdng  knsbtivc  body  wu  die 
governor's  Coiindl,  dw  menbcn  of  whidi  were,  tot  dM 
most  part,  drawn  fnm  die  English-spaddM  minority  of 
the  province.  Consequently,  the  governor  found  no  difi- 
culty  «4iatev«r  in  having  his  &vonUe  reaoiittioiM  posed 
with  only  one  or  two  dissenting  votes.  Thm  is  every 
reason  to  bdieve  diat  a  popdarly  dectad  House,  domi- 
nated by  the  French-speaking  secticm  of  dM  ti>l>»ltk^iift^ 


n 


396         CJMJDJ  dND  MUnSH  NORTH  JMMJUCJ 

wojM  have  obttuutdy  lefuied  iu  uwat  to  anythiiig  of  the 

In  Upper  Cuiads,  on  the  other  hud,  whUe  there  wu  no 
Mnou*  objection  to  the  principle  of  union,  there  wm  on 

the  ptrt  of  the  Legtthtive  CouncU,  It  any  rate, .  very  Mioni 
•veriion  to  the  principk  of  minitterial  nqionnbUity,  which 
It  was  propoMd  to  recogniae  in  the  Pteliamentary  machin- 
«y  of  the  new  r^ime.  In  this  CouncU  the  old  FamUr 
Compact  influence  was  itiU  dominant}  the  oM  conflict 
with  die  Low^  Houae  were  &r  from  for|otten,  and  the 
member,  of  the  CouncU  saw  dearly  enough  that  with 
the  reduction  of  that  body  to  a  po«ti4  TdStndJL^ 
the  popular  Houw,  the  htt  vettige  of  their  independence, 
power,  and  patronage  would  probably  diaappear.  Thonwon! 
however,  confronted  them  with  a  deqwtch  from  the  home 
•utaorittw  strongly  approving  the  meaauie,  and  the  coun- 
cillor, had  to  accept  the  remlution.  or  place  themadves  in 

IS^HT^  t  ^^^^"1^  *^  Britidi  authoritie.  con- 
Mdered  to  be  for  the  be«  interew.  of  the  province.  And 
«mr  a  decwie  or  more  of  ardent  profeaaion.  of  loyaltv  to 

K  ^SL^  ^.  ^  government— profcarion.  wkich 
iMd  con«tt«.edthdr  chief  political  asretlthe  memben  of 
^^^J-cU  and  their  ^jdher«it.  in  the  province  were  not 
FwpMedforanytt«hahernative.  A  hint  from  the  governor 
tlMt  memben  of  the  Council— appointees  of  the  crown— 
oj«M  not  with  toemlinwa  oppose  the  pn»jects  of  her  majesty's 
«lv»m  and  stiH  continue  in  o«ce  hadTm.  doubt,  itsS! 
ence  a.  weU.     At  an;r  rue,  the  resolutions  passed  the 

a  decwve  malomy.    Ablic  sentime^ 

tojAepreposal-ahhough  in  Lower  &«^ 
Aow«^thMiMW«  was  ftreical  in  die  extreme^-mxhing 
now  nm^atad  but  die  sanction  of  Pariiament.     Adraft 

SSThrSr!?  i"  ^^  •"^  Thomson',  supervision, 
ebi^y  by  Chief  Justice  Stuart,  was  transmitted  to  die 

Bunutiy,  and,  under  the  name  of  the  •«  Camuh  Bill,' 


M 


!l!i 


THB  WINNING  OF  RMSPONSIMLB  GOrMRNMENT 


397 


both  the  Commons  and  Lords  with  compuatively  (ew 
amendments  during  the  course  of  the  summer  months  of 
1840.  Provision  was  made,  however,  that  it  should  not  go 
into  operation  until  the  following  Februaij,  1841. 

The  Act  provided  for  the  union  of  the  provinces  under 
the  name  of  the  Province  of  Canada,  hence  it  is,  in  Canada, 
commonly  known  as  the  Union  Act  of  1840. 

The  organs  of  government  were  to  consist  of  a  governor- 
general  appointed  by  and  holding  office  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  crown;  a  Legishuive  CouncU  of  not  more  than  twenty 
members  chosen  by  the  crown  and  holding  office  for  life, 
and  a  House  of  Assembly  consisting  of  eighty-four  mem- 
bers— forty-two  from  each  provinces-elected  from  terri- 
torial constituencies  delimited  in  the  Act.  Each  member 
was  required  to  have  a  landed  property  qualification  of  noc 
less  than  five  hundred  pounds  sterling.  The  Executive 
CouncU  was  not  dealt  with  by  the  Act,  for  like  the  British 
Cabinet,  of  which  it  was  supposed  to  be  a  miniature,  it  had 
no  sututory  bat  is.  Tlie  principle  of  ministerial  responsi- 
bUity  could  receive  full  operation  merely  throu^  its  tacit 
recognition  by  the  crown,  without  the  necesnty  of  any  fimnal 
enactment. 

Provision  in  the  Act  was  likewise  made  for  a  permanent 
civil  list  in  lieu  of  the  territorial  and  casual  revenues  bere^ 
tofore  at  the  disposal  of  the  crown;  for  a  consolidation  of 
the  reveniws  and  debts  of  the  provinces,  and  for  the  sote 
use  of  the  English  language  in  all  Pkrliamentary  proceed- 
ings, a  feature  which  ww  receiTed  with  marked  disfiivor  by 
the  dominant  party  in  Lower  Canada. 

Such  was  the  Constitution  under  which  the  two  C«n«.ja, 
now  united  in  one,  were  governed  during  the  next  twenty- 
six  years.  As  the  sover^  of  Great  Britain  was  append- 
ing her  signatuK  to  this  epoch-marking  measure  which  gave 
her  most  important  colony  its  first  heritage  of  unity  and  au- 
tonomy, the  man  to  whom  all  parties  concerned  were  most 
mdebted  for  the  outcome  lay  dying  at  Cowes,  in  the  Isle 
of  Wi^.     Lord  Durham  had  returned  to  En^aod,  dcspte 


398         CJMdDA  JND  MUTtSH  NORTH  JMMRJCjI 

ample  asninncet  of  continued  public  confidence,  downcast 
and  cnuhed  in  spirit.    His  health,  never  robust  at  the  bes^ 
soon  b^  to  give  wtj  under  the  weight  of  chipin,  and 
akhougb  he  appeared  occasionaUjr  in  the  House  of  Lords 
dunng  1839,  his  old  vigor  was  compktelj  gone.     In  the 
sprln«  of  the  foUowing  year  he  grew  graduaUy  worse  and 
bn  physictans  ordered  a  stay  in  southern  France.     It  was 
on  his  way  thither  that  his  lordship  was  stricken  down  at 
Cowes,  and  died  in  the  dosing  days  of  July.     Even  in  hu 
latest  lasbes  of  consciousness  he  gave  sign  of  the  deep  dis- 
appoutment  hanging  heavUy  on  hu  mind.    «I  would  ftin 
hopcj   he  said  to  those  around  him,  "that  I  have  not  lived 
altogether  in  vain.     Whatever  the  Tories  may  sav,  Cana- 
dwis  wiU  one  day  do  justice  to  my  memoir."    l/«^  has 
a  dying  wish  been  more  amplv  gratified:  Canadians  of  aU 
sliades  of  race,  religion,  and  political  opinion  have  long  since 
done  ampk  justice  and  given  deserved  rehabUitation  to  dw 
mmoiy  of  this  most  gifted  of  aU  their  governors.    A  coa- 
»tented   Dominion  reaching  from  the  Adantic  to  the 
nwafic  n  one  enduring  monument  to  his  pditical  sagacity, 
for  to  htm  the  beginnings  of  union  were  unquestionably 
due.    In  eveiy  colony  of  the  Empiie  his  name  has  become 
maeparably  associated  with  the  great  principle  of  colonial 
autononqr. 

DttiiHBM  many  of  the  great  quaUties  which  go  to 
*e  a  capiMt  admimstiator}  he  had  few  of  those  which 
to  mate  a  pofwlariMii.     His  petulawe  and  extreme 
B  wdlHMi^  ■omdanbie,  and  these  qualities, 
«««»amiable  mm»i^  m  it    iiiiliss,  were  intensified  Vws 

unusuaUy  v^pjw  «pMsi»o  of  his  feelings  on  the  sliriitest 
jrovo«tKHi.  But  his  quiahiKM  of  apprebenrion,  htobLe 
Shrewdness  and  power  of  peactration,  and  his  stupendous 
^f^^  ,'~A«Ahi«aso«aflieri«tof 
Duriiam's  phee  m  himan   m^  be  determined 


&  •»  .■^ijevemems  a«i  by  these  alone.  For  himself 
he  aduev^  disappowUMM  mi  a  premature  grave,  for 
Canada  uid  the  Empire  he  hid  the  h«ie  of  a  iew  ^wch 


TMB  WtMmNO  OF  MMSPOMSIMU  OOrBRNMMNT 


3V9 


in 


hwmoniotu  iclationt.     **He  maned  a  caicer  but  he 
made  a  nadon." 

"No  episode  in  our  political  liiMoiy/'  uy  TievelTan, 
"it  more  replete  with  warning  to  earnest  and  public  S|»rited 
men  who  in  seeking  to  serve  their  countiy  foiget  what  is 
due  to  their  own  interests  and  their  own  seciHry  than  the 
story  of  Lord  Duriuun." 


f-. 

PS 


i 


Chiiiml  portioB  of  the  ftujiMaent  BalUa^i,  Otdiwi. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
CMdUM  UMDBIt  TMi  UMOM,  /S^^t&T 


aoc  bt 


tte  point  to  takosfUMiBl 


It  mqr  

ref  eftbo  MMeof  afim  n  thft'ViM  PtovImw  of  Upper 
and  Lower  OuMdoMdMtioM^dMiriuuaa.  la  mIio^ 
poUtkd  cownotiam,  Uppor  GMMk  had  iMra  mtUOf 


tecNMiag  b  populMiM  lata  hj  it40, ibt  total  mStZ 
— 1^  ju^jy  ^f  ^  mmon.    Tht  aact  figw« 


•at  at 


cannot  bo  ^v«  vkk  confidanco,  lor  tlM 
cenain  waa  taken  in  dUfcrant 


tkHdM 


•■■^pwjMj  INK 


Lower  Canada  cucaodaJ  ita , „,„„ 

bj  at  kaat  one  bundled  and  iftjr  tbomand.     Of  tlM  mud 

total,  tbcEogiiabapeakiagaectioafennod  the      ' 

not  decniveljr,  iHiik  on  dM  ba«a  of  icl%ioii,  »  .«-»«- 

^  and  pRMeMim  aboM  cqaaUed  aadi  odMT  bi  dM  Utited 
PioTtMea.  In  bodn  dw  pnpwhrion  waa  aafadr  noL 
Lomtt  Canada  had  but  thwe  urban  caoina  of  importancei 
Mimtteai,  now  a  driving  dtjr  of  ^oitt  fonv  dwoaand  aottbt 
Qiiebec,  widi  ita  aiewfy  inctcaaing  ddt^ve  dMNiaaad) 
and  Three  Rivcrh  atiU  a  ttntgi^  town  of  loaa  dttn  dMo 
dMHuand  inkdihanta. 

In  Upper  Canada,  on  die  odwr  hand,  ToiMto,  Haad- 
ton,  Kugnon,  and  London,  all  of  dieni  jm  aoMll  citiea, 
were  growing  lapidty  in  tiade  and  pqpohttioa.  The  pieaeac 
Ottawa  waa  a  ttrag^ing  village  with  no  impMtance  lave  •• 
a  depot  fat  the  Aiftueut  ot  n^flm  to  die  hn^er  caana 
lurdwr  up  the  river. 

401 


I! 


4M         CMfJOJ  dMD  MUTUH  MOUTH  AMMRICJI 
lii ^^n^S*"^^  ^  ktMtmti  of  1840  Mtni  but 

«»o»muh1  wm  writtm  bv  the  pcmioMnr  Tht  mt  made 
thdr  Bvki.     Tht  i«iiiMtf  wis  u  unambWoiM  m  ever 

^«r*^  iV*  "oTfow.  H»  own  diitpoMtioa  ami  the 
■r«f«  of  lud  twMft  combined  to  keep  wTmwlHHb  of 
culumwn  primed*..    Fertili«,,g  the  i3  wie^STi^ 

comfortably.  Obcjruig  with  huMbk  fidelity  the  Mripttinl 
^juml  to  «be  fruitfU  ud  «uW|Jy/'  hH^i  SLmTS 
^  u.  «tlrf«|»hi«|  the  e«h.*^bcc«ioo.Uy  .  JS  rf 
ftwidi  onpn  might  be  fo«nd  euiii|  for  We  lid  in  ptoper 

In  Upper  Snidt,  a(riculture  wu  the  ec  >nomic  mainttar 
li^iJ!^'^'^  »«^  contmt^i^S^I 
Zft^  ?"P«oH  «» tb«  Lower  P«vince.  l7ente^^ 
thrift,  and  mdwtfy,  the  NttJen  of  Upper  Canada  luSlno 

S^r^Jtrj^  '^'^  °^i'««^S^  CoZ«7. 
•ad  UiB  rewlt  m«y  be  leen  in  the  (act  that  the  acreaae  of 

2£^  b«j«.e  it  found  a  ««ly  cMh  marS^  13  £SS 
whe«  producoon  of  the  province  during  the  Uni^'^ 

Sr^r:?  *^  "?^r  *''»^-  Except  forT^ 
S.  1  iy^"*  T  '"^  •"**"»^  tctivity  anywhere,  but 
Ae  li^benng  tnuJe  wa.^owly  entering  Jpon  itTTr;  0I 
economic  importance.  The  trafic  in  ieltiy--the  Alpha 
MM  Umega  of  commerce  during  the  old  r^me—wat  atiU 

riL^LT^!?  ■«! '^,»'?'''y  P-Aing  it!  caitie  toward 
tne  we«t  and  north.    Maritime  commeree  developed  vny 


C4MdD4  UMDU  THE  UHtOM 


4^ 


«"««»f%.  TW  Briddi  NaviptieB  /^^  wvn  itin  fai 
foiM,  and  Csnwb  profited  CTMtljr^tlwiriinvW^  Tht 
Si.  Lawraiicc  wm  doacd  to  foraj|ii  romimicr,  tft  »hM  Britith 
and  CuMdka  iMpptn  divided  dM  proftt*  of  tlM  canrini 

trade.  In  bocli  Loww  CamMk  and  tht  MaiiiiaM  Piovinna 
■tapbuiiding  was  an  importaM  and  growing  indnetiy.    la 

1841,  no  fewer  tlian  ■txtjr-fettr  M^ng  veMde,^gtcgKing 
Muand  tomn  kft  the  wocka  at  Quebec 


^**  «w«B«r-four  thouaand  Him,  wn  uw  rocu  at  V2wc 
alone.     Tne  virtually  exdiMive  privilme  eirimed  by 
provinces  of  supplying  the  British  .West  Indies  with  htn 

anJ  ra«r  •■•■tMMala  »/ all  kl_J. 1:1 •_  «     . 


the 

and  raw  nuterials  of  all  kinds  was  likewise  a  featiuc  which 

contributed  subatantiaUx  *»  ^  fwwth  of  their  sea-borne 

commerce.    In  gmcnd,  the  economic  outlook  was  hopeAili 

the  bwrkwaidness  of  i^riculturc  in  Lower  Canada  alone  nve 
gnwnd  for  nUs^vings. 

The  first  Pkrliaaent  of  the  United  Ptovinces  of  Upper 
M»d  Lower  Cknada  convened  at  Kingston  on  the  lAth  of 
June,  1841.  Kingsford  dves  the  13th  as  the  date,  but 
uivestigation  shows  that  the  13th  of  T..~!,  1841,  was  a 
Sunjyj  the  imdamation  summoning  the  House,  dated 
AfwU  30th,  gives  the  date  of  meeting  as  the  14th. 

GoveinorWfal  Charles  Poulett  Thomson,  who  had 
iow  become  Baron  Sydenham,  had  abcadv  nonunated  both 
his  Executive  and  Legiski  ve  Councils,  and  the  composition 
of  each  ^^„  bcM  made  ki  o#n  to  the  people  befbro  the  elec- 
*****vl  *'  ''  "  ''•^"*»''-  '^"Wi^ly  had  brrn  held.  The 
BiwBbr.  ..f  tJ  :  ixecutive  Council  were  Robcn  Baldwin 
Sulh»«n,j  -hr.  Hai  7  Dunn,  Samuel  Bcaley  K:.rriMn,  Wil- 
liam HejkfT  r-;»i  r,  Hamilton  Hartty  Kiil«iv,  Robot  BaU- 
win,  Dominick  iJaljr,  Charies  Richards  OgdV;:,  znd  Charles 
Dewey  Day.  Of  these  the  first  six  crc  selected  from 
Upper  Canada,  whUe  the  remaining  three  came  from  the 
Lower  Prevince.  None  was  of  French  origin,  while  only 
one—Mr.  Daly— v^i  a  Roman  CidioUc.  TKe  composition 
wa«  therefore  nor  such  as  to  inspire  the  French  portion  of 
the  populatton  witto  any  great  hopes  in  the  new  administra. 
turn.     BaUwm  was  by  all  means  the  ablest  of  the  nine 


_^^& 


404         CAH4DJI  AMD  MRITttH  NORTH  JMiRICJ 

coundUon,  and  bit  prnence  in  the  CouncU  gave  it  won- 
•iderahle  strength.  But  he  had  UttJe  cunluknce  in  hit 
collwguet.  In  fact,  the  Upper  Canada  members  weie  men 
to  whomhe  had  hitherto  been  politically  opposed,  and  he 
h«i  entered  the  CouncU  only  because  he  regarded  it$  orid. 
nal  composition  u  purely  tentative.  This  first  Execut^e 
CouncU  wjM  truly  a  curious  piece  of  political  mosaic,  but 
in  the  end,  thanks  to  the  untinng  energy  of  Lord  Syden- 
ham.  It  served  as  a  starting  point  in  the  new  scheme  of 
administration. 

In  the  Lepslative  CouncU  the  French-Canadian  element 
WM  given  a  funr  representation,  eight  out  of  the  twenty, 
four  members  having  been  di-wn  from  Fiench-Canai. 
The  tlections  for  the  Legislative  Assembly  passed  off  rather 
quietly  m  the  Upper  Province,  but  in  Lower  Canada  there 
was  «  great  deal  of  bitterness.  In  genenU,  the  result  was 
such  as  to  ensure  the  administration  a  working  majority. 

No  sooner  had  the  Assembly  met  at  Kinffi^n  than  OUd- 
win  proposed  the  reconstruction  of  the  Executive  CouncU, 
wiUi  the  introduction  into  it  of  some  French  members. 
Sydenhat  ;  refusal  to  do  this  brought  Baldwin's  resigna- 
tion,  but  tn^  r  .her  eight  members  remained  in  office.  The 
Assembl>  ^^  .xtremely  desirous  that  the  governor  should 
give  some  definite  sMurances  on  the  subjea  of  ministerial 
responiibUity.  Sydenham,  however,  would  do  no  more  than 
to  promise,  m  terms  which  were  too  general  to  be  satisfiur- 
tojy.  that  the  executive  would  maintain  in  general  a  deferent 
attitude  toward  the  representatives  of  the  people.  That 
the      trutive  should  hold  itself  accounuble  to  the  Assem- 

impiw'***"^  *°  ***'^  "**""*  "~  '^*"'  promised  nor 
The  first  seuion  was  marked  by  the  passage  of  several 
important  measures.  The  customs  laws  werTrt^viseds  the 
^;Sl°i  1?  «f  »"«i«»l  Vitem,  based  on  the  lines  sug- 
g««ed by  Bullerm  Durham's  report, were  prepared 5  andtE 

to  personaUy  drafting  these  measures,  Sydenham  did  much  to  ' 


cjmmji  under  thb  union 


40s 


entuK  tiidr  pHoge,  and  tpmni  no  punt  in  his  endeavor 
to  allay  ncial  and  fiKtional  bitterness.     Under  this  stnin 
his  none  Um  robust  physiqut  soon  gave  way.     **1  actually 
breathe,  eat,  drink,  and  sleep  on  politics,'*  he  wrote ;  «I 
long  for  September,  beyond  which  I  will  not  stay  here  if 
they  were  to  make  me  Duke  of  Canada  or  Prince  of  Regi- 
opolis,  as  this  phu»  is  called."    An  accidental  ftU  from  his 
horse  accdented  his  breakitown,  and  he  died  on  Septem- 
her  19,  1841.     It  was  due  mainly  to  his  tact,  eneivy,  and 
cod  judgment  that  the  wheels  of  the  new  administrative 
machme  had  been  set  smoothly  in  moti<Mi.    What  Durham 
planned,  Sydenham  executed.    Possessing  but  link  of  Dur- 
ham's brilliancy  of  conception,  he  was  mor:  calculating, 
more  practical,  more  elective  in  his  mastery  of  details,  moie 
tactful  in  the  handling  of  men.    Canada  owes  much  to  Syd- 
enham.    Nor  have  her  historians  begrudged  him  his  meed 
of  praise.     To  his  supercritical  contemporary  Gieville  hr 
was  nothing  but  a  "good-humored,  pleasing,  and  intelligent 
coxcomb,    and  Harriet  Martineau  saw  fit  to  classhim 
among  the  i*«eat  Whig  failures."     But  Canadians  know 
bm  only  as  the  tactful  administrator  who  fiuriy  earned  his 
peerage  in  the  service  of  their  inftnt  Union)  who  gave  of 
his  decbning  strength  unsparingly  in  her  interest  {  whose 
Iwal  care  cradled  her  institutions  through  a  critical  year,  and 
whose  mortal  remains  repose,  by  choice,  among  her  dead. 
Among  the  political  incapabks  which  a  misguided  mother^ 
land  too  often  mflicted  upon  her  colonies  in  the  first  half 
of  the  mneteenth  century,  Durham  and  Sydenham  stand 
out  as  conspicuous  exceptions.    The  success  of  the  Union 
IS  their  joint  epitaph. 

One  of  Sydenham's  kst  acta  was  to  ammge  for  the  pro- 
rogation of  Pfcriiament.  The  members  now  dispersed  and 
the  oScer  m  command  of  the  forces  assumed  the  reins  of 
government  pending  the  arrival  of  the  newly-appointed 
gcivemor.  Sir  Charles  Bagot.  Bagot  was  the  noa^neiTof 
tlie  mw  Peel  ministry  and  canw  to  Canada  with  a  repua- 
ttoo  as  a  diplomatist  gained  in  service  at  a  number  of  tbieign 


nmn 


,.-^^^ 


406         CJMMA  MD  iUnSH  NOHTH  dMMUCA 

•nbMtkSf  Wuhington  among  the  number.  He  fouml,  on 
bu  uTival  sn  ample  array  of  <iil)icultiet,  both  domcMic  and 
foreign.  Both  partiea  in  the  Anen^  and  LegUlativc 
Council  expected  su|^rt  fam  him{  the  Radicals  beaiuae 
they  had,  or  believed  that  they  had,  the  wntiment  of  the 
colony  behind  the«|  the  Conaervativet  because  the  Tory 
prcdilcctiont  of  the  new  governor  were  known.  Bagot  did 
hw  best  to  steer  a  middle  course  between  the  two  Actions, 
and  for  the  Ume  being  was  successful  The  strained  rela- 
tions with  the  United  States  next  demanded  his  attention. 
Ever  since  1837,  the  feeling  between  the  provinces  and  the 
repuUic  had  been  none  too  good.    Matters  had  now  reached 

w*?*"  ***P  *"'"'?  *°  *"**  ■"**  "•  ^*^  ^'^  StMe  of  (me 
McLeod,  who  had  been  a  paiticiput  in  the  burning  of  the 

Gm&w  some  few  years  before.  But  the  acquittal  of  McLeod 
on  the  meriu  of  his  case  was  at  once  a  tribute  to  the  feir- 
ne«  of  American  jurors  and  a  hap]^  solution  of  what,  for 
a  time,  seemed  likely  to  prove  a  grave  international  ques- 
tion.    StUl  there  were  other  causes  of  friction.     The  con- 
tinued transit  of  slaves  through  the  Northern  States  by  way 
of  the  famous  "underground  railroad"  into  Canada,  where 
they  became  forthwith  free,  gave  much  offence  to  the  slave 
party  in  the  United  States.     But  the  British  authorities 
finnly  dechned  even  to  discuss  the  question  of  surrendering 
such  fugitives.     Veiy  properly  so  it  would  seem,  for  with 
the  exception  of  murder  and  forgery,  even  serious  crimes 
Ittd  not  yet  been  made  the  basis  of  extraditbn.     Then 
t^re  were  questions   relating  to   boundaries.      Repeated 
e«bits  to  delimit  the  boundaries  between  Lower  Canada 
Md  the  Sute  of  Maine  had  been  futile,  and  the  people  in 
the  disputed  temtones  were  clamoring  for  a  settlement  of 
the  question.     Promise  was  now  given  of  a  definite  sdu- 
tim>  by  the  appointment  of  the  Hon.  Alexander  Baring 
^toward  Lord  Ashburton)  and  Daniel  Webster  as  tlw 
H^pective  arbkrators  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States, 
w^  power  to  recammend  a  compromise  boundary.    Baring 
was  a  man  of  some  ability  and  with  considerable  diplomatic 


CdHdDd  UMDMR  THE  UNWtf 


mfi 


cxpoience,  but  he  wit  no  match  for  hit  v^oroui  and 
keen-witted  American  <q>ponent.     He  would,  in  fiwt,  have 
needed  all  the  tubtlcty  of  a  Talleyrand  and  the  firmneaa  of  a 
Bitmarck  to  have  entered  the  diplomatic  litu  on  cquid  terma 
with  the  leonine  thunderer  of  the  American  Senate.    Thote 
in  Canada  who  ttill  itand  aciaaed  at  the  retult  of  the  nego- 
tiationt  may  find  ample  tolution  of  their  amazement  in  the 
widely  different  mental  calibret  of  the  necotiatort.   It  it  not 
necetaary  here  to  narrate  the '  uimt  on  wnidi  the  two  States 
re«ed  their  respective  titlet  to  the  disputed  territory.     It  is 
enou^  to  say  that  the  two  arbitrators  effected  an  agreement 
which  was  embodied  in  the  so-caUed  Athburton  Tica^,  and 
sinied  August  i  o,  1 842.    By  the  terms  of  the  treaty  Canada 
relinquished  her  claims  to  several  thousand  <^/uuc  miks  of 
valuable  lands,  receiving  in  return  a  smaller  tract  of  sterile 
wildemess.     The  boundary  betwc«n  Maine  and  Lower 
Canada  was  delimited  as  k  staads  at  the  picaoK  day.     In 
the  west  the  boundary  Um  was  fixed  as  te  as  dw  Rockies, 
neither  side  gaiaiag  vt  hwifw  very  orach.     The  Km  west 
of  the  Rockies  was  kft  undetoecl,  only  to  prove  the  bam  of 
difficulties  in  years  to  come.     TentMivc  agreements  w«e 
reached  oa  the  minor  points  at  issue  between  dw  two  coua> 
tries,  while  what  remained  of  die  Cmtiiu  epkMide  was  dis- 
posed of  1^  the  American  acceptance  of  apolofetic  .tssur- 
aKcs  given  I7  tk-  Briti^  authorkies.     Thoaa  1H10  would 
judge  Ashbunoa  very  harshly  siMwld  bear  m  mmi  the  un- 
consoUng  fiKt  that  if  he  fiwed  ill,  otbm  m^  have  Hnk 
worse  tt  dte  hands  vS  the  ynt  American  jurist  fmm  whose 
oyerwhrtaing  persomd  power  even  the  Supeata  Court  of 
hit  own  land  cmild  not  profess  entire  iramunky. 

While  foreign  complications  were  thut  betiw  tlowly  aa- 
ravelled,  Bi^  found  himteif  faced  by  the  prtMem  of  min- 
isterisl  reconstruction.  It  had  been  thou^t  dUK  a  partial 
reconstructkm  of  die  Executive  Council  would  suficc  to 
satitfy  die  Atiembly,and  a  teat  had  been  given  to  Sir  Francis 
Hincks  with  this  end  in  view.  Sir  L.  H.  Lafontaine,  the 
ttrongest  member  of  the  Lower  Canada  delmtion,  was 


Mil 


if  I 


' 


408         CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMBRJCJ 

«1«>  uiged  to  accept  1  place  in  the  Council ;  but  he  preferred 

LJZn  is  '"•'^^«»7*"  •"  d^numding  complete  recon- 
jruction.  Bagot  found  .t  necwiary  to  accede  to  this 
demand,  and,  in  the  autumn  of  1842,  the  lo-caUed  Baldwin- 
l^fontaine  mmittry  took  control.  The  competition  of  the 
new  mmmiy  wa.  at  follows:  Upper  CanacJ  -Baldwin. 
Sulhvan     H.rn«,ij^  KillaJy,   Hincb,  and  J.   E.   SmJ" 

eral  of  the  old  membert  retained  their  ponfoliot,  although 
not,  a«  Tureotte  attertt,  on  condition  of  conforming  to  the 
policy  of  the  new  headt.  * 

riv  JIlir''r'"S"''  '^  ^^'^'^y  "^^^^  ^y  "^  Conterva- 
we«S  1  ^Tr"!*^/"  ^'*'^'"  ""*  Lafontaine 
7^£u  T^^^  ^'^"^.^  "*•  Libenditm  coming  on 
the  heelt  of  rebeUion  tavored  of  ditloyalty.     The   bulk 

action  on  the  part  of  the  governor  would  have  been  in 

Snh.»T/^**  >'!5*'  P^^^'P'*  °^«'l«n«bility  which 
Sydenham  had  enunciated  a  few  yeart  before,  for  th^  recon- 
struction ministry  had  the  tupport  of  more  than  two-thirdt 
of  J^  fnembert  m  the  Assembly.  Even  the  leading  organ 
of  British  public  opinion-^he  London  7y««/_failed  to^ 
the  situation  in  its  true  light.  "The  result  may  prove 
J«p.c.««u  "  It  declared,««,d  we  are  willing  to  hope  for  the 
n!Il\«f.  !r  u  *  •ofewh't  ominous  consequence  of  the 
new  order  of  things  that  a  governor  is  forced  to  caU  to  his 
counciU,  on  their  own  terms,  men  who  have  lately  been 
proKrnbed  or  m  prison."  The  French-Canadians,  on^ 
cjher  hand,  were  jubilant  at  the  new  turn  in  afei^rwith 

could  now  look  upon  the  Union  as  toleimble  for  the  ^1 
«nd  perhaps  as  even  oilering  hope  for  the  futuref  The 
legislation  of  the  session  was  not  important,  most  of  the 
ttme  being  uken  up  in  working  out  the  details  of  general 

w  good  health  when  prorogation  took  pkce,  but  during  the 


CANADA  UNDER  THE  UNION 


409 


next  few  weeks  he  bruke  down  phytkilly,  and  died  in 
the  course  of  the  following  spring.     Without  possessing 
conspicuous  talent  «r  marked  qualities  of  sutesmanship,  the 
deceased  governor  had  assumed  the  role  of  a  constitutional 
governor  with  grace  and  dignity.     An  ardent  Toiy  at  heart 
and  extremely  jealous  of  prerogative,  he  had  shown  himself 
able  to  set  aside  his  personal  prejudices  even  when  so  doing 
compelled  him  to  surround  himself  with  men  whose  politi- 
cal views  were  directly  at  variance  with  his  own.     For  his 
refusal  to  mince  responsible  government  to  a  mere  theory, 
Bagot  was  vigorously  criticised  by  his  Tory  friends,  but 
the  experience  of  his  less  logical  successor  serves  amply  to 
show  that  his  course  was  a  wise  one.     French-Canadians 
have  not  forgotten  his  readiness  to  mete  them  out  cven- 
nanded  justice. 

Bagot's  sucoBssor  in  ofice  was  Sir  Charles  Metcalfe,  a 
veteran  of  the  East  Indian  service  and  a  successful  governor 
of  Jamaica.  Macaulay  regarded  him  as  the  ablest  civil 
•ervant  he  had  ever  known.  Metcalfe  accepted  his  new 
post  much  against  his  own  wishes,  and  there  is  reason  to 
Wieve--although  no  direct  evidence  to  this  eflect  exists— 
that  his  mstructions  contemplated  a  letiocession  from  the 
stand  taken  by  his  predecessor.  The  members  of  the  British 
Mmistry,  and,  especiaUy  Lord  Stanley,  who  then  held  the 
post  of  colonial  secretary,  do  not  appear  to  have  been  con- 
vinced that  It  was  wise  to  make  the  colonial  executive  entirely 
responsible  to  the  colonial  legislature.  At  any  rate,  had  thev 
viewed  the  matter  otherwise,  they  might  easUy  have  seeti 
that  the  admmistratton  of  a  crown  colony  like  Jamaica  was 

c°V  ^.*"i"H'8  •*=*^'  ^°'  •  l»ri5«»«»o»n'  governor, 
bir  Francis  Hincks  later  ventured  the  opinion  that  Metcalfe's 
appomtment  had  been  made  with  the  object  of  thwartimr 
the  logical  demands  of  the  Libera!  element  in  the  Assem! 
wy.  But  Hincks  supports  his  opinion  with  no  tangible  evi- 
dence. Be  this  as  it  may,  the  fact  is  that  Metcalfe  was 
not  long  in  ofice  before  he  found  himself  at  odds  with  his 
executive  councillors  on  the  matter  of  responsibility.     The 


■msmm 


asBiB 


i 


'i^ 


410         CJMJDjI  JND  BRiraH  NORTH  JMMMJCJ 

immeditte  qucKion  it  wue  wm  tlwt  of  pttnHMget  tlie 
mu,»t«r.  dem«ding  tittt  no  .ppointmenu  to^Sei,  i„ 
Uiecml  MTvice  ■hoiild  be  nwie  without  their  concurrence. 
Thgr,  .„  turn  wm  wiUing  to  hold  them^lvet  mpon«ble 
to  the  Awembly  for  their  rMomnendttions.  But  dir  »v- 
emorren«i,ned  firmly  detemined  to  um  hia  own  diM»£» 
in  making  appoimment^  and  aeciiMd  the  coidial  ai»B«t  of 
the  home  authoritiet  in  hia  deciaioB.  The e«ecutiwe«iii- 
cU  .ought  to  bring  the  maner  to  a  head  by  tenderii«  a 
unanimou,  reaignarion,  aiMi  thi.  threw  on  the  govern^the 
u^  of  «lectu.g  a  new  coyncU  in  the  ftce  of  ^  Aaaemblr 

?3^k° '"'''""  ***?"•  I*  «-k  Metcalfe  jevenUmonthi 
to  get  hia  new  council  together,  and  the  auMmn  of  1844 
waa  at  hand  before  he  put  the  iaai«  before  the  peoitie  by  a 
diMolutionoftheAaaembly.  The  election.  wJ^c^eJ 
bitterly  w  much  u>  that  in  revenl  pmtt  of  the  province, 
the  mU«»  h«l  to  be  caaed  out  to  .upjm.  di««ii,.     ^ 

oen  of  the  new  Awembly,  aij  inconteatable  proof  that  the 
people  were  willing  to  uphold  the  govemor't  action.  At 
any  rate,  the  British  authoritie.  regarded  MetcaUe'i  Kioke 
a.  a  .uccestful  one,  and  rewarded  him  with  an  elevation  to 

CmI  ng  health  compeUed  his  return  to  England  in  the  «.»• 
of  1845,  «nd  he  died  of  cancer  wxm  afterward. 

On  leaving  the  colony,  Metcalfe  had  handed  over  dM 
adminittration  to  the  Earl  of  C^bcart,  who  commanded 
the  force,  jn  Canada.     CaAcait  retuned  the  new  minirtry 

tfill^  •''°T'  "  ""J**^  """^y  ^y  "«^"%  "voiding 
tl«  introduction  of  any  measure  which  might  pouibly  .pli? 

training,  and  wa.  personally  more  interested  in  mUitary  than 
movil  m««ures.  h  consequence  he  u.«l  hi.  ener^  u, 
getting  a  Military  BM  through  the  Assembly,  while  by  hi. 
reprwenution.  to  the  w»r  office  he  was  instrumental  in  pro- 
curing  a  rearmament  of  the  troops  in  the  colony.    His  rather 


msmi 


igg^^gggmjm 


CMI4DJI  UNDER  THE  UNION 


4" 


ilMMt  adminittntien  wm,  however  nariced  bjr  two  cvtats 
of  notei  the  lepMl  of  the  Corn  Laws  in  England,  and  the 
MRkment  of  the  Orcson  Boundary  diqmte.  The  move- 
mmt  among  the  Eng^  Whigs  for  the  icmoval  of  the 
dimes  on  «ain  was  regarded  with  open  disfiivor  hj  aU 
paities  in  Canada,  for  the  preferential  treatment  hitherto 
acceided  cdonial  paiu  had  been  greatly  to  the  profit  of  the 
colonial  fiumer.  Tlie  news  that  cdonial  and  foreign  grain 
importations  were  now  to  be  treated  equally,  and  that  the 
Ii^ierial  Zollverein  was  at  an  end,  produced  bitter  disap- 
poratment  in  Canada,  and  was  oae  of  the  direct  causes  of 
^  widespread  agricultural  depression  which  marked  the 
years  rf  1 846-1 848.  On  the  other  hand,  the  delimitation 
•f  the  intenutional  boundary,  ftom  the  Rocky  Mountains 
westward,  amoved  an  ominous  cloud  from  the  diplomatic 
hotison  to  tile  satisfaaion  of  all  concerned. 

The  administration  of  their  political  affitin  by  a  soldier 
was  not  renrded  by  Canadians  with  any  enthusiasm,  nor  had 
Cathcart  shown  any  matted  ability  or  seal  during  the  two 
years  which  had  elapsed  since  his  assumption  of  control. 
Early  in  1847,  <>>«  British  authorities  decided  to  rephce 
him  hy  die  appointment  of  Lord  E%in.  Perhaps  an  addi- 
tional reason  for  tlw  change  was  the  fiwrt  that  the  Whig 
party  in  England  had  now  become  convince.)  that  the  ft^ 
admission  of  the  |mnciple  of  executive  responsibility  would 
not  be  attended  with  any  danger  provided  a  popular  and 
tactful  official  occupied  the  chief  executive  post  in  the 
colony.  »♦  The  Queen's  representMive,"  said  a  leadii^  Whig 
organ,  "shodd  not  assume  that  he  degnules  the  crown  by 
following  in  a  cokmy  the  example  of  the  crown  at  home. 
What  the  Queen  cannot  do  in  EngUnd,  the  governor- 
general  should  not  be  permitted  to  do  in  Canada."  Cathcart 
was  asked  to  remain  in  comntand  of  the  forces,  but  resented 
his  removal  from  civil  office  and  asked  permission  to  return 
to  En^and. 

James  Bruce,  e^Mi  'BmA  of  Elgin,  u  a  lineal  descendant 
of  the  hero  of  Ban—chburn,  had  a  frima  fac'u  ckim  to  the 


x. 


41a         UMdDJI  JND  iurmt  MOUTH  JMSUCJ 
■)iii|Mhiai  of  an  impoRam  Mctmn  of  the  cdoaial  popuU. 

Jcotch  tocem.  And  ■.  tht  •oiwa-kw  of  Loid  Duriuun 
I^!Sr^  tl!™*?.P*'H«ity  with  thtt  growing 
•ectioo  wlucli  BOW  bcgu  liilhr  to  imIIm  the  grtumvice 

I^  l'!?"~'Li*^».*"*''«My  i«l»««l  with  the  id«ttrf 
h»  brUhijm  fctherii^w.  «kI  hi.  in«n«ion.  fnmZ 
colonal  office  wei.  wch  m  to  dlow  hi,  Libe»li«i  ftee 
•«i*.  The  new  gomnor  found  the  ConiemtiveminiKry 

remarluble  twacitjr,  wid,  deqNie  ite  defeat  on  two  mea*. 
:^^^^;^  *-^-^  * '^»>^  »»y>nty  on  ^  «^ 

The  jrear  1847  waa  not  mariwi  bjr  anj  important  polit- 
«JeY«im.b«t  it  witneaaed  the  cod«incinenVof3«Irid, 
IT.!!;**  ^^^  which  had  some  importuit  poUtical  remdta 
S.«  ,2?*.P°«\<^»«*  »  Ireland  waa  driving  thouwmd. 
OfliiSrLSl  ""  to  .eek  better  fortune  U,  America. 
Knn'itr.^  o  P'*?'^"*  «P«W«  to  t»»  -outh  took  the 
lion  .  Am,  but  Canada  received  a  large  quota,  numbering 
over^jhunchedthouaandKHda.  The^^tyofp^S 
for  theae— for  manj  were  almost  dertitute— put  such  a  t« 
on  the  energw  of  the  goremmeat  that,  f«^  time  being. 

wJk^  T*  ^^  '*"'^  ^^"^  •"»«>  »•«  backgrouni 
With  the  doae  of  the  year  the  Aaaembly  wa.  .SedlS 
the  country  waa  aoon  m  the  throea  of  a  bitteriy-conteated 
t^a^ZT'  Ail.  rignaaeemed  to  point  ti  the  o^ 
throw  of  the  Conaervativea,  and  the  retulta  amply  jugtified 
■^^^  ,«P«t«f  on.  The  Libend  majority  ii  icirive 
^t^jS  T"  ^"^  *f  ^V"^  -mong'the  member. 
When  the  AMcmbly  met,  the  fim  diviwon  Kived  to 

bt°Z^„ZI^"  *^*  **'"  '"Pl-rtw.  were  outnumbered 
by  their  opponent,  three  to  one.     Their  only  courw  waa 


CIMfM  UMDgR  TMM  UMIOM 


413 


to  Mmmier  thdr  portfolie*.    Th* 
BaUwia  Minittrjr,  mora  popohtly  kae«ra  m  dM  ^GraM 
MiaiMy,"  took  clMf|i  of  aiiin.    Tho  MMioa  of  1S48 
wu  a  short  one,  mnMim  bdof  put  throui^  cmUt  owibk 
to  the  itrong  support  which  the  miairtcn  could  coauMmi 
in  the  AtMiiiUf.    The  011I7  ommuk  of  nuch  inponuce 
wu  an  Indigent  Immigration  Act  dengned  to  Mem  the  iood 
ofpMiperimmignttionintothecdoay.    Oottide  the  kgisla. 
tive  walls,  however,  matters  wera  nM  going  so  snootUT  as 
within.    Thesa-caUedMMovementof  1848 "was  sweep, 
ing  over  Europe,  making  its  demociatic  and  UbefaUsinc 
ufluences  feh  in  every  land.     In  France,  it  forced  the 
••dtiaen  king"  of  the  House  of  Orleans  from  the  throne 
«Hl  led  to  the  establishment  of  the  Second  Republic     In 
England,  iu  maniftstatiMis  were  less  violent,  but  litde  less 
important.   In  Germany  and  Italy,  the  year  stands  out  as  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  in  the  history  of  dcmocncv.    The 
force  of  the  moveiuent  was  not  comptetely  speitt  in  Europe, 
for  sli^t  waves  reached  the  diores  of  Canada  and  aroused 
poUtical  unrest  especially  in  the  Lower  Province.    Pkpineau 
would  ^y  have  assumed  his  old  r61e  as  an  agitator,  but 
l^ontame  had  now  completely  superseded  him  as  tribune 
of  the  ^teM.    Lord  Elgin  taxed  his  own  peat  powertof 
conciliation  to  the  utmost  in  his  endeavorto  preserve  polk> 
kal  trutquillity,  and  would  probably  have  been  successfid 
had  not  the  Assembly  thrown  to  the  people  a  new  apple  «rf 
discord.    This  was  the  measure  known  as  the  MRrtellion 
LoMcs  Bill,"  passed  in  the  session  of  1849.     As  its  title 
imphes,  the  measure  was  one  of  the  unfortunate  l^ies  of 
the  rebellion  of  1837-1838,  and  served  to  revive  in  all  iia 
intensity  the  Actional  bitterness  of  that  period.    The  flames 
of  the  revolt  had  hardly  been  smothered  when  a  move- 
ment for  the  compensation  of  those  loyalists  irilo  had  suf- 
fered losses  at  the  hands  of  the  rebels  was   begun.    A 
commission  had  been  appointed  in  1838,  and,  on  iu  recom- 
raendation,  compensation  had  been  awarded  to  those  who 
could  prove  their  losses.     A  few  yean  later  chums  were 


414         C#UM  AMD  BUfUa  KOHtM  JfMMMKd 

fcr  At  roMMwtion  of  thk  ekat)  hm  ^  kom  of  tl» 
ttn^nmUt  dMC  tht  cfaiM  of  LowOT  ~      ' 


al  and  Oom 


Ittd 

-  viniiiwd,  tlMtt  ImmI  bim  lo«i4  ia  tksk 
of  pMt  uMi  prrwnt  kftl^.    In  fiM»,  i 


1  MM  ttaM  «1M  M  bMR  nMi 

For  a  coaaMmbIt  ppopoRiMi  of 
J  «  ikt  outm  livm  tlM  i«M 
M  ih^  dmd,  but  wlM  koM  of 


dafaMMMtwO. 


■tfcalf  •  afflieo  doUan,  bm  the  ConMrvadm,  who  wm 

«md  A.  d^ioo.  of  I M  plae«l  At  Lib«.|,  iTS^ 
Suitauied  b)r  a  mr»s  aajoritjr,  Ufontiine  dMerauMdto 

rLiLT^.****^  "^ '"^••^  «  •*«ri««  fer  i«  a 
wajority  both  m  the  Locidativt  CouncO  and  llUdtttve 
Mtmkfy  duniif  the  •pnag  of  1I49.  Tht  BtUprovkM 
for  M  apprepmtkNi  of&rthadnd  tkmmai  dolbil  to  bo 
nmd  by  Ae  iMue  of  debenttHM,  u4  to  be  dkbtimd  br 
a  comintMioa  of  fire  ncmben  among  the  kem  in  tb« 
trouble,  of  i837-.ig38.  Th»  CoZtrridrtt  in  il»  AmZ 
Wjr  fought  the  measure  vigaioudjr,  and  their  friends  in  boA 
provuices  made  open  demonstrations  against  it.  Numetj. 
caUjr.the  opponents  of  the  WU  were  in  a  minoritr,  bat  ther 
•Mde  up  IB  vi|or  what  they  lacked  in  numbei^  On  afi 
fwes  they  declaimed  against  any  compensation  to  iebel8.fer 
itwas  well  known  that  scores  of  those  whose  seditioaliad 
been  notorious  were  to  share  in  the  division.  In  &ct.  the 
aunisters  had  |»acticaUy  admitted  this.  •«  We  hoDe.**  said 
one  of  them,  "that  the  commission  wiU  mafaS»  Star 


cMMMiooin  nuumoK 


♦<s 


Clmwbtf  tcfwriay  it  is  vlMtkar 


Wkm  dM  BOl  M 


WM  4UtapX  or 

■M  M  10 


kk 


tl»t««lt|WMi««lMtfN,tht 


I^I||te»l•<hMlrii•H«^  or  ttiMM  widens 


MMfl  tko 


TrithlMiM  M 
of  ktr  a^Mijr  couM  b«  kaoim. 


•n»htttrcoy»,bydwUrto«AgWi,di, 
d^fratioa.    To  tUs  «mI  tlM  MvwMr  WM 


^moMllr.lMWMai 


bvtiMwMiialjr 


Aoa  afl  ^piMttfs.    But 

to  v«e  Mr  to  lOMrvo  tiM  bilL 

■fawtk 

fcr 

tofeOoirdw 


i»WBwd  to  tbo 


tiM  icralt  of  > i.  riiiiiliin  inmlmiliiii  aDoeumlteS 

At  iw  wiihboMiag  tki  MMm  for  kor  o^ntjr*! 


tioMjt  »«7  prapnijr  dtduwl:  •*!  wiU  Mt  tkimr  oa  tm 
■M)Mt7  a  iMpofltibJlitf  wlUeh  iMt,  and  eii|itt  to  nit  iHMllr 

tov«n>ntiit  IttviM  boea  tiMBfemd  fion  KincMon  ia  tkat 


^A.t^ --JWniMBOiifthtmmilwr.    Newt 

of^  <act  too.  ipitad  about  &  dtri  til.  utual  crowd  col- 
lated, and  at  tbt  M1r«||o^«mcnl  M  dM  boiMiiit  iM  wat 
ft«M«d,hoot«l,and|»kedwWimiitilitofaaidndt.  Had 
the  antlioridet  naliaed  that  the  dtnation  wat  beeooinc  a 
•wiout  one  thejr  wouU  undoubtcdlx  •»»»•  «ifc«      ^^ 


t  ^ 


'WCOCOrV  RBOWTION  TBT  QUIT 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


A  APPLIED  IM^^GE    l»^ 

j^K  '653  tost  Main  Strwl 

^^^^  RoctlesLr.   N>»   Tork         14609       USA 

B^^S  <'«)  2M  -  S9S9  -  Fm 


-.i 


J^  » 


416  CANJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

public  document  «^"dthe^    t1  "''''t'^  *"  *°"=^  *°  **« 

In  a  few  hour,  the  structure,  with  itTvLlSe  liblrJ^S 
archives,  was  a  heap  of  charr^l  ruin      "The  PimW  .^T" 


e  was 

But 
riot} 
ering 
after 
made 
ining 
cete> 
their 
iimi> 
.and 
ifel. 
•ther 
Tied 
uitjr 
leen 

K}US 

had 
the 
hot 
les. 
uid 

<• 
of 
ra- 
led 
sts 

IC- 

of 
he 
'or 
us 

C-' 

in 

d, 
el 


The  Parliament  Libnuy,  Ottawa. 


pi' 


I ' 


i 


[ft: 


;.,i;r 


(' 


i  ^'.- 


■& 


CJNJDA  UNDER  THE  UNION 


417 


•mount  of  obloquy  that  may  be  cut  upon  me,"  he  declared. 
«  but  If  I  can  posubhr  prevent  it,  no  stain  of  blood  thall  im 
upon  my  name."  The  govemor^neral  hat  been  criticiwd 
for  hu  weaknew,  but  t^  r  speedy  healing  of  factional  breaches 
dunng  the  next  few  j  ..  ,  amply  justiSed  his  moderation. 

When  the  legislators  were  able  to  meet,  one  of  their  first 
decisions  was  to  remove  the  seat  of  government  from  Mon- 
treal.  As  no  one  site  could  be  agreed  upon  by  the  members 

alternately  at  Quebec  and  Toronto,  four  years  in  each  city. 
This  decision  was  a  bitter  blow  to  Montreal,  but  the  risiii 
metropohs  had  clearly  forfeited  its  claim  to  be  the  colonid 
capiul,and  few  were  sorry  for  iu  degradation.  When  reportt 
of  the  aftir  reached  England  there  was  an  animated  diicus- 
sion  m  the  Bntish  Parhament,  but  the  majority  both  in  the 
Lords  and  Commons  warmly  approved  Lord  Elgin's  action. 
Matters  m  the  colony  quieted  down  with  remark&ble  rapid- 
Si.  kJ*^"  "  """8  *'*"*"»  *"°"8  *«  Conserva- 
tives had  begun  a  movement  for  a  political  chanse  which 

IftTi  *A^tT*^1  P"*  •?»  ^^  *°  ^«°*^'»  ilominaSm  in  the 
affiurs  of  the  United  provmces.    This  was  a  movement  for 
atinexauon  to  the  United  States.    Manifestoes  addressed  to 
the  p«,pk  at  large  now  m^  their  appearance  in  different 
I»rts  of  the  counter,  and  these  were  often  signed  by  men 
of  prommence     They  set  forth  the  advantaieTof  ^mion 
with  the  republic  both  poUticaUy  and  commercially.     A 
penual  of  the  names  attached  to  the  Montreal  manifesto 
wiU  serve  to  show  that  the  movement  was  not  confined  to 
MT  "rP°»""\  °»Jcontents;  the  Tonances,  Dorions, 
Gaults,  Redpaths,  Molsons,  Workmans,  and  a  number  of 
other  promment  fiunilies  are  represented  among  the  signa- 
^.?*  ,^f  ?f  P^FfPHda  seems  to  have  made  little  pSog- 
ress  outside  Monueal,  for  public  sentiment  was  very  fiir  froi 

ZS."'?I°'  "^"°"-  ,  ^^  *^"'  "  "°«'» there  was  no 
dearth  of  those  blatant  ultra-imperialists  who  never  faU  to 
greet  any  proposal  of  closer  rekuions  with  the  United  States 
with  their  frantic  cries  of  disloyalty  and  sedition.   Elgin  was 


t  t 


418  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

not  personally  indiijed  to  persecute  those  who  had  promoted 
tne  movement,  but  as  some  of  rhn-^  who  had  signed  the 
manifestoes  were  office  holder*  o.  .,..  crown,  he  felt  under 
obbgation  to  remove  them  from  their  posu. 

One  of  the  results  of  the  Rebellion  Losses  Bill  was  a 
distmct  cleavage  in  the  ranks  of  the  Liberals.  The  measure 
Had  been  mtroduced  in  response  to  the  demands  of  the 
extreme  radical  wing  of  the  party  and  had  not  been  enthu- 
siastically supported  by  the  more  moderate  section.  Encour- 
aged  by  their  success  in  this  instance,  the  radical  element 
pressed  for  other  measures  which  the  ministers  did  not  feel 
disposed  to  introduce,  and  the  result  was  that  a  split  in  the 
party  was  unavoidable.  The  Radicals  organized  themselves 
m  1 850  mto  a  separate  party  to  which  the  Toronto  Gktt 
gave  the  name  of  «  Clear  Grit  Party."     It  is  of  intenst  to 

,TV  ^*  *  'r'T  ".^"*"  '•  "•"  *«  popular  nickname  for 
the  Canadian  Liberal.  The  platform  of  the  «  Clear  Grits  " 
as  mapped  out  at  this  time  embraced  demands  for  manhood 
suttrage,  biennial  elections,  and  various  other  reforms  which 
gave  their  agiution  a  general  similarity  to  that  of  the  Chart- 
ists m  England.  In  Lower  Canada,  the  new  partj  ^ras 
given  the  name  Li  Parti  Rougt,  and  in  that  province  the 
demands  included  the  repeal  of  the  Union  Act  o*"  18x0. 
borne  of  the  more  advanced  memben  of  the  Parti  Rougt 
went  so  far  as  to  urge  the  adoption  of  a  republican  form  of 
government  with  a  view  to  future  annexation  of  the  prov- 
ince by  the  United  Sutes.  Mr.  Papineau,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  was  the  leader  of  this  faction. 

Between  the  increasing  strength  of  the  Conservatives  and 
these  desertions  from  the  ranks  of  its  own  followers,  the 
l.afonta.ne-Baldwin  ministry  had  an  uphill  fight  during  the 
session,  and  before  its  close  Baldwin  resigned.  A  «neral 
reconstruction  of  the  ministry  followed,  the  new  body  beine 
headed  by  Hincks  and  Morin,who  at  once  secured  the  dii^ 
solution  of  the  Assembly,  and  went  before  the  country  to 
test  their  strength.  As  a  result,  they  were  well  sustained, 
and  when  the  Assembly  met  at  Quebec  in  1852  little 


CAVADA  UNDER  THE  UNION  ^,^ 

diiBcttlty  WM  experienced  in  having  their  meuuret  fiivorablv 
conwdered.     The  legislation  of  the  lession  wai  important. 
Fronunent  among  tne  government  mea*ufet  was  an  Act  to 
incorporate  the  Grand  Trunk  RaUway  Company,  the  United 
Frov  icis  guaranteeing  a  considerable  proportion  of  the 
necessary  bond  issues.     Hincks  himself  went  to  Endand. 
and  there  rendered  valuable  service  in  assisting  the  com- 
I»ny  to  float  the  balance.     The  ministers  were  anxious 
that  the  Une  should  traverse  not  alone  the  two  provinces, 
but  should  extend  down  through  New  Brunswick  and  No^^ 
Scotia.     L«cal  diiSculrJes  were,  however,  in  thr  way,  and 
this  part  of  the  project  was  abandoned  for  the  time  beint 
Another  measure  granted  a  substantial  bonus  to  a  trans- 
atlantic  line  of  steamboats,  while  a  further  Act  created  a 
munic.?al  loan  fu"d  out  of  which  municipalities  might,  on 
very  favorable  terms,  secure  money  for  the  construction 
of  roads,  bridges,  «nd  other  pubUc  works.     But  many  of 
the  municipalities  attacked  this  fund  too  ravenously,  and  the 
United  Provinces  too  soon  found  themselves  saddled  with 
a  heavy  mdebtedness  which  the  municipaUties  had  no  im- 
mediate  prospect  of  repaying.    The  works  constructed  were, 
for  the  most  part,  well  worth  the  expenditure  and  contributed 
much  to  the  development  of  the  country.     By  these  mea». 
ures,  however,  the  colonial  debt  mounted  up  into  millions, 
but  Canadian  credit  in  London  seemed  good,  for  colonial 
"SIX  per  cents"  sold  at  a  good  premium. 

An  important  reform  to  which  the  Hincks-Morin  min- 
istry had  pledged  itself  was  the  secularization  of  the  Cleigy 
Reserves.  But  there  were  good  reasons  for  doubting  if 
the  colonial  government  had  power  to  deal  decisively  with 
these  lands,  and  action  was  postponed  untU  the  British 
authorities  could  be  consulted  on  this  point.  In  response 
an  Act  was  passed,  giving  the  Canadian  authwities  full 
power  to  settle  the  whole  question.  StiU,  the  ministry 
was  in  no  huny  to  deal  with  the  Reserves,  for  it  seemed 
that  It  would  lose  some  of  ite  foUowers  no  mattet  what 
disposition  It  chose  to  make  of  the  problem.    So  the  matter 


.'  n 


>  1 


420         CJM4DA  JND  iUTtSH  HOkTU  JUItRtCA 

WM  ddajrrd  on  one  pretext  or  another,  this  procedure  cail- 
ing  forth  conwdemble  criticiHB.  The  WMion  wm  •  long 
<me,  but  before  it  cloMd  a  meamire  was  pancd  incraasinc 
the  number  of  representatives  in  the  AssemUj.  The  total 
membership  was  raised  from  eigfatjr-four  to  one  hur  lied  and 
thirty,  thus  givingwch  province  sixty-five  instead  of  forty- 
two  members.  The  object  of  the  increase  was  to  render 
constituencies  mon  uniform,  u  well  as  to  minimize  the 
danger  of  corrupt  influences  securing  control  of  a  maioritT 
of  the  members.  "'      ' 

Just  before  the  session  dosed,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
deal  with  the  question  of  the  seigniorial  tenure  in  Lower 
Canada,  and  a  Bill  for  the  aboUtion  of  the  system  was 
PMied  by  the  Assemblyt  but  the  Legislative  CouncU  re- 
fiised  concurrence,  and  the  matter  was  dropped  for  the  time 
bemg.  There  seemed  to  be  a  widespread  feeling  in  the 
country  thatthe  Legislative  CouncU  should  be  nude  elect- 
ive, but  to  effect  this  would  require  that  an  amendment  be 
made  to  the  Act  of  Union.  The  readiness  with  which  the 
Bntish  authorities  had  granted  the  colonial  government  fuU 
power  to  deal  with  questions  in  the  past,  however,  encour^ 
aged  the  Assembly  to  hope  that  power  would  be  gnnted  to 
change  the  Legislative  CouncU  from  an  appointive  to  an 
dective  bMis,  and  before  the  session  adjourned  the  Assem- 
bly agreed  to  despatch  an  address  to  London  asking  for  this 
concession.  ^ 

The  interval  between  the  sessions  of  1853  *"<>  »854  was 
mark^  by  the  negotiation  of  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  the 
United  Sutes.  Lord  Elgin  had  had  such  a  project  in 
mind  ever  since  the  date  of  his  arrival  in  Canada,  but  had 
found  difficulty  in  inducing  the  American  authorities  to  take 
the  matter  into  consideration.  The  project  was  not  one  to 
excite  party  feeling  in  the  republic,  and  there  was  no  teUing 
what  mterests  might  be  affected  by  its  adoption.  It  was  as 
likely  to  bring  weakness  as  strength  to  any  American  ad- 
ministration which  might  support  the  plan.  However,  in 
the  spnng  of  1854,  Lord  Elgin  and  Sir  FrancU  Hincks 


fl 

1- .  if 

mm 


:i 


ti\ 


, '  li  fc 


CdHMJI  VNDU  THi  UMIOH 


4»« 


wtnt  to  Wathington  to  uift  the  natttr.    Both  hid  mot 
tht  pravMNM  wintOT  in  EnffauMi,  whm  tht  oycMkm  had 
been  gone  over  hf  the  home  govonneiit  and  the  coidial 
rapport  of  the  ktter  obtained.    Few  Canadians  hoped  that 
*^  ouaHon  wodd  be  racceMfiil,  and  the  apeedy  eonduaion 
treatyduringtherammerof  i854wasagreatrarpriae. 
It  nas  been  laid  that  Ekin  •eeurad  the  rapport  of  the  South- 
«m  repnaentativea  in  Ac  United  States  Senate  by  declaring 
that  if  redpfodtjr  were  not  rnnted,  Canada  wouM,  befeie 
long,  seek  admisbton  to  the  Union  as  an  anti-slave  Sttte. 
By  the  ptovisions  of  the  titanr,  mutual  privileges  were  given 
^  cteisens  of  ^h  countiy  in  the  matter  of  coast  fisheries. 
The  St.  Lawrence  in  so  ftr  as  it  ran  wholly  thioudi  Cana- 
dian territor/.  Lake  .Michigan  and  the  Canadian  canals  were 
opened  on  equal  terms  to  all  British  and  American  citizens. 
It  was  agreed  that  Canada  should  levy  no  taxes  on  Maine 
lumber  passing  down  St.  John  River.   But  the  most  impor- 
tant  provisions  of  the  treaty  were  those  which  estabUshed 
free  trade  between  the  two  countries  in  regard  to  an  exten- 
sive list  of  cmuttodities,  chiefly  raw  productt.     Of  these 
the  most  important  were  nun,  flour,  breadstuffs  of  all 
kinds,  animals,  meats,  pouluy,  eggs,  fish,  lumber,  hides, 
ores,  hemp,  and  tobacco.     The  treaty  was  to  remain  in 
force  for  ten  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  period  it 
mi^t  be  terminated  by  either  party  on  twelve  months 
notice.     In  iu  resulu  the  reciprocity  arrangement  was 
of  decided  advantage  to  Canada.     Within  a  year  the  trade 
between  the  two  countries  had  m<»e  than  doubled,  and 
before  the  treaty  wa,   '*  jJly  abro^ted  in  1866,  it  had  in- 
creased sixfold.     The  -.caty  had  been  amngnl  at  a  very 
"»  Jilline  time,  for  the  price  of  gnun  was  akeady  going  up 
0     ng  to  tlie  Crimean  War.  Between  the  war  and  the  treaty, 
^^dtural  Can«ia  found  ample  grounds  for  prosperity. 

HllMi  arc!  Hincks  returned  from  Washington  in  time  to 

«fi*-«Bc  Parlument  just  a  single  day  within  the  limit  fixed 

The  Pai&iment  House  at  Qisebec  had  been  acci- 

<-  <  bomed  since  the  last  session  a-  i  temporary  quarters 


4aa         CJMJD4  4ND  MUntM  NOMTH  4MMIUCJ 

eTSrJflLiSL  «-!  ^**^  ''"^  **«^  fendtea  br  many 
•wwon,  thmfeie,  tnded  without  .  •inriTmSSu™  l,.»ii! 

<tsrsi:L2r.E"^  *-^^  b:Xot3~D;4lK 

event  of^1^^S^to1^*"L^t:te  «  ** 

jwult  of  the  contett  wu  unfiironible  totheiL  T^Kl 
Monn  Minwiy,  theiefoie.  went  out  of3l~  '5!^"«»" 
•ition  to  the  miniitrv   kl-«l;^         ^*     ^he  oppo- 

Sir  Allan  MacNab,  hitherto  a  MtnoT^^Z^^'  T. 
^i-   Thecoalit£,Iurb«n\S^^^*TT'^*'"*«*' 
ft^ding  thaTKlSn^f t^  ^  "  ^^i"^- 
•orial  tenure  ■hould  be  «*tW  -       ^  ^        "*•  "*%^ 
di«ction  werel^Sertl?..!      ««»"<'  ««P«  »  ^ 

I«  will  be  remembered  that  the  Act  of  !«..«  k.j    • 
authority  for  the  .ale  of  A    R««Jv«  Jd  flT.?  '**^  Pr*" 
ton  of  the  or    '.-d.  !-»».     .k   ^    ^"  "*  **  «»»tnbu- 


[l! 


cdMADd  I'NDu  rm  intioit 


4*3 


dM  mcrvtd  kn^  sIkniM  be  told  tnd  the  proceed*  sppor* 
tioaed  mmi^  dw  diferent  muricipaiitiea  in  pn^nion  to 
their  pepohttioa,  to  be  used  for  education.  <  weA  otiter  muni- 
cit«l  pufpoeet.  But  til  inannbentt  whw  luid  dnwn  their 
ittpenda  nron  dM  reeerve  (mAt  before  i8s3.  ****  *o  ''■■v* 
sock  pajmoitt  continued  to  them  for  Itfo.  Thete  ni^ 
however,  commute  tbdr  annuities  for  a  lump  tom.  "fh* 
mcaMue  was  Utterly  opposed  by  the  friends  of  the  Church 
of  Englairf,  but  to  no  purpose,  for  it  had  the  cordial  sup- 
port of  the  larfs  OHiioritjr  of  the  Protestant  population. 
For  this  final  denial  ia  its  long-standing  claims,  the  An^ 
can  Church  had  to  thank  its  over-sealous  leaders  men 
like  Bishop  Soachan — ^whosr  extravagant  and  ovcrweenii^ 
assumptions,  togMher  wkh  dieir  undignified  intrignetjr  in 
iioliticiil  matters  had  united  the  whole  non-An^ican  popu- 
lation aninst  them.  In  the  light  of  insults,  dM  Church  of 
En^and  in  Cana^  must  hmior  Strachan  more  for  hk 
indomttaUe  energr  and  for  his  unswervii^  fefalty  to  what 
he  believed  to  be  her  interests  than  for  dM  outcome  of  his 
statesmanship.  Yet,  with  all  his  fouks,  there  are  few  «^ 
hdd  a  worthier  i^ace  amoi^  the  makers  of  Canadian  histoiy. 

The  other  question,  that  of  the  seigniorial  tenure,  was 
not  so  easily  stdved.  Several  yean  previously,  le^shtion 
had  been  secured  pcrmittif^  the  seipiion  to  commute 
their  annual  paymentt  to  the  crown  into  a  lump  sum  and 
to  make  like  arrangemenu  with  their  etmsiimirtt.  But  these 
Acts  were  permissory  only,  and  did  not  make  commutadon 
compulsory.  The  result  wm  that  very  few  commutations 
were  arrsnged.  The  cenenU  opinion  was  that  the  seignio- 
rial system  was  entiruy  unsuitable  to  existing  conditions 
of  ag^culture,  and  that  the  best  interests  of  the  province 
demanded  its  abolidon.  And  since  the  cnuitmrwt  were,  as  a 
class,  very  poor,  it  seemed  certain  that  part,  at  least,  of  the 
expense  wcmld  have  to  be  borne  by  the  public  treasury. 

The  measure  now  introduced  and  known  as  the  Seign- 
iorial Tenures  Abdidon  Bill  proposed  to  make  compulKMy 
the  commuution  of    "udal  tenure  into  tenure  in  free  and 


f 


.  1 


424  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

common  tocagej  the  cost  to  be  home  partly  by  the  province, 
o^^^  «  "Pon  their  land..     To  ««le  the  Such-mooted 

ground,  for  indemnity,  a  special  court  compo.ed  of  ail  the 
judge,  of  the  two  higher  court,  in  Lower  CanS  waTcon! 
.muted  and  It.  report  wa.  made  the  ba,i.  in  e^mlSe  the 
claim,  of  .eignior.  to  compenmion.  The  repom^f^£ 
mbunal  form  one  of  the  be.t  .ource,  for  the'SuSy  of  i 

f^A  T^  ®  J  ^'^^  '^  ^*"**»"  P«-li.ment  .ucce«. 
fully  and  the  work  of  commuution  wa.  completed  withto^ 
few  yean  the  co«  to  the  province,  being  JnSSr^wZtr 
three  million,  of  dollar..  The  measure  i^comSd  much 
for  agriculture  in  the  province.  *=«"P"»nea  much 

The«  two  great  question,  having  been  di.powd  of  the 
«..ion  .oon  came  to  an  end,  but  it  talce,Tph«  t 
the  annals  of  colonial  parliamentary  govemmen  ta.  tvine 

earner  day.      Lord  Elgin's  term  as  governor  expired  about 

for  SLTll'*^'*)'  ""t  ?"  '""•'^P  '^^  hi'dep^" 
for  England.    Hi.  regime  had  opened  under  the  moM  inau" 

honor  then  sufficed  to  restrain  the  strife  of  warring  fact  on. 
It  now  clo««l  in  a  period  of  unp«cedented^ifi<5  r: 
quillity  and  economic  prosperity.  For  this  rSdt  U  JSd 
he  inaccurate  to  ascribe  to  the  «ri  the  full  crS^   B^ht 

irys'"b;wr\rr'lr  rK™'"'^^  °-  f-  -«^ 

always  bowing  to  the  will  of  his  constitutional  adviser. 

.S  de'L  hJ?"  "kL""'  ^*  r"~  "^  event,  rn  J 
siignt  degree.  H,s  forbearance  and  moderation  durine  the 
stormy  days  of  1849,  and  his  unsparing  effort.  "nth?fai« 

trZ'^'^V"'  "*"*"  "^^^^  Canadians  J  not  liZ^ 
forget  in  their  estimate  of  the  man.  Elgin's  cr^ticf  iJ 
asserting  that  his  services  to  the  colony  were^"al  Sb^ed 
under  the  orders  of  other  men,"  foiet  that  the  cZS!. 
of  the  early  fifties  would  not  hive  b^kS^^an^iJ^;^^: 


CANADA  UNDER  THE  UN  JON 


425 


departure  from  a  policy  of  political  laisttx-faire  on  the  part 
of  their  chief  executive.  Hit  clear  and  logical  graip  of  the 
principle  of  ministerial  responsibility  entitles  him  to  rank 
with  Duriiam  and  Sydenham  as  the  ftthers  of  colonial  self- 
government. 

The  new  governor-general  was  Sir  Edmund  Head,  who 
had  already  seen  some  colonial  service  as  governor  of  New 
Brunswick.  The  coalition  ministiy  still  maintained  itself 
in  power,  showing  a  revival  in  strength  which  was  due  not 
a  little  to  the  skill  in  party  management  shown  by  Mr.  John 
Alexander  Macdonald,  who  now  held  the  post  of  attorney- 
general.  This  young  member  for  Kingston  was  gradually 
forging  his  way  to  the  front,  and  was  destined  within  a  few 
years  to  become  prime  minister.  In  1856,  it  was  decided 
that  as  seats  in  the  Legislative  Council  became  vacant 
through  the  death  or  retirement  of  occupants,  new  members 
should  be  elected  by  the  people  for  an  eight-year  term. 
But  vacancies  occurred  slowly,  and  long  before  the  Upper 
House  had  acquired  a  completely  elective  basis,  the  whole 
political  system  had  been  changed  by  confederation.  Ever 
since  the  Union  the  practice  had  been  to  require,  on  any 
measure  which  affected  either  province  in  particular,  a  ma- 
jority of  the  members  from  that  province  as  well  as  a  nujor- 
ity  of  the  whole  Assembly.  But  when  Macdonald  acceded 
to  the  post  of  prime  minister  in  1857,  •»«  found  that  his 
strength  lay  chiefly  in  Lower  Canada,  and  that  among  the 
members  from  the  Upper  Province  he  could  not  be  sure 
of  a  working  majority.  Hence,  he  abandoned  the  principle 
of  the  «  double  majority,"  as  it  was  caUed.  For  this  he  was 
much  criticised  by  his  opponents,  for,  while  the  practice 
had  no  statutory  basis,  it  had  come  to  be  recognized  as  a 
convention  of  the  constitution. 

One  perplexing  question  which  gave  the  ministry  no  end 
of  difficulty  was  the  choice  of  a  colonial  capital.  Since 
the  destruction  of  the  Parliament  building  at  Montreal  the 
legislature  had  been  meeting  alternately  at  Quebec  and 
Toronto,  but  this  ambulatory  system  had  served  to  quiet 


li- 1  ■ 


i  I 


^^ 


426         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

provincial  jealousies  only  at  great  expense  and  with  much 
inconvenience  to  all  concerned.     At  the  same  time  neither 
provmce  was  as  yet  wiUing  to  agree  on  a  permanent  capital 
m  the  territory  of  the  other.     A  happy  solution  was  found 
by  referring  the  matter  to  Queen  Victoria,  and,  in  1858, 
her  majesty  designated  the  rising  little  borough  of  Bytown, 
at  the  junction  of  Rideau  and  Otuwa  Rivers,  as  the  most 
suitable  centre.     The  main  consideration  influencing  this 
selection  was  the  geographical  position  of  Bytown  on  the 
boundary  between  the  two   provinces.     The   people  of 
Montreal  were  especially  chagrined  at  the  outcome,  accept- 
ing their  logical   punishment   for  past   misconduct  with 
ill-concealed  chagrin.     A  number  of  members  from  both 
provinces  joined  the  opposition  in   supporting  a  motion 
which  expressed  regret  at  the  choice.     The  ministry  ac- 
cepted the   adoption  of  this   motion   as  a  censure,  and 
forthwith  resigned.     Governor  Head,  in  accordance  with 
established  parliamenury  usage  in  Great  Britain,  at  once 
called  upon  Mr.  George  Brown,  the  leader  of  the  opposition 
in  the  Assembly,  to  assume  the  task  of  forming  a  new  min- 
istry, and  Brown  assumed  the  duty  with  such  alacrity  that 
he  was  able  to  announce  his  new  administration  within  two 
days.    But  he  had  succeeded  to  power  upon  a  chance  vote 
arid  there  was  no  hope  of  his  being  able  to  retain  office 
without  an  immediate  dissolution  of  the  Assembly.     This 
he  asked,  but  as  the  existing  Parliament  was  less  than  a  year 
old,  Head  refused  the  request.     The  Assembly  forthwith 
voted  Its  want  of  confidence  in  the  new  ministry  and  Brown's 
two-day  regime  came  to  an  end. 

The  Macdonald  ministry  returned  to  power  after  its 
brief  recess,  but  it  at  once  had  to  face  an  interesting  con- 
stitutional question.  Was  it  necessary  for  the  returned 
ministers  to  seek  reelection  at  the  hands  of  their  respeaive 
constituents?  The  usual  British  practice  whereby  any 
member  accepting  a  new  office  under  the  crown  should  seek 
reelection,  had  been  modified  by  a  Canadian  Act  known  as 
an  "Act  to  further  secure  the  Independence  of  Parliament," 


CANADA  UNDER  THB  UNION 


4*7 


passed  in  1857.  "^^i*  *tatute  provided  in  general  terms 
that  a  minister  who  resigned  from  the  cabinet  and  within 
a  month  accepted  any  ttbtr  office  should  lut  be  com- 
pelled to  seek  reelection.  As  it  was  quite  possible  that 
some  of  his  colleagues  would  fail  to  secure  reelection, 
Macdonald  consented  to  shelter  himself  within  the  provi- 
sions of  this  statute  by  having  his  ministers  take  up  other 
portfolios  than  the  ones  they  had  resigned  only  a  few  days 
previously.  Thus,  while  the  general  composition  of  the 
ministry  remained  unchanged,  the  acceptance  by  each 
minister  of  another  office  thiw  that  which  he  had  previously 
held,  served  to  effect  compliance  with  the  letter  of  the 
statute.  This  done,  it  was  easy  to  further  shuffle  each  min- 
ister back  to  his  old  portfolio  within  the  next  few  weeks. 
Obviously  enough  the  intention  of  the  sutute  had  been  to 
faciliute  casual  changes  in  office,  and  the  framers  had  cer- 
tainly never  intended  that  it  should  be  utilized  to  excuse  a 
whole  ministry  from  conformity  to  plain  constitutional 
usage.  However,  the  courts  held  that  there  had  been  no 
violation  of  any  bw,  and  as  the  restored  ministry  com- 
manded a  majority  boi'  in  the  Legislative  Council  and  in 
the  Assembly,  the  ruse  was  completely  successful.  But 
there  were  many  influential  men  in  both  provinces  who 
expressed  in  no  uncertaii.  terms  their  disapproval  of  the 
"moral  turpitude"  involved  in  this  ** double-shuffle,"  as 
the  procedure  was  popularly  called.  The  episode  was  made 
a  reproach  to  Macdonald  throughout  the  remainder  of  his 
lengthy  political  career,  althoygh,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  he 
had  given  only  a  reluctant  consent  to  the  procedure. 

It  was  at  this  time  (1859)  «•»«  Canada  first  committed 
herself  to  the  policy  of  protection,  for  in  1858  the  general 
level  of  duties  was  raised  from  ten  to  fifteen  per  cent,  while 
a  rate  of  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  per  cent  was  placed  on 
certain  enumerated  commodities,  the  production  of  which  it 
was  thought  wise  to  encourage  at  home.  In  the  following 
year  the  general  average  went  up  to  twenty  per  cent,  while 
the  category  of  specially  enumerated  articles  was  considerably 


ili*\  *   r 


;/ 


4a8       cjnjdji  and  British  north  jimerica 

extended.     Macdonald  was  a  atrong  piotectionut  and  the 
inauguration  of  the  policy  was  mainly  his  personal  work. 

In  the  foUowine;  Y^^y  »86o,  Canada  was  favoied  with  a 
visit  from  her  present  sovereign,  Edward  VII.,  at  that  time 
a  manly  youth  of  nineteen.     All  parties  united  in  making 
his  welcome  a  most  hearty  one,  and  the  unstinted  ovations 
tendered  the  prince  gave  little  room  for  doubt  as  to  the 
loyalty  and  good  wiU  of  the  colony  toward  the  motherhnd. 
i-  rom  enH  to  end  of  the  United  Provinces  coun*jy  and  town 
vied  m  cordiality  of  welcome.    A  short  visit  to  the  United 
States  where  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  gr— ed  with  the 
cUractenstic  courtesy  of  a  generous  people,  ^ave  hope  that 
a  cordial  raffnebemtnt  of  the  two  great  Anglo-Saxon  States 
was  at  hand  j  a  hope  which,  unfortunately,  wa«  soon  to  pro'x 
unfounded;  for  the  republic  was  now  nea  ...g  an  internecine 
conflict  which  was  to  shake  the  Union  to  its  foundations. 
And  many  Batons,  both  at  home  and  in  the  colonies,  while 
they  may  have  differed  as  to  the  merits  of  the  questions  at 
issue  between  the  North  and  the  South,  left  little  doubt  a.,  to 
their  strong  "Southern  sympathy."     Strong  enough  as  this 
was  at  the  outset  of  the  American  Civil  War,  it  was 
soon  intensified  by  the  tension  which   the  Trent   affiiir 
produced. 

Toward  the  end  of  1861,  Sir  Edmund  Head  gave  up 
his  post.  Without  having  displayed  any  rare  qualities 
of  statesmanship,  he  had,  in  the  general  mind,  made  a 
good  impression.  His  successor,  akeady  on  the  ground, 
was  Lord  Monck.  The  Trent  affiur  had  turned  the  atten- 
tion of  the  colonial  authorities  to  die  weakness  of  Canadian 
mUitary  organization,  aad  steps  were  at  once  taken  to  im- 
prove It,  especially  since  the  American  conflict  had  given 
militarism  in  Canada  a  considerable  impetus.  The  MUitia 
Bill,  as  presented  in  th-  session  of  1862,  was  one  of  very 
wide  scope,  and  had  it  been  adopted  die  colony  would  have 
been  provided  with  a  large  and  well-oi^anized  force.  But 
mihtansin,  as  European  Sutes  have  learned,  necessiut  !w 
expenditures,  and  in  Lower  Canada  especially,  ther       A 


nf 


'  1 

it 


li^'    ■ 

ftff' 


/ 


CANMA  UNDER  THE  UlttON 


•trong  feeling  that  the  Bill  contemplated  a  greater  outlay 
than  the  colony  could  well  aflbrd.  Fuithennore,  there  wen 
many  objections  to  deuils  of  the  measure,  and  the  ministry 
was  not  able  to  meet  many  of  these  satisfictorily.  Since 
the  last  elections  it  had  lost  considerable  strength,  especially 
owing  to  gross  mismanagement  in  connection  with  the  erec> 
tion  of  the  new  Parliament  buildings  ut  Bytown,or  Ottawa, 
as  it  had  now  come  to  be  called.  Nine  hundred  thousand 
dollars  had  been  appropriated  to  cover  the  cost,  but  this 
sum  was  now  exhausted,  and  still  the  sutely  pile  of  struct- 
ures was  nr  half  completed.  The  Militia  Bill  was  defeated 
in  the  Assembly,  and  the  Macdonald  ministry  resigned,  to 
be  succeeded  by  an  administration  headed  by  Messrs.  John 
Sandfield  McDonald  and  L.  V.  Sicotte.  The  new  ministers 
promised  much;  the  restoration  of  the  ** double-majority" 
principle,  an  amended  Militia  Bill,  an  incraase  in  the  duties, 
and  so  on,  hi**  it  found  much  difficulty  in  securing  a  woric- 
ing  majority  for  any  of  its  proposak,  and  in  the  course  of 
1863  it  was  compelled  to  resort  to  an  appeal  to  the  con- 
stituencies in  r  i-r  to  strengthen  itself.  But  the  even 
balance  of  par  /  strength  was  not  appreciably  disturbed. 
En^shmen  were  chafed  to  find  that  the  colony  was  so 
loth  to  shoulder  the  bunten  of  its  own  defence,  and  Lord 
Palmerston  made  no  secret  of  his  disappointment.  In  the 
end,  an  amended  Militia  Bill  was  passed,  but  it  satisfied 
nei*  her  party. 

The  general  hostility  of  Canadians  toward  the  Northern 
States  during  their  hour  of  trial,  together  with  the  prevalent 
feeling  that  Canada  was  profiting  more  than  the  United 
Sutes  by  the  continuance  in  force  of  the  reciprocity  arrange- 
ments of  1854,  led  the  Washington  authorities  to  give 
notice  that  the  treaty  would  be  abrogated.  This  announce- 
ment, as  well  as  the  feeling  that  rebtions  between  the 
reconstructed  republic  and  Great  Britain  were  becoming 
dangerously  strained,  created  a  widespread  depression  in 
the  United  Provinces.  A  strong  administration  was  de- 
sired by  everyone,  yet  neither  Action  seemed  to  be  capable 


^    I 


I  ■■ 


n^i 


Ji 


!-| 


III 


-  ) 


I     r, 


7 


•  1 


430         CJNJDJ  JND  BUTtSH  NORTH  JMMMICJ 

ofp«vWing  it  The  SwdfieW  McDonidd^cotte  minUtry 
h^  been  ihghtJ  V  reoig«ized  by  the  retirement  of  Sicotte  m^ 
the  entrance  o^  Dorion,  but  thi.  »d  le,,  import«u  SS 
gave  «  httle  «lditiond  Miength.     B»  the  Sof^Sr 

foundll?""  ;;"•  '"''^'•^•'^  compLted.  ^tLZ^^ 
found  itielf  unable  to  cany  its  meuuret  through  the  AueZ 

fnend.  could  not  form  any  combination  which  might  eve! 
hope  for  a  majority.     By  midaummer  affiura  were  at  an 

S  ttrfrnirirK  r  *•  *'~'i*^°'"  '«*'  ^^^  ^^^  ^ 

l^Af  A  "  ^"  "^  apparently  been  put  to  its  test 
and  found  wantmg.  Another  dis«,lition  m£ht  have  b«^ 
tned.  but  the  country  was  heartUy  tiied  of  "ontiS  dS" 

icZiZ^'  °" -^  ^"'°''*'  ^^'^  "<•  neither  ;^y 
desired  the  turmoils  and  expense  of  another  contest.     It 

r.!^l  .oT"!'  "^^"^  ""•"*«»°n«J  government  seemed 
an  extremely  happy  solution  of  the  whole  difficulty  was 

Upper  Canada  Liberalism,  now  came  forward  and  aneed 
.0  r3S**  '^f  ""^  .«''»in«nition  which  would  atS 
to  cany  through  a  project  for  the  confederation  of  all  the 

tl^ZTf^'^S'^^T^'"^'^''*'    OnthisbasiaacoT 
bv  thTJn™*^'  ""^  the  countiy  was  forthwith  astounded 
by  the  announcement  that  Geoi^  Brown  and  John  A 
J^donald,  hitherto  the  most  uncompromising  of  HWcii 
foes,  were  row  to  sit  in  the  same  ministry.     For  tWs  foj- 
nmate  compromi«,  fraught  with  momento!.,  consequence! 
Canadians  may  thank  the  political  deadlock  more  tC The 
disposinon  of  either  statesman.     Historian.  haveTuaHy 

Sr  ^f  M    a'^^'^  considerable  condescension  on  the 
part  of  Macdonald  to  meet  his  old  opponent  half  way 

the  Macdonald-Brown  coalition  of  1864  was  a  very  marked 
exception,  a.  subsequent  events  will  serve  to  dioW!^ 


CdMJDJi  UNDER  THE  UNION 


43* 


The  feeling  in  hvm  of  confedention  had  for  veui  been 
Kwdily  growiiiffi  in  the  CiuuuiUf  while  in  the  Maritime 
Provinces  the  idea  of  a  tepanue  union  was  gaining  giound. 
Already  arruigemenu  had  been  made  by  them  for  the  hold- 
ing of  a  convention  at  Chariottetown,  Prince  Edward  Island, 
in  order  that  the  matter  might  be  discussed.     Here  was  the 
opportuninr  for  the  coalitiongovemment,  and  the  moment 
was  not  allowed  to  pass.     The  Maritime  Provinces  mi^t 
be  induced  to  mern  their  scheme  in  the  more  ambitious 
project  of  a  pnenil  federation  of  all  the  provinces.    Ac- 
cordingly a  deputation  was  sent  down  to  Charlottetown, 
where  it  was  arranged  that  a  general  conference  of  dele- 
gates from  all  five  provinces  and  from  Newfmindhwd 
should  be  held  at  Quebec  durine  the  following  month  for 
the  purpose  of  considering  the  whole  scheme  of  confedera- 
tion.    Meanwhile,  those  who  had  the  project  most  at  heart, 
devoted  themselves  vigorously  to  the  task  of  moulding 
public  opinion  in  its  fiivor.     The  Quebec  conference  was 
duly  held  in  September  and  after  three  weeks  of  cautious, 
yet  on  the  whole,  harmonious  deliberations,  a  tentative 
basis  of  union  was  agreed  upon  and  embodied  in  a  series  of 
resolutions.    These  were  to  be  sent  to  the  various  legisk- 
tures  for  their  approval)  in  the  meantime  a  strong  del^ 
tion  went  to  En^d  to  commend  the  scheme  to  the  British 
authorities.  But  many  difficulties  were  yet  to  be  encountered. 
The  Parliament  of  the  United  Provinces  approved  the  pro- 
ject after  a  prolonged  debate,  but  Newfoundland  and  Prince 
Edward  Ishwd  voted  against  it,  while  in  New  Brunswick 
and  Nova  Scotia  the  defeat  of  the  pioponl  seemed  certain. 
The  delegation  sent  to  En^and  found  the  British  govern- 
ment favorably  disposed  toward  confederation,  but  very  firmly 
determmed  not  to  coerce  any  unwilling  province  into  accept- 
ance.   Fortunately,  those  who  had  the  matter  in  charge  were 
not  overcome  with  discouragement,  and  it  happened  that  the 
events  of  1866  distinctly  strengthened  their  hands. 

Amidst  the  political  excitement  of  the  year,  the  provinces 
were  called  upon  to  face  a  new  danger  from  without  their 


!UJ 


s 


,J 


! 


43a         CJM4D4  AND  BUTttH  NORTH  AMMUCd 


T    T^t*  ^'''''  W*'  w  «•>•  United  Sutet  wm  now  « 

an  end  and  lame  bodiet  of  Southern  •vnpethisera  found 
refute  ui  the  CwmIm.     A.  ewly  m  1864.  they  had  been 
coming  over  m  conuderaUe  numbers,  and  had  settled,  for 
the  most  part,  in  Lower  Canada.     Before  long  they  began 
touse  Canadian  territory  as  a  base  of  operations  against  the 
borders  of  Vermont  and  several  incurnons  across  the  line 
were  made.     Of  these  the  most  important  was  the  raid 
which  a  number  of  Confederate  soldiers,  under  the  notori- 
mis  Bennett  H.  Young,  undertook  across  to  St.  Albans. 
Vermont,  where  they  plundered  the  local  banks  and  esoiped 
back  to  Lower  Canada.     The  extradition  of  these  raiders 
was  at  once  demanded  by  the  Washington  authorities,  but 
the  Canadian  courts,  after  a  series  of  bearings,  decided  that 
smce  the  party  had  acted  under  instructions  of  the  Confed- 
erate government  they  had  the  sutus  of  recwnized  bellis- 
erentt  and  were  not  amenable  to  extradition.     This  stand, 
however,  placed  upon  the  Canadas  the  onus  of  having  per. 
mitted  their  territoiy  to  be  used  as  a  base  of  operations 
anmst  a  friendly  Sute.     The  episode  greatly  angered  the 
Washington  government  and  a  delegation  sent  by  Canada 
to  ask  for  the  renej^  of  the  Reciprociiy  Treaty  reeved  an 

!!!!!?Li  u    n'     ^^  ••"'''"8  °^  *••  •"i"'*"  'WM  strongly 
**PP?^  "?.  "f*>«"»»  who  resigned  from  the  government  to 
mark  his  displeasure  at  the  action  of  his  coUeagues.     But 
many  in  the  Northern  States  were  prepared  to  show  their 
antagonism  to  Canada  in   ways  more  violent  than  the 
refusal  of  commercial  amity.     The  ranks  of  the  Federals 
dunng  the  war  had  included  a  large  number  of  Irish-Ameri- 
cans  and  these  were  loth  to  beat  their  swords  into  pruning 
hooks  now  that  the  conaict  was  over.     For  some  time  tU 
chief  Irish  organization  in  the  United  Sutes— The  Fenian 
Brotherhood— had  been  maturing  a  project  for  the  liberarion 
of  Ireland  by  an  attack  on  British  interesu  in  America,  and 
It  now  found  willing  agents  among  the  disbanded  Irish 
l-ederals.    After  the  usual  prelude  of  threats,  a  band  of 
about  nine  hundred   Fenians  crossed   the  frontier  near 


n 


CJlMdDd  UNDM  TH  >  UNION 


433 


tf^ 


NttfUB  and  be^  their  BWRh  ink.  !.  Without  delay  the 
Camdian  authontie*  bitnried  a  force  t  f  militia  to  the  Niapra 
district,  ami,  after  a  sharp  encountt  r  near  tlie  viUafe  of 
Ridgewajr,  forced  the  Feniana  back  acroet  the  river  where 
they  were  taken  in  chaife  Inr  the  American  police  and  militia 
for  violatimi  of  the  ncutnditjr  Uws.  A  couple  of  less  pr«- 
tentious  raids  were  made  into  Lower  Camula  about  the  same 
time  and  with  the  same  results.  The  «4ide  affiur  wu  mia- 
erably  planned  and  as  miserably  executad.  But  it  served 
to  show  the  |»ovinces  that  theur  militaij  weakness  invited 
attack  and  many  now  cwne 
means  of  greatly  augaae< 
While  this  wu  going  ( 
had,  after  a  sharp  polttt< 
tion,  and,  although  Princ 
still  held  aloof,  it  wat 
form  a  sufficient  nucle 
four  were  srat  to  Engk 
a  conference  with  the  ' 
scheme  were  daborated 
all  sides  and  that  the  d 
harmonised  was  due  Bfc 
uct  of  Mr.  MacdoiM]<! 
were  then  embodied  k 
America  Act,  passed  P: 
assent  during  March,  1M7 
confederation  of  dw  iawr  p*^ 
to  be  known  as  C  .uio,  < 
Brunswick,  into  the  Domin 
at  Otttwa.  The  federal  emetii 
in  the  hands  of  a  govenuMVfnF  3 
this  official  to  be  assitted  by 
The  legislative  power  was  cu 
consisting  of  a  Senate  and  m  I 

Kvemor-genend  having  the  tm^ 
jislation.    The  Senate  was  to  W 


look  upon  confederation  as  a 
^hary  stre^  fth. 

aSee^  tma  ^ew  Brunswick 

Ttest,  derlawii  for  confedera- 

rdlrtmdaarf  ^iewfounJland 

^  thr  four  pr>  vinces  would 

cordial^,  delegates  from  all 

dM  auiiMi  af  1866,  and  in 

the  detafls  of  the 

to  I     made  <m 

^ie  iiiui  III!  wars  so  successfully 

ij  to  tl    'o^remig  personality  and 

The  sgrcf  iVBBts  o(  thr  conference 

Kil  wh;  1,  m  te  British  North 

■iiamen     md   received  the  royal 

1  his  Act  |»ovided  for  the 

?h  were  henceforth 

•vm  Scotia,  and  New 

'  t  ajMds  with  iu  capital 

e  power  was  to  be  vested 

li  .apv  icd  by  tiw  crown, 

tool  as  in  Britain. 

d  to  a   Parliament 

e  of  Commons;   the 

j«y  of  assenting  to  all 

wsed  of  seventy-two 


members,  appointed  by  the  crown  fo>   ife,  t^^/enty-four  each 


*'*  \     i' '' 


434        CiMIAf  JND  UUTUM  MOUTH  MUUU 

{jrO»t«iio Mid  QipAic, lad  twdy. «di  fer  tht  M«W»« 
nonaen.  AnufMBMitt  w«ri  midt  for  Meh  fwdjuttaMm 
in  MMiorkl  repitmitUMNi  m  aright  bi  msde  nccMnrr  b* 
M^jdmiwoii  of  other  provincM,  but  th«  total  nuabv  oT 
MBtton  WM  not  to  cxcMd  Mveiitjr.dght.  At  for  tht 
Hotm  of  Comnont,  the  Quebec  fcpmentitioii  wm  r  .v 
mwMatljr  lixcd  at  sixtjr^ve  nMrnben,  wbOe  the  other  mm. 
tacet  were  to  be  lepieeemed  accen^  to  their  nMve 
populatioo  on  this  baaic  Memben  wen  to  be  elected 
ftooi  teiritorial  conatitiieiieiee  deliiBitad  bv  fcdefal  law. 
The  durMion  of  Ihuriianieat  was  not  to  exceed  five  Ttan. 

^^^no  twelve  raontha  were  to  be  allowed  to  l^ee  wkhoM 
a  leeeion. 

I*ch  of  the  four  province^  again,  wae  to  hare  its  local 
•dmUuttiationfConMMing  of  a  lieutenant-fovemor,  appointed 
by  the  crown  on  the  reconnendttioa  of  the  nvemor- 
tw»e»I  and  a  Imtlature  which  was  to  consiet  of  two  Houaea 
accept  in  the  ftovince  of  Ontario  where  a  au^  elective 
AKemWv  wa»  deemed  Miflcient.  The  mpective  powera 
M  tfce  ftderd  and  provincial  authoritict  were  defined  tw 
the  Act.  In  general,  aU  matters  aftcting  the  Dominion  M 
a  wbote  were  made  mattera  of  federal  juriadiction,  while 
pwwy  lo«I  aAira  were  givm  over  to  the  provincial  govem- 
menta.  But  powera  not  expreaaljr  granted  to  the  provinces 
were  to  be  deemed  federal  powera.  Finally,  previaion  waa 
made  for  the  admiaaion  uf  other  provinces  whenever  these 
ahould  desire  to  be  admitted. 

By  nyj^  proclamation  the  Act  -ent  into  feree  on  July  i. 
1867.  On  that  day,  Lord  Mcick  issued  a  proclamation 
announcing  his  appointment  aa  governoMenenl,  and  at 
once  caUed  upon  Hon.  J.  A.  Macdonald  to  form  th,  first 
Uomuuon  Mmiatiy.  The  new  prime  miniater  of  Canada 
waa  at  once  made  a  knight,  while  minor  marks  of  royal 
*^**'*  "'^^Uy  distributed  among  others  who  had 
assiMed  him  in  bringing  the  confederatim  project  to  a  suc- 
cessful consummation.  Amid  considerable  enthusiasm  the 
new  Dominion  began  its  history. 


MflM 


vof 
Um 


ItIV* 
CtM 

law. 
nrt, 
bout 

on] 
Btcd 

nofw 


by 

I  M 

hile 
iru 


ion 
at 

irst 
uU 

tad 
ic- 
ht 


-*  I 


*tr"f^  //«*^J.a(«*.ir./«, 


\    jM 

vm 

SJW  ^ 

*«    \ 

Akbh 

m 

J[i  j 

J^H 

ii 

if 

-ta 

1 

( 

it 

i 

j 

n 

1 

f  r 

If' 


GILBERT  JOHN  ELLIOT,  EARL  OF  MINTO 

Cornnor-gmenl  of  Canada,  it9S-i904. 


li 


CHAPTER  XVir 

THE  DOMINION  SINCE  CONFEDERJTION 

The  birth  of  the  new  Dominion  on  July  i,  1867,  wu 
followed  in  the  autumn  by  the  fim  Dominion  election.    In 
Ontario,  George  Brown  rallied  a  strong  opposition  to  the 
coalition  government  throu^  the  agency  of  which.the  proj- 
ect of  confederation  had  become  an  established  fact.     A 
monster  reform  convention  summoned  at  Toronto  followed 
his  lead  and  condemned  the  policy  of  those  reformers  who 
stUl  remained  in  the  ministry.   In  Nova  Scotia,  Joseph  Howe, 
the  greatest  orator  and  most  magnetic  leader  of  his  day, 
bent  his  energies  to  the  creation  of  hostUity  to  the  new 
repme  in  his  province.     The  new  government  was  thus 
e«ly  put  upon  its  mettle.     But  in  Ontario,  despite  the 
efforts  of  Brown  and  his  friends,  together  with  his  powerful 
orgwi,  the  Tormta  GUtt^  the  general  disposition  to  give  the 
confederation  a  fair  trial  secured  to  the  new  govemmen.  a 
solid  majority.     In  Quebec  and  New  Brunswick  the  result 
was  similar  i  Nova  Scotia,  however,  sent  as  its  first  delega- 
tion to  Ottawa  a  solid  phalanx  of  eighteen  opposition  mem- 
bera  out  of  a  total  representation  of  nineteen.     Dr.  (later 
S>ir  Charles)  Tupper  was  the  only  supporter  of  the  govern- 
ment from  the  Acadian  peninsula.     But  the  government 
was  secure,  for  it  could  command  at  least  thiee-fourths  of 
all  the  members  returned.     When  the  House  met  on  No- 
vember 7th,  Lord  Monck,  in  the  speech  from  the  throne, 
outlined  the  measures  with  which  the  first  All-Canadian 

435 


436  CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

Legislature  was  to  be  asked  ro  consider.     The  currency, 
customs,  excise  and  other  laws  were  to  be  made  uniform  ( 
a  general  postal  service  was  to  be  arranged;  uniformity 
secured  in  criminal  law ;  general  legislation  regarding  patents 
and  bankruptcy  prepared,  and  provision  made  for  a  Cana- 
dian militia.     These  with  other  measures  made  up  a  rather 
formidable  catalogue  of  legislative  projects;  but  a  perhaps 
more  difficult  task  was  that  of  carrying  into  eflfect  the  pro- 
posal for  an  intercolonial  railway  to  connect  the  Maritime 
with  the  Upper  Provinces.     Naturally  enough,  the  whole 
ambitious  legislative  pnigramme  was  not  completed  in  one 
short  session,  and  Parliament  adjourned  about  Christmastide 
(1867)  to  meet  again  in  April.      During  the  interval,  the 
malcontents  in  Nova  Scotia,  headed  by  the  irrepressible 
Howe,  began  to  clamor  against  the  Union  with  redoubled 
vigor.   Mass  meetings  of  citizens  showed  unmistakably  the 
spirit  of  opposition  to  the  new  order,  and,  swayed  by  the  gen- 
eral feeling,  the  Nova  Scotia  Legislature  passed  an  address  to 
the  British  authorities  praying  for  the  release  of  that  prov- 
ince from  the  Union      To  present  this  address,  Howe  and 
three  others  were  sent  over  to  London,  but  the  Ottawa 
authorities  forthwith  met  this  move  by  promptly  despatching 
Dr.  Tupper  to  refute  their  represenutions,  which  he  did  with 
marked  success.    The  Duke  of  Buckingham,  then  colonial 
secretary,  stood  firm  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Union,  and 
the  dispirited  Acadians  returned  without  having  accomplished 
anything.    When  Parliament  resumed  its  session  in  April, 
1868,  the  members  set  themselves  vigorously  to  work  on 
the  huge  mass  of  legislation  still  before  them,  but  the  rest 
of  the  session  was  overshadowed  by  universal  sonow  for 
the  tragic  murder  on  April  7th  of  one  of  the  brightest 

and  rarest  men  who  ever  graced  a  Canadian  legislature 

Thomas  D'Arey  McGee.  A  rampant  anti-Britisher  in  his 
earlier  days  in  Ireland,  he  had  become  in  Canada  a  most 
ardent  supporter  of  British  supremacy.  A  gifted  poet,  a 
rare  orator,  a  man  of  magnetic  and  inspiring  personality, 
his  untimely  assassination  by  a  Fenian  cast  a  gloom  over 


■-5 
■■■3. 


m 


i 


*j 


» 


*iiff  I 


-  i 


^ 


THB  DOMINION  SINCE  CONFEDERATION 


437 


the  infant  legttlature  which  the  lapse  of  months  scarce  suf- 
ficed to  clear  away.  When  the  session  ended.  Sir  John 
Macdonald,  with  his  customary  diplomacy,  undertook  the 
task  of  conciliating  the  opposition  in  Nova  Scotia.  This 
he  so  successfully  accomplished  that  Jowph  Howe,  now 
convinced  that  secession  was  out  of  the  question,  accepted 
his  friendly  overtures  and  became  a  valuable  member  of  the 
Dominion  ministry,  in  which  he  remained  until  1873,  when 
he  accepted  the  position  of  lieutenant-governor  of  Nova 
Scotia.  His  desertion  of  the  malcontents  broke  the  strength 
of  the  secession  agiation,  but  many  of  his  friends  never 
forgave  his  change  of  front. 

Lord  Monck's  term  of  office  had  been  extended  in  order 
that  he  might  see  the  new  confederation  safely  on  its  way, 
but  the  end  of  the  year  1868  brought  his  extended  term  to 
a  close.  By  his  uniform  courtesy,  strict  impartiality,  and 
sympathetic  attitude  he  had  done  much  to  faciliute  the  great 
event  of  his  r^me,  and  he  now  left  Canada  with  the  best 
wishes  of  the  people.  His  successor  was  Sir  John  Young, 
an  Irish  baronet,  who  was  afterward  elevated  to  the  peerage 
as  Baron  Li^ar.  The  first  few  months  of  his  governorship, 
which  lasted  from  December  29,  1868,  to  June  22,  1872, 
were  marked  by  the  conclusion  of  the  «* better  terms" 
arrangements  with  Nova  Scotia,  involving  among  other 
things  an  additional  subsidy  to  that  province  in  return  for 
its  quiet  acceptance  of  the  Union.  Likewise,  negotiations 
were  opened  for  the  purchase  by  the  Dominion  authorities 
of  the  vast  tracts  of  noithwestem  territoiy  still  belonging 
to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 

Before  explaining  these  negotiations,  and  in  order  to 
appreciate  the  political  and  commercial  impoitance  of  the 
acquisition  of  the  company's  possessions,  it  is  necessary  to 
review  briefly  the  great  trading  company's  possessory  ri^ts 
and  rule.  As  eariy  as  1670,  certain  English  traders  had 
received  from  Charles  IL  a  charter  of  incorporation  as 
"The  Governor  and  Company  of  Merchants  Adventurers 
of  England  trading  into  Hudson's  Bay."     By  the  terms 


438         CdNdDd  AND  BHiriSM  NORTH  JMMRICJ 

of  thi*  charter  the  new  orfuitxation  wu  gtven  not  alone 
full  and  emlutive  trading  ri^ts,  but  actual  propnetonhip 
in  all  the  regions  watered  by  the  rivers  flowing  into  Hudson 
Bay  and  adjoining  waters.  During  the  next  forty-three 
years  the  new  company  vigorously  exfrioited  the  fur  trade 
of  the  repons  adjoining  the  bay,  expending  in  the  erection 
of  posts  and  ** factories*'  a  sum  estimated  at  upward  of  two 
hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling.  On  two  occasions  during 
this  period,  French  naval  expediticMis  destny^ed  many  of  the 
posts,  and  the  company  found  itself  unable  to  induce  the 
British  authorities  to  insist  upon  adequatr.  redress.  France 
had  not  overtly  recognized  the  Britirii  claim  to  the  Hudson 
Bay  region,  for,  curiously  enough,  neither  the  Treaty  of 
Saint-Germain-en-Laye  nor  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick  had 
nuule  mention  of  the  r^on  at  all.  It  was  not  until  the 
signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  that  the  British  daims  in 
the  north  were  exprnsly  conceded. 

During  the  next  half-centuiy  the  company  extended  iu 
operations  with  vigor,  but  did  not  push  its  posts  tu  from 
the  immediate  shores  of  the  bay.  Among  the  various  enter- 
prises undertaken,  not  the  least  important  were  the  journeys 
of  Samuel  Heame  for  the  diwoveiy  of  copper  mines  and  a 
northwest  passage.  These  voyages  were  made  in  1769- 
1772,  and  resulted  in  explorations  along  the  shores  of  the 
bay  to  Coronation  Gulf  and  of  much  of  the  territory  lying 
between  Athabasca  Lake  and  the  bay.  In  the  meantime, 
French  traders  from  Canada  found  their  way  along  Assini- 
botne,  Saskatchewan,  and  Red  Rivers.  While  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  officials  were  fully  aware  of  this  intrusion, 
the  company  made  no  endeavor  to  expel  the  interlopers,  nor, 
as  far  as  can  be  asceruined,  to  protest  against  their  pres- 
ence. But  when  the  Treaty  of  Paris  secured  the  whole 
of  Canada  to  Great  Britain,  the  company  promptly  extended 
its  claims  over  the  whole  of  the  northwestern  region  from 
the  bay  to  the  Rocky  Mounuins.  In  its  endeavor  to 
secure  a  monopoly  of  the  whole  fur  trade  of  the  northwest, 
however,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  soon  encountered 


m 


THE  DOMUnON  SINCE  COMtEDEEdflOH 


439 


oppotitkm  from  a  new  quaner.  Before  long  a  number  of 
Scotch  tradert  beg»n  to  make  their  way  to  the  Red  River 
recions,  and  in  1783  Mveral  of  these  oinnised  the  North 
West  Cmnpany,  with  headquanert  at  Fort  William,  on 
Lake  Superior.  From  this  point  the  new  company  spread 
its  poats  out  into  the  valleyi  of  the  peat  rivers  flowing 
toiirard  Hudson  Bay,  displaying  a  degree  of  enterprise 
which  greatly  alarmed  the  authorities  of  the  older  company. 
The  traders  of  the  respective  companies  developed  a  mutual 
bitterness  and  frequently  came  to  blows.  It  was  in  an 
endeavor  to  put  an  end  to  armed  collisions  between  rival 
bodies  of  traders  and  boatmen  that  the  British  authorities 
undertook,  in  1 821,  to  mediate  between  the  two  organixa^ 
tions.  The  result  was  that  the  two  companies  were  amal- 
gamated, and  the  North  West  Onnpany  came  to  an  end  u 
a  separate  organization.  Naturally  enough,  this  cessation 
of  disastrous  rivalry  greatly  incrnsed  thie  profitt  of  the 
northwestern  fur  trade,  and  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
entered  on  an  era  of  unprecedented  prosperity.  As  settlers 
began  to  flock  into  the  Red  River  district,  this  region  was 
given  a  form  of  government,  consisting  of  a  governor  ap- 
pointed by  the  company,  and  a  council  chosen  from  among 
the  more  prominent  inhabitants  of  the  district.  The  head- 
quarters were  fixed  at  Fort  Garry,  near  the  junction  of  Red 
and  Assiniboine  River^.  The  remaining  districts,  however, 
continued  to  be  ruled  by  the  trading  officials  of  the  com- 
pany.' It  was  in  this  state  that  matters  remained  down  to 
the  time  when  negotiations  for  the  acquisition  of  the  com- 
pany's territories  by  the  Canadian  authorities  were  begun. 
Both  the  Dominion  government  and  the  company  claimed 
jurisdiction  over  the  Red  River  Valley, — now  the  Province 
of  Manitoba, — and  as  the  respective  claims  seemed  improb- 
able of  reconciliation,  the  colonial  secretary.  Lord  Granville, 
undertook  to  arrange  a  basis  of  settlement.  For  a  large 
m<»ietary  consideration  the  company  parted  with  its  claims, 
and  the  great  northwestern  tracts  pMsed,  in  April,  1 869,  into 
dw  proprietorship  of  the  Canadian  people.     In  tit  ^  ensuii^ 


#i] 


II 


440         CJNJDJ  AND  BMTttH  MOUTH  JMMRKJ 

KMioii,  piovitkm  wu  nude  that  the  newly  acqitiicd  do- 
nuint  should  be  dctigiuited  u  the  Nonhwen  Terrirories, 
to  be  adminiMefcd  for  the  preaent  bj  a  li«uteiuuit<«>venKMr 
•nd  Council  nominated  by  the  crown.  Hm.  Willitai 
McDougall  became  the  first  executive  head  of  the  new 
political  unit.  While  both  the  purchase  and  the  adminis- 
trative arrangements  met  with  the  generrl  approval  of  both 
parties  in  the  Pkrliament  of  Cani^  there  wu  abundant 
evidence  of  discontent  among  the  sparse  ptqHilation  now 
settled  in  the  Red  River  Valley  at  this  summary  way  in 
which  the  territoiy  in  which  they  lived  iuid  beat  transferred 
and  administrative  arnuigements  made  without  even  a  con- 
sukatimi  of  their  wishes.  Most  of  these  settlers  weie 
half-breeds  or  Metis  who  had  squatted  upon  thdr  bnds 
without  l^al  title  either  from  tlw  crown  or  company,  but 
the  sprinkling  of  Britons  among  them  were  little  kss  vehe- 
ment in  their  opposition.  And  what  gave  this  antagonism 
force  was  the  feet  that  the  Red  River  settlers  in  their  de- 
nund  for  a  popular  government  instead  of  an  appointed 
Council,  had  the  mond  support  of  a  large  number  of 
compatriots  residing  in  Quebec. 

During  the  autunm  of  1869,  this  opposition  assumed  an 
aggressive  form,  and  a  determination  to  resist  by  force  any 
attempt  to  inaugurate  the  new  r^me  in  the  Northwest  was 
focalized  under  the  leadership  of  Louis  Riel,  a  Frenchman 
with  an  admixture  of  Indian  blood  in  his  veins.  In  prepaia- 
tion  for  overt  resistance,  Riel  imllied  his  followers  to  the 
formation  of  a  provisional  government  in  which  he  himself 
took  the  pretentious  pott  of  secretary  of  state.  This  new 
government  promptly  proceeded  to  order  the  Dominion  sur- 
veyors out  of  the  country,  and,  on  his  arrival  in  November, 
Mr.  McDougall  was  accorded  similar  treatment.  Not  being 
provided  with  an  armed  escort  the  governor  withdrew  across 
the  American  frontier,  while  Riel  and  bis  fcdlowera  at  once 
took  possession  of  Fort  Garry,  the  old  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany's centre  of  defence.  A  convention  of  those  residing 
in  the  disputed  territoiy  wa»  now  calkd  and  in  spite  of  die 


THM  DOMWtOH  UNCi  COMriDMJTlON         441 

procctu  of  many  En^isii-^cikiiifr  inlttbtauKt  th*  provi- 
•kmal  government  wm  confiraMd  widi  tone  emhiisisMii. 
Feeling  Mcuie  in  their  poeitiom,  R'<l  and  hit  iModatet 
pracee«led  to  leise  teveral  of  the  bhaUtantt  n^  had  not 
ehown  Hificient  sjrmpathjr  with  the  provisional  govemoMm, 
incarcerating  them  as  political  pritonen  in  Fort  Gteny. 
Tile  diAcu%  with  which  the  DtMBinion  authorMct  found 
thcmadves  confronted  aroee  from  the  fact  that  th«  tranafer 
of  the  territory  was  to  have  taken  place  from  '!  >  company 
thRN^  the  crown. 

The  final  transfer  to  the  Canadian  attthor<ties  had  not  jret 
taken  pbce.  Nor  did  the  ktter  ftvor  the  acquiattioa  of  a 
territorjr  which  would  have  to  be  subdued  before  poaaession 
of  it  could  be  taken.  Rather  than  ad^  the  iUogical  course 
of  enforcing  McDougall's  authority  over  a  terntory  iriiich 
it  did  not  as  yet  legally  possess,  the  Canadian  government 
decided  for  the  time  beiiw  to  allow  the  govemor-dnignate 
to  return  to  Otttwa,  pending  an  e€brt  to  settle  the  trouUes 
by  means  of  a  commission.  During  the  summer  a  com- 
mission of  three  members  went  westward,  but  accomplished 
next  to  nothing.  Still  anxious  to  reach  an  amicaUe  settle- 
ment, the  authorities  next  invoked  the  assirtance  t^  Ardi- 
bishop  Tach<,  trho  was  the  spiritual  supervisor  of  the 
Roman  Catlulic  popdation  in  the  Red  River  District. 
Tachi  was  in  Rome  at  the  time,  but  an  urgent  a^wal 
broudit  him  in  haste  to  Otuwa,  where  he  was  empowered 
to  oner  the  malcontentt  a  full  amnesty  in  return  fw  a  peac^ 
able  submission.  But  before  Tachi  reached  Fort  Garry, 
Riel  had  been  advanced  to  the  post  of  prendent  of  the  pro- 
visional government.  And  his  ignonuit  vindictiveness  had 
qieedily  led  him  to  put  his  authoritv  beyond  the  bounds  of 
compromise  in  executing  Thomas  Scott,  an  ardent  loyalist, 
for  no  more  serious  offence  than  his  outspoken  criticism  of 
the  provisional  administration.  This  act  of  tyrannical  folly 
sent  a  thrill  of  indignation  throu^bout  the  Eastern  provinces, 
although  among  the  French  pet^le  of  Quebec  there  was 
an  unmistakable  disposition  to  palliate  the  ofience.     No 


BOB 


CJUI4M  MD  BUTttH  NOKTH  JMiKKJ 

Mmumy  wMdi  m^  condoM  this  bnittl  etttn|t  could  now 
b«  comMtwd  hj  the  Ottawa  authoritiM,  tvan  if,  in  fiKt, 
tht  Ottawa  authoritiM  had  any  right  to  proaiat  immunky 
for  oAtncts  conmittad  in  territory  over  which  as  jct  thejr 
had,  ttrictlj  tpcalung,  no  jurisdiction.  The  BUirdw  of  Scott 
decided  in  advance  the  Aulure  of  Tachi's  mission.  In  Great 
Britain,  likewise,  cdonial  indiputtimi  had  its  echo,  and  the 
news  that  the  home  government  had  determined  to  deqietch 
an  armed  force  to  the  Red  River  to  nstoic  order  was 
warmlj  welcomed  in  the  En^ish-spcaking  jnovinces  of 
Canada.  In  the  summer  of  1870,  a  force  of  over  a  thousand 
men,  composed  largely  of  Canadian  voluMcers,  under  the 
command  of  Lteutenant-colonel  (later  Viscount)  Wobek^, 
made  its  way  westward.  In  August,  Fort  Gany  was  reached, 
but  the  Provisional  authorities  had  hastened  their  departure 
across  the  frmder,  and  the  authorhjr  of  the  crown  was 
established  without  dificuky.  In  the  meantime,  the  formal 
transfer  of  the  territory  to  the  Canadian  authorities  had  been 
completed  and  an  act  passed  incorporating  the  Red  River 
District  into  the  Province  of  Manitoba.  This  Act  like- 
wise provided  for  the  esublishment  of  civil  administration 
similar  to  diat  possessed  by  the  EaMem  provinces,  con- 
sisting of  a  lieutenant-goviemor,  nunistiy,  and  elcMive 
Assembly. 

But  no  sooner  had  the  western  diff  culties  passed  than  a 
new  dai^pr  arose  m  the  east  in  the  fimn  of  a  recrudescence 
of  the  Fenian  movement  along  the  frontiers  of  the  Unhed 
States.  Two  armed  bands  entered  Canadian  territmy  by 
crossing  the  borders  of  Quebec,  but  they  were  quickly 
repulsed  by  small  bodies  of  volunteers  prmnptly  despatched 
to  meet  them.  On  recrossing  the  frontier  the  Fenian 
leaders  were  taken  into  custody  by  United  States  warthalt 
and  jailed  amid  the  ridicule  of  American  newspapers  on  this 
in^orious  outcome  of  the  much-vaunted  project  for  the 
conquest  of  half  a  continent. 

The  year  1870  was,  however,  mariced  by  one  other  event 
of  a  very  dificrent  character — the  conclusion  between  Gnat 


TMM  DOmmOM  SUtCM  COMrMDiUnON 


443 


Brtain  mi  tiM  Untetd  StitM  of  what  cam  to  bt  known 
a*  tht  Tfw^  of  Waahi^^on.  What  concnaod  Canada 
was  in  provkNon  for  the  Kttknttt  of  Mat  matieiia  quca. 
timit  of  long  mndii^  such  as  the  international  boundaiy, 
the  granting  to  dtitens  of  the  United  Stttes  dw  rteht  of 
navigation  of  the  Canadian  canals  and  St.  Lawicnce  River, 
in  return  for  which  the  United  States  threw  open  Lake 
Michkan  to  the  British  mercantile  marine.  What  dis- 
HnMd  Canadians,  howevet ,  was  the  foct  whik  the  tieaty 
contained  provision  for  a  retotmct  to  arbknttion  ^  the 
Alabanui  Clainis,  no  prwision  wu  made  §ot  the  consider»> 
tion  of  claims  put  forward  bjr  Canada  (m  damages  suffeied 
because  of  allqpd  American  fawitv  in  connection  iridi  the 
Fenkn  troubles.  To  show  its  iu^nmin  the  Canadian 
Parliament,  in  1871,  passed  a  resolution  condsraning  dM 
treaty  in  no  uncertain  terms. 

In  the  same  jrear  the  confodnatlon  received  a  new  mem- 
ber in  the  admission  of  dM  Provfnce  of  British  Columbh, 
now  a  rising  colony  of  sixtjr  thoi  i  td  inhdiitants.  Prince 
Edward  Island,  wiA  its  populatioi  f  ninety-four  thoumnd, 
was  received  in  1873.  AldMwgh  die  slopes  west  of  die 
Rockies  had  been  visited  at  various  times  1^  mariners  both 
Spanish  and  English  at  ftequoit  intervals  durii^  the  two  and 
one^nlf  centuries  which  had  intervened  since  Sir  FiaiCtt 
Drake,  in  his  voyage  around  the  woiU,  firtt  cai^t  sigU 
of  its  mountaln-i^iarded  shore,  no  utemft  was  ever  made 
to  do  more  than  to  esublirii  a  fow  hmdy  trsdiiw  posts  on 
Vancouver  Island.  The  real  history  of  the  Cana&n  Pteific 
slope  did  not  begin  umil  1849,  *i>en  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Coo^any  extoided  its  trsding  operations  to  ^  cstieme 
west  and  made  Victoria,  on  Vancouver  Mmd,  ks  most 
westtfly  headquarters.  Little,  however,  was  accompli^ed 
in  the  wav  of  setdement  until,  in  1856,  discoveries  of  gold 
were  made  akmg  Eraser  and  Thompem  Rivm.  Imme- 
diately there  was  a  grett  influx  of  fortune  sedters,  particu- 
larly frmn  California,  where  the  gold  feirer  of  dM  preceding 
years  iMd  begun  to  abate.  Widi  this  influx  came  dunecessi^ 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


of  esublishing  some  definite  form  of  civil  government,  and 
in  1858  Vancouver  Island  and  the  mainland  were  consti- 
tuted separate  territories,  each  provided  with  an  adminis- 
tratic  ?.  of  its  own.  But  matters  did  not  run  smoothly  in 
''lit:  kiz.nd  district,  part  of  the  population  desiring  annexation 
to  the  United  S.ates,  while  the  other  part,  periups  the 
TUijority,  favorei  union  with  the  nuinland  for  purposes  of 
:ivii  admin  istr?  ion.  In  the  end,  the  latter  had  their  way, 
anti  in  iSdS  ^he  two  districts  united  to  become  the  Prov» 
ince  of  British  Columbia,  with  Victoria  as  the  provincial 
capital.  From  this  time  on,  it  began  to  be  felt  that  what  the 
province  most  needed  was  railway  communicadon  with 
the  provinces  in  the  east.  Consequently,  in  1871,  a  dele- 
gation was  sent  to  Ottawa  empovrared  to  propose  that 
British  Columbia  would  enter  confederation  on  condition 
that  transcontinental  communication  should  be  promised  the 
province  by  the  Dominion  authorities  as  a  reward  therefor. 
The  ministry  was,  at  the  outset,  rather  Imth  to  pledge  Par- 
liament to  a  condition  seemingly  so  difficult  of  fulfilment,  but 
in  the  end  the  bargain  was  made.  A  transcontinental  line 
was  to  be  begun  within  two  and  completed  within  ten  years. 
As  a  result  of  this  pledge  two  charters  were  granted  during 
the  following  year  incorporating  respectively  for  this  purpose 
the  Canadian  Pacific  and  the  Inter-Oceanic  Railway  Com- 
panies, each  with  an  authorized  capital  of  ten  million  dollars. 
The  former  was  backed  largely  by  Montreal  capitalists, 
headed  by  Sir  Hu^  Allan,  while  the  supporters  of  the  latter 
included,  for  the  most  part,  prominent  business  men  of  To- 
ronto, under  the  presidency  of  the  Hon.  D.  L.  Maci^ierson. 
Allan  endeavored  to  consolidate  the  two,  but  fiuling  in  this,  he 
enlisted  the  support  of  a  number  of  American  capitalists  in 
order  that  the  enormous  amount  of  stock  required  for  the 
construction  of  the  proposed  road  m  ;,ht  be  the  more  easily 
floated.  This  fact  was  divulged  and  aroused  a  good  ifeal 
of  opposition  through  the  country,  and  many  demanded  thtt 
the  road  should  be  all-Canadian  in  ownership  as  in  route. 
The  administration  at  Ottawa  showed  a  strwig  inclinatkm 


II  p 


IK-t 


rHE  DOMINION  SINCE  CONFEDERATION 


445 


to  favor  the  Guiadian  Pacific  Company  rather  than  the 
Inter-Oceanic,  but  did  not  venture  to  avrard  it  the  contract 
in  its  semi-American  form.  It  was  arranged  that  Allan 
should  organize  a  new  company  on  a  purely  Canadian  basis, 
upon  which  the  contract  was  to  be  awarded  him  on  very 
liberal  terms.  These  arrangements  were  carried  on  through 
the  medium  of  Sir  George  Cartier,  a  member  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  as  a  general  election  was  soon  to  occur,  Allan 
was  induced  to  promise  secretly  a  generous  contribution  to 
the  campaign  fund  as  a  qmd  pr$  pit.  Early  in  the  year 
1873  the  new  cominmy  received  itt  charter  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway.  The  Dominion 
government  pledged  assistance  to  the  extent  of  thirty  mil- 
lion dollars,  and  fifty  million  acres  of  land  along  the 
route.  The  awarding  of  the  contract,  on  what  were 
deemed  to  be  highly  favorable  terms,  was  regarded  by  the 
rival  company  with  much  jealousy.  Vague  rumors  began 
to  be  circulated  that  Allan  had  not  received  this  favor  with- 
out some  improper  consideradon  being  given  in  return,  but 
such  accusations  took  no  tangible  form  till  Pariiament  as- 
sembled in  the  following  April.  It  was  then  that  the 
Houses  were  astounded  by  the  charges  made  from  the  floor 
of  the  Lower  Chamber  by  L.  S.  Huntingdon,  of  Montreal, 
which  took  their  place  in  history  as  the  **  Pacific  Scandal." 
Through  some  sinister  means — never  fully  divulged — Hunt- 
ingdon and  other  members  of  the  opposition  had  become 
possessed  of  telegrams  and  documents  which  has  passed  be- 
tween members  of  the  government  and  the  agentt  of  Sir 
Hugh  Allan  and  which  proved  beyond  question  the  liberal 
contributions  of  the  htter  to  the  election  funds  of  the  min- 
isters. Sir  J.  A.  Macdonald  at  once  moved  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  parliamentary  commission  to  investigate  the 
charges,  and  shortly  afterward  P^uliament  passed  a  special 
Act  empowering  the  committee  to  take  evidence  under 
oath.  But  this  latter  Act  the  British  government  disallowed, 
and  this  fiict,  together  with  the  absence  in  En^and  of  both 
Cartier  and  Allan,  seriou^  dehyed  the  whole  investi^ion. 


I 


446         CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  JMBRICJ 

To  expedite  matters,  Macdonald  o^red  to  iuue  a  royal 
commission  to  the  members  of  the  Committee,  which  would 
give  them  full  power  in  the  matter  of  sworn  testimony,  but 
to  this  the  opposition   demurred.     Charges  and  counter- 
charges of  bad  faith  were  hurled  from  both  sides  and  the 
whole  country  worked  itself  up  to  a  hig^  pitch  of  political 
excitement.     It  was  at  this  point  that  the  Earl  of  Duftrin, 
who  had  taken  the  post  of  governor-general  on  the  resigna- 
tion of  Lisgar  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  ytu  (1872), 
determined  to  step  in,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
ministers,  refer  the  charges  to  a  royal  commission  of  three 
judges.  Day,  Polette,  and  Gowan.     Parliament  was  pro- 
rogued to  await  its  report — an  action  furiously  resented  by 
the  opposition.     During  the  autumn  of  1873,  *^  ^0°*- 
mission  pursued  its  enquiry  with  vigor  and  impartiality. 
While  no  explicit,  improper  contract  between  Allan  and 
the  ministers   could   be   proved,  the  evidence  established 
beyond  a  doubt  that  the  former  had  contributed  heavily  to 
a  campaign  fund  of  the  Conservative  party  in  general,  and 
to  those  of  Cartier  and  Macdonald  in   particular.     The 
latter  alone  frankly  admitted  the  receipt  of  over  forty  thou- 
sand dollars.    Taldng  this  in  conneaion  with  the  favor- 
able terms  upon  which  Allan  and  his  associates  had  been 
awarded  the  contract,  the  country  drew  its  own  conclusions 
and  when  Parliament  reassembled  there  was  little  doubt 
that  the   Macdonald   r^me  was  at  an  end.      After  an 
extremely  acrimonious  debate,  a  direct  motion  against  the 
course  pursued   by  the  administration   was   moved,  and, 
although  the  Conservative  leaders  made  vigorous  efforts  to 
rally  their  following,  defeat  seemed  so  certain  that  tlu  minis- 
try anticipated  it  by  resigning  in  the  early  days  of  Novem- 
ber.     Lord  Duiierin   summoned  Alexanikr  Mackenzie, 
leader  of  the  opposition,  to  form  a  cabinet  and  the  first 
Liberal  ministry  came  into  office.    Mackenzie  and  his  friends 
saw  clearly  that  an  appeal  to  the  country  would  greatly 
strengthen  their  hands   in   Parliament,  and   advised   the 
governor-general  to  dissolve  the  House  of  Commons,  which 


THE  DOMimON  SINCE  CONFEDMIUITION 


447 


the  latter  accon'ingly  did,  the  elections  coining  off  in  the 
following  January.  As  was  fully  expected  the  new  admin- 
istration was  returned  with  an  overwhelming  majority — 
havins  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  supporters  in  a  House 
of  little  over  two  hundred  members.  But  the  new  admin- 
istration soon  encountered  difficulties;  one  of  the  mon 
ic  portant  was  the  question  of  constructing  the  transconti- 
nental .ailway.  British  Columbia  clamoreid  for  the  fulfil- 
ment f  the  pledge  given  upon  its  entry  into  the  Union, 
and  even  went  so  fitf  as  to  threaten  secession.  But  the 
Mackenzie  administration  <felayed  on  the  ^und  that  the 
preliminary  surveys  had  not  yet  been  completed  and  like- 
wise vaciUated  between  the  projeas  of  an  all-rail  route 
and  one  which  would  n»ke  use  of  the  Great  Lakes  and 
other  waterwajrs  between  east  and  west. 

The  administration  sought  to  appease  the  people  of 
British  Columbia  by  a  proposition  to  build  that  section 
of  the  road  which  was  to  traverse  the  province  from  Esqui- 
nuult  to  Nanaimo,  but  this  proposal,  while  accepted  in  the 
Commons,  was  defeated  by  die  Conservative  majority  in 
the  Senate.  Tlien  an  alternative  proposition  to  pay  the 
Province  three-qukiten  of  a  million  ddlars  in  lieu  of  con- 
struction was  promptly  rejected  by  the  authorities  of  British 
Columbi-  -n  4876.  These  difficulties,  together  with  the 
general  cwoimetdal  depression  which  resulted  in  annu::il 
deficiu,  greatly  weakened  the  administration,  as  was  shown 
by  the  hxt  that  successive  legislative  bye-elections  resulted 
in  the  return  of  opposition  members.  Moreover,  the  Con- 
servatives had  made  the  adoption  of  a  protective  tariff  one 
of  the  important  planks  in  their  political  pfaitform,  and  had 
thereby  rallied  to  itself  the  industrial  interesu  of  the  country. 
Althou^  the  Mackenzie  administration  had  not  so  far  been 
barren  of  considerable  beneficent  legislation,  iis  vacillating 
policy  and  the  want  of  absolute  hairmony  among  its  own 
supporters  had  combined  with  the  general  hard  times  to  set 
the  tide  of  popular  feelii^  strongly  against  it.  Macdonald 
used  this  advantage  to  die  utmost,  and  the  popular  **  political 


448 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


picnics"  became  a  new  feature  of  Canadian  campaigning. 
Earljr  in  1878,  moreover,  the  ministry  was  weakened  bjr 
the  resignation  of  the  Hon.  Edward  Bhike,  one  of  itt  ableM 
members,  on  the  ostensible  plea  of  ill  health.  But  as  his 
duties  as  a  minister  had  not  been  arduous  it  was  plain  that 
this  was  not  the  real  reason,  and,  as  Mr.  Blake  refused  to 
divulge  the  latter,  the  general  opinion  that  be  was  deserting 
the  sinking  ship  weif^ed  decidedly  against  the  ministry. 
The  budget  of  1878  showed  a  formidable  deficit,  while  to 
make  matters  worse,  news  arrived  that  the  Legislature  of 
British  Columbia  had  passed  a  resolution  asking  the  British 
authorities  for  a  release  firom  the  Union  unless  the  pledges 
given  on  iu  entry  were  at  once  fulfilled.  In  the  midst  of 
these  new  discouragements  and  difficulties  the  legal  term 
of  Pariiament  expired  and  a  general  election  took  place. 
For  the  first  time  the  secret  baBot  wu  used,  and  there  was 
much  speculation  as  to  iu  probable  influence  upon  the 
ultimate  result.  Apparently  the  Pacific  Scandals,  if  not 
wholly  forgotten,  were  at  lout  excused,  for  the  Mackenzie 
ministry  received  such  an  overwhelming  defeat  that  it  re- 
signed before  fiunng  the  House.  Macdonald  was  once 
more  recalled  and  with  a  new  cabinet  fiuhioned  with  little 
difficulty  frmn  the  abundance  of  material  at  his  disposal, 
assumed  the  direction  of  afiairs.  Pledged  to  the  immediate 
construction  of  an  all-rail  transcontinental  highway  of 
commerce  and  to  the  adoption  of  a  protective  tariff- 
henceforth  known  as  the  National  Policy — the  accession 
to  power  of  the  Macdonald  government,  on  October  1 7, 
1878,  marks  a  distinctly  new  era  in  Canadian  political  and 
economic  history.  The  same  year  saw  the  departure  of 
Lord  Duflferin  after  a  highly  successful  term,  and  the  ac- 
cession to  the  office  of  governor-general  of  the  Marquis  of 
Lome,  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Argyle,  and  son-in-law 
of  her  majesty  the  queen.  The  arrival  of  Lord  Lome  and 
his  royal  spouse  was  hailed  by  Canadians  with  excusaUe 
enthusiasm  and  regarded  on  all  sides  as  a  new  mark  of  die 
interest  taken  by  the  motherland  in  her  rinng  colony. 


iiiiilliMiiaii 


THB  DOMINION  ONCE  CONFlDMUITtON 


449 


The  firat  question  with  which  die  new  adminiatntion 
had  to  deal  was  the  caae  of  Letellier  de  St.  Just,  who  had 
been  appointed  to  the  lieutenant-goveramahip  of  Quebec 
by  the  Mackenzie  administiation.     During  the  course  of 
1878  he  had  &llen  into  disagreement  with  his  provincial 
Cabinet  over  the  matter  of  certain  retroactive  laws,  and, 
althou^  his  advisers  had  the  thorough  su|^>ort  of  the 
legislature,  he  used  the  opportuni^  to  dismiss  the  ministers 
and  to  call  upon  the  Hon.  Henri  J0I7  de  Lotbiniire  to  form 
a  new  administration.    As  the  new  ministry  experienced  a 
direct  rebuiF  from  the  legislature  in  the  form  of  a  resolution 
condemning  the  action  of  St.  Just,  the  lieutenant-governor 
prorogued  the  session  and  thus  allowed  the  administration  to 
hold  office  until  the  advent  of  the  elections  some  little  time 
later.   The  matter  was  brought  up  in  the  Dominion  House, 
but  Mackenzie  supported  the  action  and  a  motion  in  criti- 
cism of  it  emanating  from  the  opposition  was  defeated  on  a 
strictly  partisan  vote.    The  Senate,  however,  adopted  a  simi- 
lar resolution.    The  justification  of  the  lieutenant-governor 
could  rest  only  in  the  return,  at  the  Quebec  elections,  of  a 
substantial  nujority  in  favor  of  his  new  advisers,  and  this 
the  results  fiuled  to  show.     Matters  were,  therefore,  at  a 
deadlock  when  the  Macdomld  administration  reisublished 
itself  in  power.     The  new  administration  called  upon  the 
House  to  condemn  the  action  of  the  Quebec  lieutenant- 
governor,  which  it  did  in  no  uncertain  tones;  the  motion 
passing  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  to  fifty- 
one.     The  logical  result  was  that  the  dismissal  of  St.  Just 
was  at  once  advised  by  the  Cabinet  and  followed  as  a  matter 
of  course.     The  case   established   beyond  question   that 
under  the  Canadian  system  an  executive  official  who  dis- 
regards the  advice  of  his  constituti<Mial  ministers  can  justify 
his  action  only  by  a  dissolution  of  the  House  and  a  successful 
appeal  to  the  support  of  the  people. 

The  next  few  years  were  comparatively  uneventful. 
Work  on  the  construction  oi  the  transcontiaental  lailwi^ 
proceeded  rapidly,  while  under  the  fostering  stimulus  of  die 


450 


CdNADd  AND  BUnSH  NORTH  AMERICA 


pi 


National  Pidicy,  mdttttrjr  and  commerce  Kcadiljr  revived. 
On  all  iu  measuiet  the  admtnutration  was  able  to  com- 
nand  tuch  an  overwhelming  majority  that  Mackenzie* 
discouraged  at  the  prospects  of  the  Liberals,  gave  up  his 
leadership  in  1880,  to  be  succeeded  by  the  Hon.  Edward 
Blake.  Honest  beyond  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  and  loyal 
to  the  principles  of  his  party,  Mackenzie  yet  lacked  that 
vigor,  stamina,  and  ability  to  ctmtrol  which  the  successful 
Parliamentary  leader  must  comnumd}  so  that  his  party  had 
in  time  shown  a  want  of  discipline.  Cloae  and  conscien- 
tious attention  to  his  pariiamentaiy  duties  had  made  serious 
inroads  on  Mackenzie's  vigorous  frune  so  that  an  osten- 
sible excuse  for  his  retirement  was  readily  at  hand.  It 
would  be  useless  to  disguise  the  fact  that  a  section  of  the 
<^tposition  really  fenced  the  retirement. 

During  the  summer  of  1880,  the  government  announc  * 
a  change  in  itt  policy  regarding  the  transcontinental  railroad. 
Since  the  cancellation  of  the  old  contract  by  Mackenzie, 
and  up  to  this  point,  the  construction  of  the  road  had  been 
carried  on  as  a  government  enterprise;  it  was  now  decided 
to  have  it  carri^  on  by  a  private  company.  A  new  com- 
pany, financed  in  Montreal,  New  York,  London,  and  Paris 
now  undertook  to  complete  the  line  from  sea  to  sea  within 
ten  years  in  consideration  of  a  free  grant  of  that  part  already 
constructed,  a  pant  of  twenty-five  million  acres  of  land 
along  the  route,  and  a  cash  subsidy  of  twenty-five  million 
dollars.  On  the  strength  of  the  enthusiasm  created  by  this 
promise  of  a  speedy  completion  of  the  gigantic  contract,  as 
wdl  as  by  tlw  industrial  and  commmtal  revival  which 
seemed  to  justify  the  National  P<dicy,  and  together  with  the 
(act  that  the  finance  minister  had  been  able  to  declare  a 
surplus,  Macdonald  decided  upon  an  appeal  to  the  people 
in  1882,  although  Parliament  had  yet  another  year  of  itt 
1^  term  to  run.  The  result  lefk  the  administration  strongly 
intrenched  in  power,  and  as  a  leader,  Blake  seemed  to  be 
no  more  successful  than  his  predecesscNr.  A  short  time 
later,  Loti  Lotas  completed  his  term  of  service,  which  had 


rME  DOMtmOM  SOfCg  CONFMDMMJTJOM        451 

lasted  from  Deceo^er,  1878,  to  October,  1883,  and  wh 
replaced  bjr  Lord  Laiudownc,  who  held  ofice  from  the  latter 
datetoMa]r,i888.  For  a  jrear  political  affiun  ran  smoodilj, 
and  Sir  J<mn  Macdonald  took  advantage  of  the  lull  to  spend 
some  time  in  England,  wh«re  he  was  warmly  welcomed  and 
where  he  did  much  to  bring  to  the  fi»efront  the  name  of 
the  colony  of  which  he  was  the  first  citiicn.  But  while  all 
was  tranquil  in  the  east  a  violent  storm  was  tafMj  gath- 
ering in  the  west.  The  main  cause  from  which  arose  the 
troubles  between  the  half-breeds  of  the  Saskatchewan  valley 
and  the  Dominion  authorities  was  the  old  vexed  question 
of  land  titles.  The  march  of  cdlMiisation  had  podied  both 
Indians  and  half-breeds  from  the  valley  of  Red  River  into 
the  fertile  pbuns  to  the  northwest  of  it{  now  it  was  trying 
to  push  them  with  relentless  force  still  further  westward. 
The  half-breeds  had  no  valid  titles  to  the  lands  upm  which 
they  had  settled,  nor  could  diey  properly  daim  such}  and 
many  had  exhausted  the  ri^  to  free  lands,  for  they  had 
alreacty  received  nana  in  Manitoba  which  ^ey  had  aban- 
doned or  sold.  But  desjHte  this  lack  of  legal  claim,  the 
Dominion  authorities  showed  a  disposition  to  deal  gener- 
ously with  die  squatters  upon  the  completion  of  the  surveys 
ofttehnds.  But  to  die  surveys  the  half-breeds  ofitred  very 
decided  objections,  and  in  their  attitude  toward  the  govern- 
ment surveyors  they  manifested  an  unconcealed  spirit  of 
hostility. 

Meetings  were  held}  violent  resolutions  agreed  to;  and 
finally,  an  invttttton  was  despatched  to  the  old  Metis 
leader,  Louis  Riel,  who  was  now  a  resident  of  Montana, 
asking  him  to  return  and  once  more  champkm  the  cause 
of  the  malcontents.  Riel  accepted  without  dday.  Although 
warned  that  hit  return  was  an  omen  of  troubk,  die  Ottawa 
authorities  did  nothii^  to  prevent  his  crossing  the  bonier, 
and  die  summer  of  1884  found  him  busied  widi  the  work 
of  agitating  <^positkm  to  the  authorities.  At  a  mass  meet- 
ing of  die  half-lHeeds  a  Bill  (^  R%htt  was  drawn  up  de- 
manding, among  other  things,  the  grant  of  kg^  tides  to  all 


Iff 


4ja         CflMAf  AMD  BMiTUM  SORTM  dMMUCM 

tiMM  in  poMmion  of  kuia^tk*  Ntdi^  Mide  of  tiM  iHuiAvi 
miUkMi  mam  of  land  for  thi  Mippert  of  tdMds,  tbt  mnt 
of  repfMmtttbn  in  FiriiMB«it,Mid  dw  rMtrvatMB  of  taadi 
for  th-  dMccndami  of  dM  Mttit  for  a  ctMuijr  to  com*. 
TbrouftMHrt  tht  stttuinn  and  wiaMr  of  18(4  dM  agitadott 
was  condnued,  and  by  dw  tpriiw  of  1885  diacwairai  \td 
bacoMW  a  nadincM  to  reir^    Radier  late  in  dM  daj  dM 
fovMnment  tooic  enemdc  BMaaiim  to  atrai^^Ma  dM  fpr- 
riaont  of  Nordiwett  Motutted  PtoUea  in  dM  various  |iartt 
of  dM  disaiKted  territories.    The  Metis  uA  In^ans  pio> 
clainMd  a  fMovitional  government  with  Rid  as  president 
and  Gabrid  DunKMit,  a  leading  Metis,  as  his  chief  liniten- 
cnt.    The  Ittto*  lost  no  dnM  in  roiif^jr  ornnisiiM  his 
forces  and  in  seising  the  govemnMnt  post  at  Duck  Lake, 
not  hx  from  Prince  Albert.    Odond  Crosier,  who  had 
charge  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Carkton,  some  Ikde  datancc 
away,  deUNrmined  to  oust  Dumont  from  the  poet,  and,  in 
the  latter  part  of  Mardh  started  fw  Duck  Lake  widi  his 
force  of  about  one  hundred  men.    But  Dumont  had  secured 
a  stnuig  position  on  the  line  of  advance,  and  after  a  stiff 
fi^  Crosier  was  driven  back  with  twelve  killed  and  as 
many  wounded.    It  was  the  old  stoiy  of  a  rash  hasard 
i^sinM  superior  cover  and  marksmanship.    The  renUt  was 
that  Crosier  returned  in  haste  to  Fort  Carleton,  and  deem- 
ing it  incapable  of  defence  pudwd  on  back  into  Prince 
Albert,  then  a  rising  settlement  of  seven  hui^red  souls,  but 
now  speedily  trd>led  by  the  incoming  of  frightened  settki. 
from  all  directioas.     Dumont  did  not  attempt  to  maintain 
himself  either  at  Fort  Carleton  or  at  Duck  Lake,  bitt  took 
up  his  headquarters  at  the  Metis  settlement  of  Bttoche. 
Thie  success  near  Duck  Lake  had  the  efiect  of  drawiMinto 
insurrection  most  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  district.  These 
threatened  Battkford,  further  along  dw  river,  and  the  othff 
settlements  in  the  Saskatchewan  valley.     Most  of  these 
tribes  had  been  settled  upon  government  allotmenu  or 
**res»ves,''  eadi  reserve  being  provided  by  the  authorities 
with  Indian  agents,  instructors,  teachers,  and  priests.    On 


^nuit 


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Oa 


TMM  DOMMIOM  tUtCi  CONriDilUmOM 


453 


MTcnl  nt  dMM  icMTvct,  notMf  Frog  Ldw  IUmtw,  tbt 
Indnat  comiiMnctd  dwir  optfMioiM  b)r  a  BwitUtM  MMncrt 
of  tbew  oficnlt.  For  •  tioM  it  Mcmcd  u  if  tbt  pent-up 
nvaierx  of  theuaui^  of  hoMik  Indkuit  would  be  turned 
looce  upmi  tbe  defencelen  Mttkra  of  tbe  territorieti  but  on 
manjp  reeervee  Ag  chiefs  and  dder  men  reatnincd  their  M- 
bwm,  and  teverai  of  the  laqpr  tribes,  notably  the  powerful 
BlackAet,  rcnained  quiet.  It  was  now  evident  Uiat  the 
airthorities  had  allowed  matters  to  drift  too  fiir,  and  the 
Ottawa  miniMty  at  hat  reaUaed  the  extreme  gravitr  of 
dw  situation.  With  the  exception  of  two  uncompleted 
fspSf  the  main  line  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  had 
now  been  constructed  to  (^'appcUe,  whence  Batoche  lay 
some  two  hundred  and  thirty-five  miles  overland^  and  by 
means  of  thk  road  laife  bodies  of  volunteer  milhia  were 
rapidly  mc^lised  and  transported  westward  during  the  early 
part  of  April.  After  a  hard  march  a  fo'.cw  of  neany  a  thou- 
sand men  under  General  Middkton,  an  otticerd*  the  British 
army  then  commanding  tbe  Canadian  militia^  reached  the 
ne^dKM^ood  of  Batodw.  Some  fifteen  miles  from  that 
point,  at  the  junction  of  Fish  Creek  with  the  Saskatchewan, 
Dumont  had,  with  conskiendile  skill,  taken  up  a  position  to 
oppose  Middleton's  advance,  and  on  April  a4th  the  forces 
came  into  touch  at  this  pdnt.  The  militia  made  a  couple 
of  ineffiectual  attempu  to  dido^  the  Metis,  but  without 
avail,  incurring  a  very  considerable  loss  in  their  own  ranks. 
On  the  following  day  Middletmi  unctenook  what  he  should 
have  undertaken  at  the  outset^-tbe  transportation  of  part 
of  this  fwce  across  the  river  in  order  to  outfiank  the  rebel 
position.  When  this  had  been  done  with  considerable  diffi- 
culty, Dumont  took  advantage  of  darkness  to  withdraw  his 
men  to  Batoche.  The  unexpected  check  at  Fish  Creek  seems 
to  have  disconcerted  Micklleton,  for  he  delayed  neariy  two 
weeks  awaking  supplies  and  perfeaing  his  organization  before 
the  march  forward  to  Batoche  was  resumed.  It  was  May  9th 
before  he  found  himself  in  front  <^  the  insuigent  lines,  which 
had  been  wdl  defended  by  earthworks  and  rifle  pits. 


454         CANADA  AND  BIOTISH  NORTH  AMMMKA 

Dumont  had  at  hit  diipoul  a  foree  estimated  at  from 
foor  hundml  to  five  hundred  men,  who  we«  weJI  arm^ 
and,  for  the  mott  part,  skilful  marksmen.  A  coupkof 
days  were  spent  in  desultoiy  sharpshooting  with  lituTad- 
van^jgeon  either  side.    MiddleuTseeia^utterly  Tj  1^ 

to  proceed,  for  a  siege  would  he  a  matter  of  weeb,  and  an 
amult  would  probaWy  involve  severe  loss.     oT&e  ,2^ 
however,  whUe  the  main  force  feigned  an  attack  on  Z 
from  of  the  lines,  a  small  force  of  aK,t  three  hun^  m« 
went  around  Ae  flank  and  charged  the  rifle  pits.     TW 
were  jbandoned  «,d  the  whole  r5,el  force  fled  prociph«^ 
into  the  vJlage,  whence  they  were  dislodged  by  a  SS2 
«lvance  ofje  mUitiamen.     But  the  as^Thad  n^^Sn 
accomphshed  without  considerable  loss;  less,  however,  than 
might  ordmanly  have  been  expected.     The  captured 
Batoche  was  the  virtual  end  of  the  rising.     Rid,  while 
endeavcnng  to  make  good  his  e«»pe  across  the  borf^rwaJ 
•oon  captured}  Dumont  was  more  successful  and  eluded 

aSe'S:^  ^^i"^*  ^  t  "*'  ^^'  ^  •  -<^^'- 
able  force  had  succeeded  m  relieving  Battleford,  thouirfa  not 

beforo  he  sustamed  a  reverse  in  an  expedition  a^inst  ChlS^ 

Poundmaker's  reserve,  at  Cut  Knife  Cieek,  sJSe  disun^ 

S^'nSrt.  V^  "^^l  *=^*^' "  •«»""*«  »«^» 
tS^L  i!?-  !"»' "^  '^^  to  off^  W»  wbmission. 
m^^fA-^^^'T'r^^^  *°  "g^"  possession  of  Fort 
fttt  and  dislodge  the  Indians  under  lig  Bear,  was  entrust^ 
to  C^  Stnuige^  The  fort  was  ^occu^ied,  but^^ 
B.g  Bear  was  brought  to  bay,  some  distance  froS  Fort  Pte, 
Strange  found  hmself  unable  to  oust  him  from  his  position 
much  less  to  eflfect  his  capture.     But  the  backbon^^S 

and  B.g  Bear  hmuelf  was  captured  a  little  later  by  a  hand- 
r^jl  C  -"U.-^  ""i"  ^'  "*  •ccusadon.  of  ifJumess 
rrii^  J"^^'  ?.*   '^'"Won  authorities  determined 

.houJd  be  dedt  witi.,  not  by  courtmartial,  but  by  the  r«X 
courtt  of  the  knd.    Rid,  after  a  fuU  and  ftir  iial  b^Sj^ 


rHE  DOMtmON  SINCE  COSFBDEEirtON         455 


WM  found  guilty,  and,  altbougjh  a  wriet  of  appeab  and  re- 
prieves delayed  the  dUpotition  of  hi*  cate,  he  was  finaUj 
executed  at  Regina,  notwithstanding  the  vigorous  protestt 
of  his  co-religionisu  of  Quebec.    Tliose  of  the  rebels  who 
had  been  directly  concerned  in  any  of  the  murders  recdved 
a  like  penalty,  while  Poundmaker  and  Big  Bear  escaped 
rather  lif^y  with  three  years'  imprisonment.     A  host  of 
minor  charges  apunst  several  scores  of  half-breeds  and 
Indians  were  disposed  of  by  the  imposition  of  short  terms 
of  incarceration.     On  the  whole,  the  authorities  diluted 
justice  with  mercy  more  (doitifully  than  the  ofienders  had 
any  rig^  to  expect.    In  Parliament  the  a&irs  of  the  rising 
left  iheir  legacy  of  party  bitterness,  and  the  Macdonald 
administration  b«d  its  hands  full  to  keep  itt  French-Canadian 
following  in  line.     Qud>ec  was  furious  with  indignttion 
over  the  execution  of  Riel,  but  provincial  wrath  subsided 
as  rapidly  as  it  had  risen.    The  opposition  in  Parliament 
vented  iu  thunders  cm  the  minittiy  for  having  allowed 
grievances  to  drifi  into  disaffection,  nor  did  the  ciuiduct  of 
the  militia  department,  in  suppressing  the  revolt,  escape 
criticism.     But  in  the  end  tlw  government  wu  able  to 
more  or  less  fully  justify  iu  action  in  both  directions.  The 
opposition  leaders  fou^  strenuously  to  acquire  political 
capital  out  of  the  rebellion  and  the  l^!Ky  of  bhtemesa 
which  it  bequeathed,  but  the  ministerial  ranks  in  the  House 
suffered  little  from  their  oratorical  bombardments,  and  when 
a  direct  motion  was  put  expressing  its  approval  of  Riel'a 
execution,  many  of  the  Endisb-spnking  Liberals  rallied  to 
the  side  of  the  ministry.    In  the  general  election  of  1887 
the  pro-Rwl  cry  was  used  in  Quebec  with  good  advano^, 
and  the  government  found  its  delegation  from  that  province 
very  substantially  reduced.     But  elsewhere  the  Macdonald 
administration  managed  to  hdd  its  pound  and  came  back 
to  meet  the  House  with  a  £ur  working  majority  of  over 
ditrty  members,  which  was  subsequmuy  increased  con- 
siderably by  the  bye  elections  of  the  next  year.    In  1888, 
"LmA  Lansdownt's  term  a^red  and  Lord  Stanley  succeeded 


f^ 


456         CJNJDJ  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMBRICi 

to  the  post  of  governor-general.  His  advent  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  the  appearance  on  the  poUtical  horizon  of  a  new 
source  of  friction.  ThU  was  the  vexed  question  of  the 
Jesiutt  estates.  For  many  yean  a  chum  had  been  pressed 
by  the  Jesuit  Order  against  the  Province  of  Quebec  for 
compensation  in  the  matter  of  certain  estates  which  had 
been  assumed  by  the  Province  at  the  time  of  the  temporary 
cessation  of  the  order  in  Canada. 

TTie  Quebec  government,  primarily  in  order  to  strengthen 
Itself  with  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  in  Quebec,  se- 
cured the  passage  of  an  Act  granting  the  order  some  one 
million  dollan  m  fuU  settlement  of  these  chums— «  con- 
cession which  displeased  not  alone  the  Protestant  minority 
in  Qyebec,  but  raised  a  ciy  from  their  co-religionists  of 
the  other  provinces.     Pressure  was  brought  to  bear  on  the 
Dominion  authorities  to  disaUow  the  measure,  but  they 
consistently  refused,  nor  was  the  opposition  in  Parliament 
prepared  to  take  a  stand  in  favor  of  disaUowance,  for  the 
motion  of  disallowance  received  only  thirteen  votes.     The 
motion  gave  rise  to  a  small  Action  known  as  the  Party  of 
Jiqual  Rights  which,  in   the  course  of  a  few  yean  dis- 
appeared.    But  during  its  short  career  the  Equal  Ri^u 
Party  stuied  up  a  controveray  over  its  proposal  to  abolish 
tSo  "  °"*  °^  **  °^"^  l«nguages  in  the  Northwest 

Early  in  1891,  although  the  existing  Parliament  had 
not  completely  exhausted  its  legal  lease  of  life.  Premier 
Macdonald  and  his  colleagues  decided  upon  an  appeal  to 
the  country.  Tlie  British  system  of  parliamenuiy  govern- 
ment, which  places  in  the  hands  of  the  dominant  wl-tical 
party  the  decision  of  the  time  at  which  a  general  election 
shall  take  place,  can  be  utUized  to  catch  an  opposine  party 
unawares,  and  it  would  seem  as  if  the  Canadian  Liberals 
were  more  or  less  unprepared  for  a  contest  when  notice 
was  given  on  the  4th  of  February,  1891,  that  a  general 
election  would  take  place  on  the  5th  of  the  foUowing  month. 
However,  the  contest  proved  to  be  one  of  unusual  bitterness » 


THE  DOMOflON  SINCE  CONFBDMRJTlOIf 


4S7 


the  old  chieftain  of  the  Comervativet  threw  hinuelf  into  the 
fight  with  unimpaired  energy  despite  the  fact  that  he  was 
now  considenblj  beyond  the  allotted  span  of  threescore  and 
ten.  By  a  vigorous  insistence  on  ihe  necessity  of  maintain- 
ing the  National  Policy  (protectionism)  the  Conservatives 
managed  to  retain  their  bold  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
thou^  with  a  somewhat  reduced  majority. 

The  victory  was,  however,  dearly  bought,  for  the  burden 
and  heat  of  the  day  proved  too  much  for  Macdonald. 
Within  a  few  weeks  after  the  close  of  the  campaign  he 
was  stricken  down  with  his  last  illness,  and  died  on 
June  6th.  Parties  and  factions,  for  the  time  being,  hushed 
their  strife  in  sincere  effort  to  honor  the  memory  of  a  man 
whose  rare  political  genius  had  for  more  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century  made  him  the  most  conspicuous  figure  in  the 
history  of  the  land.  The  atmosphere  in  which  he  lived 
the  later  part  of  his  life  was  so  sureharged  with  political 
animosities  that  even  yet  it  is  not  easy  to  ofier  a  fitir  esti- 
mate of  his  life  and  accomplishments.  To  his  personal 
and  political  friends  he  was  a  man  of  rare  sagacity,  of  the 
most  remaricable  political  tact;  an  adept  in  the  handling  of 
men.  Thousands  of  Canadians  still  reverence  his  memory 
as  that  of  a  true  and  broad-minded  patriot  who  set  the 
welfare  of  the  Doooinion  ftur  before  his  highest  personal 
ambitions.  On  the  other  hand  his  foes — and  tiMy  were 
not  few — have  in  many  cases  been  inclimd  to  regard  him 
as  an  unusually  successful  type  of  the  professional  politician, 
as  the  possessor  of  many  serious  personal  blemishes,  as  a 
political  sinner  of  the  most  decided  stripe.  What  his  friends 
have  termed  political  shrewdness,  his  enemies  have  regarded 
as  partisan  unscrupulousness.  Not  until  another  decade 
has  passed  away  will  it  be  safe  for  the  historian  to  attempt 
a  fair  and  impairtial  survey  of  the  closing  eventt  of  his  long 
ascendency.  In  the  meantime,  it  is  well  not  to  forget  the 
difficulties  with  which  he  had  to  contend.  He  had  to  deal 
with  antagonisms  of  race,  to  reconcile  the  impulsive  French- 
Canadian — a  beginner  in  the  art  of  self-government — with 


mmmisam 


458         CJNJ04  JMD  MRinsU  NORTH  JMBIUCA 

the  sober  Anglo-Saxon  into  whom  the  ait  of  political  self- 
control  had  been  drilled  fw  centuries.  He  had  to  deal 
with  reUeous  antagonisms,  to  mollify  the  aggressive  Orange- 
ism  of  Onurio,  and  to  curb  the  imperiousncM  of  Quebec 
ecdesiasticism.  He  bad  to  deal  with  inter-provincial  teal- 
ousies,  to  placate  the  Maritime  Provinces  without  antago- 
nizing the  more  populous  regions  of  Canaib  prqter}  in  a 
word,  to  keep  a  fiur  from  homogeneous  septette  of  political 
atoms  welifed  into  a  compact  whole.  TheM,  nuveover, 
were  only  the  larger  difficulties.  In  addition  he  found  no 
dearth  of  those  minor  obstacles  vriiich  wear  out  the  life  of 
anyone  whom  fortune  places  in  positions  of  respoosilHlity. 
The  reconciliation  of  opposing  personal  interests  among  his 
followen,and  of  q>posing  economic  interesu  in  difleient  parts 
of  the  country,  the  planting  of  the  never-fiuling  horde  of 
seekers  after  the  loaves  and  fishes  j— these  and  a  hundred 
other  difficulties  of  a  like  nature  beset  his  path  in  more 
than  ordinary  profusion.  The  wonder  is,  not  that  he  was 
unable  to  secure  entire  harmony,  but  rather  that  he  was  able 
to  unite  discordant  elements  so  well.  A  personal  magnet- 
ism afanost  unique  in  the  political  annals  of  Canada  does 
not  suffice  to  explain  all}  some  statesmanlike  qualities  of 
the  highest  order  must  have  been  at  his  disposal. 

On  the  death  of  Sir  John  Macdonald,  Sir  J.  J.  C.  Ab- 
bott succeeded  to  the  premiership,  but  after  leas  than  a  year's 
tenure  of  office  he  gave  way,  owing  to  fiuling  health,  to  Sir 
John  S.  D.  Thompson.  The  new  premier,  on  his  accession 
to  office,  had  to  deal  with  the  important  question  of  the 
Behring  Sea  seal  fisheries.  As  fiu-  back  as  1886  difficulties 
had  arisen  between  the  American  and  Canadian  sealing 
vessels  in  the  waters  off  the  Alaskan  coasts,  and  these  quar- 
rels  soon  assumed  a  serious  character.  The  authoritks  of 
the  United  Sutes  claimed  that  Behring  Sea  was  a  mart 
elawum^  or  closed  sea,  and  that,  in  consequence,  foreign 
sealers  mi^t  be  excluded  from  its  waters  at  the  discretion 
of  the  United  States.  The  Canadian  government,  on  the 
other  hand,  denied  that  American  juriadictioa  could  l^ally 


mmmmm 


msmmm 


rUE  DOMUfJON  SINCE  CONFBDBMJTION 


459 


be  exerdaed  outaide  the  •'three-niile  Itnut"  prescribed  bjr 
intemattonal  law,  and  in  this  view  the  British  authorities 
concuned.  During  1893,  however,  an  arrangement  was 
nude  yrbtmSbj  the  antagonistic  claims  were  reforred  for  ad- 
justment to  a  Court  of  Arbitration  which  met  at  Puis.  By 
die  decision  of  this  court  the  American  claim  to  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  the  waters  of  Bchring  Sea  was  denied,  but 
provision  was  made  for  the  regularion  of  the  sealii^  industry 
in  such  way  that  the  animals  should  not  be  extnminated  by 
indiscriminate  slaughter.  Both  countries  were  to  join  in 
the  enforcement  of  these  regulations,  and  the  United  States 
was  to  indemnify  the  owners  of  such  Canadian  sealers  as 
had  been  seized  in  the  disputed  regions. 

Toward  the  close  of  1894,  Stir  Jdm  Thmnpson  died 
suddenly  in  England,  and  Sir  Mackenzie  Bowell  succeeded 
to  his  post.  Tlie  death  of  its  great  leader,  Mcdonald,  had 
served  to  greatly  weaken  the  Comervarive  party,  and  although 
it  possessed  a  strong  majority  in  the  House  of  Commmis,  in- 
ternal discord  was  showing  itself  more  deariy  as  the  months 
went  by.  The  climax  came  during  the  next  year  when  the 
legislature  of  Manitoba  passed  an  act  providing  for  the  abo- 
lition of  the  Sepanoe  (Rmnan  Cathdic)  schools  in  that 
province.  These  schoou  had  been  maintained  for  the  bene- 
fit of  Roman  Cadiolics  out  of  special  taxes  levied  on  all 
taxpa)rers  of  that  faith,  but  collected  by  the  public  tax 
gatherers.  The  British  North  America  Act  of  1867,  how- 
ever, had  provided  (Section  93)  that  **  where  in  any  prov- 
ince a  system  of  separate  ox  Dissentient  Schods  exists  by 
law  at  the  time  of  the  Union,  or  u  thereafter  established 
by  the  Le^slature  of  the  province,  an  vpftal  shall  lie  to  the 
governor-general  in  Council,  from  any  Act  or  Dedrion  of 
any  provincial  authority  alfiKting  any  ri^  or  {nivilege  of 
the  Protestant  or  Roman  Catholic  minority  of  the  Queen's 
subjects  in  relation  to  education."  And  in  the  next  sub- 
section of  die  Act  power  was  given  to  the  Parliament  of 
Canada  to  make  such  reme><ial  laws  as  would  enforce  the 
educarional  privileges  to  re];;^ious  minorities  thus  guaranteed. 


I 


» 


f 


460         CdMADA  AHD  BUTtSH  MOUTH  JMiRICJ 

Accordin^jT,  ui  appnl  wu  taken  to  the  governor-genenl 
in  Council,  and  the  Federal  Puliament  waa  called  upon 
to  grant  such  lemedial  legialation  as  would  icesublish  the 
•eparate  school  sjrstem  in  Manitoba  agutut  the  almost 
unanimous  decision  of  the  provincial  legisbtute.     To  the 
Conservatives  the  problem  was  a  difficult  one.     To  refuse 
the  remedial  legislation  was  certain  to  antagonize  the  Roman 
Catholic  hierarchy  in  Quebec  which  had  rendered  the  futy 
suunch  service  during  Macdonald's  long  terms  of  office.   To 
coerce  Manitoba  was  bound  not  only  to  be  difficult,  but  to 
alienate  a  large  section  of  the  Protestant  majorities  in  the 
English-speaking  provinces  of  the  Dominion.     In  the  end 
the  Conservative  government  ^ided  to  pursue  the  latter 
course,  and,  as  a  result  of  the  party  divisions  arising  there- 
from. Sir  Mackenzie  Bowell  was  forced  to  resign  the  post 
of  premier,  giving  place  to  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  Bart.,  who 
now  gave  up  his  pUce  as  hig^  commissioner  for  Canada  in 
London  and  returned  to  lead  the  party.     In  the  elections 
of  1896,  the  question  of  remedial  legislation  formed  a  main 
issue  and  with  most  disastrous  resulu  as  Ar  as  the  Con- 
servatives were  concerned.     For  the  first  time  since  1878 
the  Liberals  were  returned  with  a  comfortable  majority, 
having  carried  the  province  of  Quebec  desjMte  their  oppo- 
sition to  remedial   legislation.     Hon.  (now  Sir)  Wilfrid 
Laurier,  formerly  leader  of  the  Liberal  opposition  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  now  became  prime  minister,  inaugu- 
rating a  r^me  of  Liberal  government  in  the  Dominion 
which  has  continued  down  to  the  present  day;  for  in  the 
elections  of  1900  the  people  reiterated  at  the  polls  their 
confidence  in  his  policy  and  administration.     During  these 
yean  political  affiurs  have  been  comparatively  tranquil    The 
Senate,  which,  during  the  long  Conservative  r^me,  had 
become  firmly  controlled  by  that  political  party,  gave  the 
new  administration  some  difficulty  during  the  first  few  yeara 
of  its  tenure  of  power,  and  there  was  considerable  feeling 
in  some  quarters  that  the  Senate  should  be  reformed.    With 
the  lapse  of  years,  however,  the  filling  of  vacancies  with  men 


I 

4 


.4. 


'4: 
■«S"t 


r   i 


THE  DOMOaOH  BHCM  COHFEDMUTIOM         461 

tewB  ftom  dw  Libail  nuiks  hat  Mnr«d  to  give  th«  admiii- 
ktntioB  control  of  tlw  Upper  Hohm.    TImm  httcr  yean 
h*v«  not,  at  the  tanie  tiaw,  been  barren  of  impoitaiit  event* 
other  duHi  pditicaL    The  rapid  devdqpBMirt  of  the  Cana- 
dian Yukon  owing  to  the  gold  discoveiiea  it  one  feature 
which  deserves  at  least  a  paast^  mation.    Canadians, 
inofeover,were  keenlv  interMted  in  the  Soudi  African  con- 
iict,  in  which  sevoal  raiments  drawn  frmn  die  militia  of 
the  Dtaiimon  rendered  efident  service  to  the  cause  of  the 
aotherland.     This,  with  the  adoption  bjr  the  Canadian 
Ptelianent  of  a  prefeiential  tariff  in  fiivor  of  British  products 
and  the  com^^on  of  a  Pkcific  cable  to  Auwa^  have 
served  to  draw  the  ouqiosu  of  the  empire  closer  togedier. 
More  recendy  die  decision  of  dw  Alaskan  Boundary  Com- 
mission has  removed  from  dw  field  of  di|domacy  a  cause 
of  friction  with  die  United  States,  while  die  rtfirtcbmiwt 
of  Gretf  ft^un  and  France  invdivii^  as  it  did,  a  settle- 
ment  of  die  French  Shore  dificulnr,  was  h«led  widi  sincere 
satisfactJP"  by  die  peo|^  of  the  Dominion.    The  last  few 
years,  mMfeovor,  have  been  years  of  unusual  prosperity^ 
emigration  to  Canada  has  grmy  increased!  the  resources 
of  the  land  have  been  devdopad  widi  unusual  rapidityt  the 
government  has  found  at  its  ^sposal  a  comfortable  annual 
surplus,  and  prt^osals  have  been  made  and  Irive  recrived 
pariiamentaiy  sanction  tot  a  new  transcontinental  railroad, 
extending  from  (^«bec  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.    Intellectual 
progreMnas  kept  pace  with  material;  in  education,  science, 
art,  and  literature  one  finds  ample  evidences  of  tubsttntial 
growth,  and  wkh  this  has  cmne  a  deq)eiiing  b  the  tpirit  of 
natbnality.    The  child  of  two  great  natitMis,  the  Dominiou 
may  now  fririy  be  said  to  have  won  herself  a  j^ace  among 
the  nations  of  die  world. 


mm 


I   J 


ft... 


i 


I 


CHAPTER  XIX 


MtWrOUHDLJUtD 


Tn  JJKomy  ^  Ntwfouadbad  ia  vmaStf  credited  to 
~  '  that  die  fithiM 


dM  Gibots,  but  then  are  thoee  wlw 

ladt  off  dw  riioret  of  that  Uiad  ii«fe  kBown  to  Frencn 
before  Jdia  Cabot  Mt  mS^  horn  Briatol  ia 


1498 


a  kwg  hi 
iVbetber 


tbk  be  true  or  not,  k  is  bejrood  doubt 


duK  duiiog  die  firrt  quaitor  of  tbe  sixteciidi  ceMurj  fidiing 
v««eb  ofTarioue  oatioaalitiee  ftequemed  dw  banks  of  Ncir- 


ia  veiy  coaiidefable  aumbers  and  garnered  b 

lucrative  harvest  fron  the  sea.  In  hcty  it  is  verjr  probable 
dMt  Jacques  Caider,  dw  8c  Malo  Bavigptor,  had  abeadf 
made  auoMroM  tMag  mnmn  to  die  Ncwfbmidland  coasts 


_     I^HhIMC  vowmb^s 

brfoie  hTttBdenook,  oi  1534,  to  seek  a  aofdnecst  pMsagp 


to AeEast.    The 
doobtadljr  wdl  known 


fidynaf  hariwr  of  St.  CedMfine  was  un- 
(vn  to  iia,  for  after  cros^  the  Atlamic 


he  put  in  diere  to  refit  his  two  vessels  after  their  storaif 
vovafe.  And  it  wiU  be  recalled  that  it  was  in  what  is  now 
die  haibor  of  St.  John's  dttt  Carder  and  Roberval  had 
dMir  icndcsvous.  But  none  of  these  visits  resulted  ia 
aajr  attempt  at  cdonication,  and  for  a  half  ceMury  or  mMC 
after  Roberval's  foihire  00  die  St.  Lawrence  bodi  Canada 
and  Newfoundland  were  all  but  foi|atten  bf  France. 

During  this  period,  however,  Frendi  fishennen  vesMted 
to  dtt  Newfoun^Md  banks  in  increanng  numbers.    The 
^wiag  accounts  iHndi  they  gave  cMCMning  the  richness 
'  induced  adventurous  seamen  Mother  natkm- 


<^dw 

alities  to  imkate  their  exam^  and  it  was  not  hM^  before 

463 


M 


Ml*. 


44f       cjATiiu  ^iifi)  j/wr«w  muTH  amuucj 

fi^fif  vtMds  from  Porti^  tad  En^iul  rtMrted  to  the 
makm  ia  goodljr  number.  A  little  fatter  the  Dutch  u4 
^Mttttrds  sought  a  thare  i  the  ftturnt,  and  it  is  eatimated 
that  by  IS7S  nearly  three  humftred  veaaels  of  all  nationali- 
ties were  plying  their  trac  in  the  water*  of  Newfound- 
knd.  From  time  to  time  projecta  had  been  tet  afoot  in 
various  countries  for  the  colonization  of  the  island,  but 
widiotit  succr  %  and  it  was  not  till  1583  that  Englishmen 
nude  their  first  ser  ous  atteni  r  in  this  miectton.  In  that 
v-ar.  Sir  Humphfcjr  GUbert,  one  of  the  adventurous  and 
chtvaln.  i^mmen  of  Elizabetlnn  England,  oipmixed,  under 
mti  vity  of  the  crown,  a  well-equi^ed  expedition  and  set 

nh  to  pi 'in  a  cokmy  in  Newfoundland.     Wkh  four  ve»- 

.  \m-:     __  on  board  soawwhat  o    r  two  hundred  and  Bhy 

i,  r         of  vrh    n  were  skilled    mechanics,  Gilbert  set 

iue       irse  reached  the  harbor  of  St.  John's. 

uide  i       landing,  and  in  accordance  with  the 

tt  us  chan       toak  formal  ponession  of  the  harbor 

a      of  all  territories  .vithin  a  radius  of  two  hundred  leagues. 

L.-*8  were  enacted  for  the  governance  of  the  little  cob>ny, 

and  an  attempt  was  made  to  subj.  ct  to  Gilbert's  authority 

all  tlw  fishing  vessels  on  the  banks.     But  fortune  failed  to 

favor  the  enterprise.    Many  of  th«- 

life  irksome,  deserted  the  set 

home  on  board  fishing  vessels 

explorations  Gilbert  had  the  u 

ship,  and  this,  together  with  tfo< 

running  low,  decided  him  to  abaii^ 

than  face  the  hardships  of  a  winte 

barked  in  the  remaining  vessels  md .^ 

On  the  way  acron  violent  storms  were  encountered  and 
one  of  the  vessels — the  smallest  of  the  three — ^was  lost.  As 
the  chivalric  Gilbert  had  chosen  this  as  his  flagship  he  per- 
ished with  his  companions.  So  ended  the  firw  English 
attempt  to  found  a  colony  in  North  America. 

For  the  mki  quarter  of  a  century,  while  Champlain  and 
hi*  associates  were  laying  the  foundadons  of  a  French 


>lo<Mtts,  finding  pionett 
it  and  made  their  way 
e  course  of  •>.  aie  Gulf 
^  to  lose  his  largest 
it  provisions  were 
settlement  rather 
the  colonists  em- 
started  for  England. 


■"— .j^*"  -  '.^■^SiduMM 


r" 


DISCOVRSE 

AND  DISCOVERY 

OF    NiVY-^OyMO'LAHD,   WITH 

imny  leafemio  pfooM  how  woctfajrmd  be* 

mtfdd*  fUmUtaBiMi  tkm  iemuk, 

after  afar  iwttir  OMnnar  than 

TOGETHER  WITH  THE  LAY- 
ING OPEN  OF  CfiRTAINE  ENOR. 
mirictandihifticommitttdby  feme  that  trade- 

VrinenbyCapaioe  ttieUrdWhithourm  of 


o  ■■■■>.;, f-  r. 


Inprinted  i^  London  by  FtUx KjiigUt»iiot 
WiliiamBuret.  i6to. 


Titlr-ptge  of  Whitbourr 

in  m  t/u     •ii'! 


■ccount  of  Newfoundland,  publiihed 
^'cTu  Tark  Public  Library,  Ltntx 


' 

[  1  ii 

1  ;ll  if 

f  iiyB 

t 

1  ^H 

i^JI 

rW 

■>  ' 

NMmoUNDUND  465 

empin  on  the  St  Lawrence,  EnJ^ithmen  turned  their  atten- 
tion to  Vifgwia  and  the  toutheriy  territories  where  a  more 
propitbiu  climate  teemed  to  promise  an  easier  road  to  suc- 
cess. English  fishermen,  however,  still  flocked  in  iaife 
numbers  to  the  Newfoundland  fishing  grounds,  and  their 
leaden  still  undertook  to  domineer  over  the  fishermen  of 
France,  Spain,  Pwti^,  and  HoUand  in  these  waters.  An 
abortive  attempt  to  found  a  colony  at  Conceptimi  Bay  was 
made  in  1610  by  the  newly  organized  **  Company  of  Lon- 
don and  Bristol  Adventurers  and  Pknters,"  which  included 
among  its  stockholders  the  illustrious  philosofdier-Matesman 
Francis  Bacon.  The  company  sent  out  a  handful  of  set- 
tlers under  one  John  Guy,  but  most  of  these  remained  only 
till  autumn.  A  few  stayed  and  made  a  business  of  dry- 
ing and  curing  fish  <»  the  diores.  From  time  to  time 
during  the  next  decade  the  Endish  Admiralty  panted  com- 
missions to  leaders  among  the  Englidi  fishermen  frequenting 
the  banks  empowering  mem  to  maintain  order  among  the 
'turbulent  crews  of  various  nttimialities.  Those  so  com- 
missimed  were  known  as  the  «*Fudung  Admirals,"  and  from 
the  rou|^i-and-ready  ftshion  in  whi^  they  nuintained  at 
least  a  semblance  of  concord  among  dw  hundreds  of  vesseb 
fishing  in  Newfoundland  watm  every  summer,  these  men 
earned  a  unique  i^ace  in  die  eariy  history  of  North  Amerka. 
Periuips  the  OMSt  picturesque  of  the  •'Admirals*'  was  Cap- 
tain Richard  Whiteboume,  who  visited  the  banks  alnuwt 
evoy  summer  for  for^  years,  and  on  his  retirement  pub- 
lished a  small  work  on  Newfoundfamd  which  aroused  in 
Enriand  ctmsidcnrftle  interest  in  the  fidbing  pounds. 

In  1623,  another  attempt  was  oude  by  Ei^^bmen  to 
colonise  the  island,  this  time  on  a  somewhat  higer  scale. 
In  that  year  George  Cdivert,  an  Irish  ianOdder  who  had 
been  recendy  raised  to  the  peerage  as  Lord  Bahimore, 
received  tnm  James  I.  a  gnut  of  the  soudiem  part  of 
Newfoundhuid  as  a  pdadmae  mth  almost  royal  authority. 
Orfonists  were  sott  out  and  a  settlement  made  on  the 
southern  peninsula,  to  «^iich  Baltimore  gave  ^ 


466 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AM-^RICA 


M 


*> 


Avalon.  Baltimore  built  for  himtelf  a  pretentious  house 
in  the  settlement  and  transported  his  fainily  thither.  But 
the  little  colony,  in  spite  of  iu  founder's  generous  expendi- 
ture of  energy  and  means,  made  very  little  progress.  The 
winters  were  severe,  the  soil  disappointing  in  fertility,  and 
the  French  fishermen  showed  open  hostility  to  the  settlers. 
By  1629,  Baltimore's  hope  of  maintaining  a  prosperous 
colony  at  Avalon  had  vanished,  and  a  little  liuer  he  returned 
to  England,  where,  some  time  afterward,  he  received  a  grant 
of  the  territory  which  became  the  colony  of  Maryland. 
Many  of  Baltimore's  colonists,  however,  remained  at  Ava- 
lon and  their  little  coast  settlement  of  Verubm  has  survived 
to  the  present  under  the  corrupted  name  of  Ferryland. 

For  the  next  half  century,  population  increased  very 
•lowly;  at  no  time  did  it  number  more  than  a  thousand. 
Of  this  number  practically  all  were  engaged  eith<?r  in  tooking 
after  the  curing  grounds  and  fishing  gear  or  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  fur  trade  of  the  island.  Almost  no  attention 
was  given  to  agriculture,  and  no  industry  of  any  Irind  ex- 
isted. While  vessels  of  all  nationalities  resorted  to  the 
banks,  the  Eng^sh  claimed  and  made  good  a  position  of 
control  over  the  island  itself,  and  the  fishing  merchants 
of  that  country  very  jealously  guarded  the  rij^t  of  settle- 
ment. None  but  En^sh  veswls  were  allowed  to  dry  or 
cute  fish  ashore.  In  1635,  however,  the  French  obtained 
permission  to  land  and  di^  fish  at  certain  points  m  return 
for  a  payment  of  five  per  cent  of  the  value  of  their  catch 
to  the  En^ish  fishing  merchants.  This  permissi<m  marks 
the  beginning  of  the  •* French  Shore"  difficulties  of  which 
mention  will  be  made  a  little  later.  The  French  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  permission  to  found  a  settlement  at  Placentia 
in  1660,  and  this  spot  they  later  fortified.  During  the  reign 
of  Charles  II.,  when  relations  between  the  courts  of  England 
and  France  were  amicable,  the  French  government  (ri>tained 
for  its  fishermen  a  remission  of  the  five  per  cent  tax,  and  the 
influence  of  the  French  on  the  island  expanded  to  prc^r- 
ttons  which  were  dangerous  to  En^ish  interests.    Repotted 


IMIiHIIIiHi 


MEWTOUNDLMD  ^ 

protettt  were  made  to  the  English  govenimen?  tr  »bif  score, 
but  James  II.  would  lend  no  aid  in  opposing  ti.«  I'Ycnch  en- 
croachments. So  the  French  maintained  thdr  sphere  of  in- 
fluence with  its  centre  at  Placentia,  while  the  English  were 
established  at  St.  John's  and  along  the  neighboring  coasts. 

Thus  matters  remained  until  the  outbreak  of  King  Wil- 
liam's  War.  During  the  greater  part  of  this  war  the  opera- 
tions in  Camub  and  Acadi^  engaged  the  full  attention  of 
the  respective  contestants,  so  t^t  no  hostilities  took  place 
in  Newfoundland.  But  in  1696,  Le  Moyne  d'Ibeiville, 
flushed  with  his  success  at  Pemaquid,  repaired  to  Placentia, 
and  there,  with  the  aid  of  some  St.  Malo  fishermen  and 
some  marines  sent  from  Quebec,  managed  to  organize  a 
consicterable  expedition  against  St.  John's.  The  capture 
of  this  htter  settlement  was  comparativelj  easy  for  it  was 
without  any  pnison,  and  the  f  riy  armed  inhabitanu  made 
but  a  feeble  resistance.  Tb<r  settlement  was  piUaged  and 
burned,  and  the  inhabitants  were  sent  as  prisoners  to  Pla- 
centia. All  along  the  coast  were  small  fishing  hamlets,  and 
these  were  likewise  destroyed  by  D'lberville's  men  and  the 
fishermen  carried  <^  to  the  French  settlement.  The  total 
number  of  prisoners  nw  weU  up  into  the  hundreds,  but  as 
the  Fmch  had  but  meagre  fiKilities  for  guarding  die  cap- 
tives, many  mani^  to  escape.  After  great  privations  most 
of  these  returned  and  rebuilt  their  old  settlements.  By  these 
operations  France  obtained  virtual  possession  of  Newfound- 
Und.  But  by  the  Treaty  of  ^rswick,  which  closed  the  war 
in  the  following  year  (1697)  'nnce  and  En^and  agreed  to 
restore  all  territories  tak«i  during  the  campa^ns,  leaving 
their  original  claims  undecided.  Provision  was  made  for 
the  deterraina^n  of  these  latter  by  a  joint  commission.  In 
Newfoundhnd,  therefore,  matters  were  left  eventually  just 
as  they  had  been  before  the  war. 

During  the  next  decade  and  a  half  the  British  popula- 
tion at  St.  Jdin's  and  elsewhere  along  the  coast  increased 
slowly.  T^  fishing  hamlets  were  rebuilt,  but  no  garrison 
was  ever  seat  out  by  Britain  to  afibrd  protection  in  the 


■Mi 


iif^ 


468         CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

event  of  further  hostilitie*.  The  result  wm  that  during 
Queen  Anne's  War  the  settlements  were  open  to  the 
attacks  of  any  French  raider  who  might  find  them  worth 
his  attention.  During  the  war  the  fishermen  suffered 
severely,  and  on  one  occasion,  in  1 708,  the  French  obtained 
a  virtual  mastership  over  the  whole  island.  But  when  nego- 
tiations for  peace  began  Marlborou^  insisted  that  New- 
foundland should  be  definitely  ceded  to  Britain,  and  from 
this  demand  the  British  authorities  could  not  be  induced  to 
recede.  Consequently  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713), 
France  relinquished  all  her  chims  over  the  island  and 
agreed  to  abandon  Placentia.  Permission  was,  however, 
granted  to  French  fishermen  to  fish  in  the  coast  waters  and 
to  dry  their  fish  on  ceruin  of  the  coast  areas.  Thus  was 
the  existence  of  the  "French  Shore"  prolonged  another 
stage.  Most  of  the  French  settlers  in  Newfoundland  were 
transported  across  to  Cape  Breton,  which  had  been  retained 
by  France  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  treaty. 

During  the  half  century  intervening  between  the  Treaty 
of  Utrecht  (1713)  and  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1763),  the  popu- 
lation and  wealth  of  the  island  increased  more  rapidly,  but 
neither  fulfilled  the  expectations  of  the  home  authorities. 
The  long  wars  of  the  period  hampered  tht  fishing  industry 
considerably,  for  the  settlemenu  on  the  ishnd  stood  in  con- 
stant dread  of  the  French  privateers  operating  from  beneath 
the  sheltering  ramparts  of  Louisburg.  It  was  not,  however, 
till  the  eve  of  the  final  peace  that  France  made  any  serious 
attempt  to  drive  the  British  out  of  Newfoundland}  the 
task  of  defending  her  own  interestt  in  Canada  had  more 
than  taxed  her  resources  up  to  that  time.  But  after  the 
lou  of  Louisburg  and  Quebec  a  desperate  attempt  was 
made,  in  176a,  to  retrieve  in  part  the  fallen  fortunes  of 
France  in  America  by  the  despatch  of  an  expedition  against 
St.  John's.  Eluding  the  British  squadrons  the  French 
expedition  efiected  a  landing  near  St.  John's  and  moved  on 
the  town,  which  was  surprised  and  taken  without  serious 
difficulty.     The  French  remained  in  possession  but  a  few 


NBWFOUNDUSD 


469 


montht,  for  when  newt  of  the  episode  reached  Halifax  the 
British  fleet  sutioned  there  took  on  board  a  regiment  of 
regulars  and  set  off  to  recapture  the  pkce.  This  was  ac- 
complished during  the  month  of  September,  not,  however, 
without  a  vigorous  bombardment  of  the  place,  in  the 
course  of  which  a  great  deal  of  damage  was  done  '  e 
property  of  the  inhabitants. 

It  might  have  been  thought  that  in  framing  the  pro- 
visions of  the  peace  which  brought  the  war  to  a  close,  the 
British  authorities  would  have  recognized  from  this  attempt 
which  the  French  had  made  to  obuin  possession  of  New- 
foundland the  value  which  the  latter  placed  upon  the  fishing 
facilities  of  the  island,  and  that  they  would  have  refused  to 
allow  any  continuance  of  the  » French  Shore"  privileges 
without  adequate  compensation.  But  Lord  Bute,  in  whose 
hands  the  supervision  of  the  negotiations  lay,  seems  to  have 
been  quite  unmindful  of  the  value  of  these  privileges  and  to 
have  been  willing  to  bargain  them  off  too  cheaply.  At  any 
i«e,  by  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (i  763),  the  fisheiy 
rights  ^nted  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  were  renewed,  and 
in  such  way  as  to  give  France  an  almost  intolerable  right 
of  interference  in  the  afiairs  of  a  British  colony.  This 
objectic.iable  concession  opened  the  door  for  all  manner  of 
difficulries,  which  at  various  times  it  has  taken  much  deli- 
cate and  conciliatory  diplomacy  to  overeome. 

From  the  conclusion  of  the  Peace  of  Paris  down  to  the 
close  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  Newfoundland  made  unprece- 
dented progress.  By  1 783,  the  population  had  risen  to  about 
ten  thousand  souls,  practically  aU  of  whom  were  directly 
or  indirecdy  dependent  upon  the  fisheries.  Despite  the  fact 
that  by  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  which  closed  die  Revolu- 
tionary War,  the  British  government  had  conceded  to  her 
former  thirteen  colonies  the  right  to  some  share  in  the 
Newfoundland  fisheries,  the  islanders  during  the  course  of 
the  Napoleonic  troubles  enjoyed  almost  a  monopoly  of  the 
world's  fishing  trade.  The  British  command  of  the  seas 
enabled  Newfoundlanders  to  |»osecute  their  fisheries  in 


470 


CANADA  AND  iUTlSH  NORTH  AMERICA 


l\ 


■^1 


alnuMt  perfect  ufety,  while  the  nvsget  of  the  war  in  Europe 
threw  the  European  fishing  induitry  into  chaos.  For  the 
time  being  it  was  not  too  much  to  say  that  Newfoundland 
ruled  the  nsh  markets  of  Great  Britain.  Under  the  impetus 
of  the  prosperity  which  this  induced,  settlers  came  lo  New- 
foundland in  large  numbers;  it  is  estimates'  not  less 
than  seven  thousand  emigrated  to  the  am  .olony  in 
1 8 14  alone.  An  indispuuble  evidence  of  p  o§.  >.  nuy  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  in  the  two  decades  which  had  elapsed 
since  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War  the  population  of 
the  island  had  increased  sevenfold  or  from  ten  to  seventy 
thousand.  And  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Newfound- 
land received  a  very  small  share  of  the  United  Empire 
Loyalists  who  left  the  seaboard  colonies  after  their  attain- 
ment of  independence. 

But  after  1815  the  inevitable  reaction  came.  With  the 
close  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  European  competition  again 
operated  to  cut  down  the  profits  of  the  fishing  industry,  and 
as  almost  no  attention  had  been  given  by  the  islanders  to 
any  other  branch  of  economic  activity,  the  result  was  a 
severe  and  prolonged  depression.  To  add  to  the  misfor- 
tunes of  the  colony,  a  disastrous  conflagration  in  181 7  almost 
wiped  out  of  existence  the  thriving  town  of  St.  Jdin's,  which 
had  risen  into  a  position  of  considerable  prominence  as  the 
colonial  capiul.  One  of  the  disguised  blessings  of  the  eco- 
nomic depression  may,  however,  be  found  in  the  increased 
anention  which  now  came  to  be  devoted  to  agriculture.  In 
spite  of  the  initial  difficulties  with  which  agricultural  interests 
had  to  contend,  these  made,  during  the  next  few  decades,  very 
important  progress  and  served  to  modify  the  entire  depend- 
ence of  the  population  upon  the  fishing  industry  alone. 

Ever  since  1729,  when  the  island  was  separated  polit- 
ically from  Nova  Scotia,  the  government  of  Newfoundland 
had  been  vested  in  the  hands  of  a  governor  and  council  ap- 
pointed by  the  home  authorities.  But  it  was  strongly  felt  by 
many  of  the  islanders  that  these  officials  were  too  clearly 
under  the  domination  of  the  fishing  merchants  of  St.  John's, 


mmfoumuHD 


47« 


and  from  about  1810  onward  then  waa  a  frowing  cknor 
for  ■omc  meature  of  wpieaentathf  |oircnment.  For  over 
a  decade  the  agitatH»  wu  unracceMlul  duefljr  owing  to  the 
oppocition  of  ue  St.  Jdin't  merchanta  and  their  friends  who 
thoudtt  that  the  vesting  of  political  power  in  dK  hands  of 
an  elective  AssemUy  ni|^t  be  inimical  to  the  financial 
interests  of  those  who  contrcdled  the  fisheries.  But  bjr 
1832,  the  opposition  of  these  had  been  overcome  and  New- 
feun^and  received  ptfmissioo  to  elect  her  first  ptqwlar 
Assembly.  This  Anembly  was  to  consist  of  fifteen  mem- 
bers elected  from  the  nine  electoral  districts  into  which 
the  island  was  divided.  The  Upper  House  or  LegidMiv* 
Council  consisting  of  nine  members  was,  however,  to  be 
an  aiqwintive  body,  and  in  addition  to  iu  l^islative  func- 
tions served  as  an  executive  council  or  govermir's  ministry. 
It  was  soon  seen  that  this  nrstem  would  not  wmrk  smoothly, 
for  the  Lecislative  Assembly  had  not  been  gjven  any  means 
of  cotttroUing  the  executive  branch  of  the  adminktration. 
In  fret,  the  situation  was  much  the  saaM  as  in  the  Cana- 
dian provinces  before  their  union.  The  governor  and  hia 
aj^inted  councillMS  refused  to  hold  themselves  reqxmsibk 
to  the  representatives  of  the  peopk}  the  people,  on  the 
other  hand,  demanded  that  thev  dimild  do  so.  The  rdationa 
between  the  executive  and  me  Iqpshture  fiurtunatdy  did 
not  become  so  strained  as  in  the  Oi.iadas,  nor  did  the  dif- 
ferences between  the  two  ever  lead  the  colony  into  the 
vortex  of  rebellion.  In  1842,  the  home  government  souriit 
to  s<dve  the  pditiod  problem  by  amalgamating  the  Leptt»> 
tive  Council  with  die  Assembly,  but  afker  a  numbCT  of 
years*  frir  trial  this  system  was  found  unworkable,  and,  in 
1849,  ^  ^^'"^  Houses  were  allowed  to  resume  thdr  separate 
existence.  In  this  form  matters  drifted  on  till  1854,  when 
responsible  government  was  eventually  conceded.  Inacciud- 
ance  vridi  ttis  system,  under  «4uch  the  political  affiurs  <^ 
Newfoundland  are  administered  at  the  present  day,  the  chief 
executive  ofidal  of  ^  cdony  is  a  Ueutemuit-govemor 
^pointed  by  dw  King  of  Great  Britain  ami  Irehnd  and 


■lillllliiiilii 


47» 


CdMdD4  AMD  BUTttM  NORTH  JUtBMCA 


RpfCMBtiiig  dw  •ovcK%a  power  in  the  cokmjr.  This  ofll- 
ckl  is  asnMed  bjr  an  executive  or  advitoiy  council  of  seven 
ministers  chosen  from  among  the  members  of  the  two  l^s- 
lative  bodies  of  the  coImv  and  responsible  directljr  to  the 
Legislative  Assemblv.  The  Legislative  Council  or  Upper 
House  consists  of  fifteen  members  appointed  bjr  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor in  council,  while  the  Legislative  Assemblf 
is  composed  of  thirty-six  members  elected  from  territwial 
constituencies  delimited  bjr  kw,  for  a  four  year  term  and 
on  a  basis  of  manhood  wSngt,  In  almost  eveiy  respect 
the  political  system  of  Newfoundland  is  a  reproduction  in 
miniature  of  that  of  Great  Britain. 

The  winning  of  responsible  government  encouraged  the 
islanders  to  hope  that  the  way  wu  now  open  for  the  full 
discussion  and  probable  settlement  of  the  fisheries  question, 
which  had  been  for  some  years  enguing  the  attention  of 
the  executive  in  the  cdony.  It  was  Mt  that  the  existence 
of  important  French  interesu  was  retarding  the  progress  of 
a  considerable  area  in  the  cobny,  and  it  wu  earnestly  wished 
that  some  arrangement  might  be  made  with  France  whereby 
her  interestt  would  no  Imiger  be  allowed  to  stand  in  the 
way  of  various  projects  which  the  authorities  of  Newfound- 
land had  in  mind.  In  1836,  therefore,  the  British  govern- 
ment entered  into  a  conventicm  with  the  government  of 
the  Third  Empire,  in  the  courw  of  which  the  ri^tt  of  the 
French  in  Newfoundland  were  definitely  delimit^.  Before 
final  ratification,  however,  the  convention  was  submitted  to 
the  Newfoundland  legislature  for  its  consideration,  and  th«« 
it  was  found  that  the  sentiment  of  the  islanders,  as  ex- 
pressed through  their  representatives,  was  very  Mrongly 
against  the  proposed  arrangements.  The  British  govern- 
ment, unwilling  to  force  on  the  cdonists  an  agreement 
which  was  so  thorou^y  distasteful  to  them,  declined  to 
ratify  the  convention,  and  the  whole  matter  of  the  **  French 
Shore"  was  left  just  as  it  was.  It  was  in  communicating 
the  articles  of  the  proposed  conventbn  to  the  governor  of 
Newfoundland,  in  1857,  t^  tl>«  British  government  hud 


mmowDUND 


473 


itomn  ^  verjr  w»1cohm  principle  **diat  the  eooMnt  of  die 
CMBmunity  of  Newfoundland  it  nfuded  bjr  ber  Majcs^'a 
fovenunent  u  the  caeentul  prdiminvy  to  any  nodtncation 
of  their  urritoriil  r^^"  Strict  adhemice  to  this  prin- 
cipk  of  political  c<mduct  would  pcriiapa  have  served  to 
dday  die  aettkaient  of  a  vexing  intemadonai  question,  but 
it  irauld  undoubtedljr  have  bettered  the  relations  between 
die  cdonf  and  the  motheriand. 

During  the  next  decade  there  was  little  to  disturb  the 
poUdcal  tranquillity  of  the  insular  colony  with  the  exception 
of  a  dnapeement  over  financial  natters  between  Govemw 
Sir  Alexander  Bannennan  and  the  cdonial  secretanr  during 
the  course  of  it6o-i>6l.  The  disagrecinent  led  to  reli- 
gious bickerii^  and  in  the  elections  of  the  htter  year  a 
number  of  very  serious  encounttrs  took  pfawe  between 
Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic  partisans.  Matters  were 
eventually  settled  sadsfiKttmhr  enoi^  but  not  before  some 
fives  were  lost  and  considendiK  pnqierty  destroyed.  A  little 
later,  in  1V64,  when  the  Quebec  Conference  met,  the  gov- 
ernment of  Newfoundland  was  invited  to  send  two  repre- 
sentadvcs  to  discuss  the  project  of  a  general  ctrnfederadon 
of  all  the  BrhiA  North  Aowrican  provinces.  The  isfauid 
government  accepted  the  invitation  and  mmed  two  promi- 
nent pditical  ^ures,  Hon.  F.  B.  S.  Carter  and  Hon. 
Ambrose  Siea.  On  their  return  from  die  conference  the 
profoeals  w(»c  folly  discussed,  and  in  due  course  were  hud 
befinc  die  lepskture  in  the  governor's  speech  from  the 
throne.  In  rejdy  the  legisbture  pass^  a  resoluti<m,  in 
the  course  of  which  the  advantages  of  confednation  woe 
admitted  to  be  **so  iriivious  as  to  be  ahnost  univoraally 
acknowledged.''  At  the  sune  time  the  resolution  went  00 
to  declare  that  as  for  as  Newfoundland  in  particular  was 
concerned,  the  desirability  of  confederation  on  the  terms 
propMed  was  not  so  clear,and  in  the  end  the  cokmy  refosed 
to  enter  the  union. 

But  the  matter  wu  not  allowed  to  drop.  Two  yean 
afto*  the  CMifederuicm  of  the  other  provinces  had  become 


't 


t 


.1      ,♦ 


474         CJN4DJ  JND  BUTUM  NOMTK  JUtULKd 

an  accmnpluhcd  ftct,  Rcgotiatimu  for  tlM  •mfuct  of  Nnr. 
foundluid  imo  the  Dominion  were  wt  afboc    Tkt  idaad 
Council  and  Aiaenblv  paticd  readittions  Mtiof  the  terma 
upon  which  thcjr  would  agree  to  enter  the  conMeration,  while 
the  Parliament  of  Canada  drew  up  and  paaaed  a  aeriet  of 
counter  proponb.    In  the  courte  of  June,  1869,  ■  a>nfei>- 
ence  waa  held  between  delegates  from  the  two  governments 
concerned  in  the  Ynuft  that  the  interests  and  demands  of 
the  two  could  be  harmoniied,  but  nothing  tangible  resulted. 
From  time  to  time,  during  the  past  thutjr-nve  years,  dw 
matter  has  been  reopened  at  the  request  of  either  one  or  the 
other  government.    In  1888,  an  eflmt  waa  ouide  to  procure 
another  conference  between  the  twogovemmenta,  but  it  was 
found  impossible  eren  to  agree  upon  a  place  or  dtte  of  meet- 
it^    Four  jears  later,  when  a  conference  was  hdd  at  HaliAx 
to  discuss  several  matten  in  connection  with  pending  fisheiy, 
^i"^*<7*  *nd  tariff  questions,  the  Canadian  govonmem 
pn^wsed  ^  entry  of  NewfoumUand  into  the  Dominion  aa 
the  best  solution  of  all  the  problems  involved  i  bitt  the 
Newfoundland  delegates  refused  to  discuss  the  outtter  of 
terms.    Once  more,  in  1 89s,  a  conference  of  delegates  waa 
held  at  Ottawa,  but  after  a  fortnight's  deUbeiation  it  waa 
found  impossible  to  agree  on  terms  satisfectoiy  to  both 
parties,  and  the  conference  adtoumed  lini  du.    Thus  the 
matter  has  remained  down  to  uw  presoit.    TTie  two  points 
upon  which  it  has  beoi  most  difficult  to  reach  any  agree- 
ment are  the  questions  of  finance  and  fisheries.     It  waa 
found   fer  feom  ea^  to  agree  upon  the  exact  amount 
of  the  Newfoundland  public  debt  whkh  the  Dominion 
should  assume,  while  in  the  second  phne  the  islanden  have 
dwwn  an  indispontion  to  enter  into  any  agnemeat  wiuek 
•hould   not  promise  some  immediate  settlement  of  the 
«•  French  Shore"  trouble. 

In  view  of  the  feet  that  the  French  fisheries  grievance 
has  been  perhaps  the  most  prominent  feature  of  isknd  poli- 
tics durii^  the  last  half  centuiy  it  may  not  be  out  of  phue 
to  recapitulate  tiK  main  outlines  of  the  whole  question 


MiWFOUNDUMP 


471 


wUch,  k  it  hoped,  hu  bam  MtisfiKtoriljr  Mttkd  wtUun  dM 
coune  of  dw  pmem  jmr  (M 
poiMod  OOtftlM  MmM<^  tlw 
fnnRivcM  bjr  tte  •  mtics  of  1 
(1713)  guarantoed  to  fiAennea  of  Fnac*  the  righu  of 
takingi  curii^  tad  drjring  fisht  tofcther  with  tht  privikpt 
of  cfoctiag  buiUiiisi  and  works  in  coancctioa  with  the  fiu- 
•riet  iloog  the  whole  weetcrn  ihoic  of  Newfouadlaiid,  from 
Cape  Raj  northward  to  BcUe  Isle,  and  from  thia  latter 
point  down  the  caitera  shore  as  far  as  Cape  St.  Jdin.  There 
were  certain  other  privilegn,  more  or  lew  indc»nitely  deter* 
onined,  Mich  as  exemption  from  duties  and  the  Uke,  which 
g»ve  the  French  fishermen  a  decided  advantage  over  island- 
ers engaged  in  the  industry.  The  Britkh  government,  in 
the  trnnes  named,  guaranteed  that  it  would  prevent  its 
subjects  from  in  anj  way  interfering  with  Frenchmen  in 
the  exercise  of  these  r^ltts,  and  it  was  in  dits  connection 
diat  difficulties  soon  b^m  to  arise.  France  interpreted  the 
treaties  as  giving  her  subjects  complete  exemption  from  cdo- 
lual  juriadKtiaa  and  as  giving  her  a  predominant  economic 
tnterett  in  the  area  over  which  her  j^vileges  extended. 
During  the  first  du«e-quarters  of  the  nineteendi  century  the 
Fmidi  government  steadily  contended  durt  any  Brittdi  set- 
tlement M  the  establiriiment  of  any  important  British  indus- 
tries along  the  **  French  Sbore"  wmild  be  an  infringement  of 
the  exclusive  ri^ts  enmcd  by  her  citizens.  Consequendy 
nearfy  oae>half  the  cwony— and  this  wu,  perhaps,  the  most 
fcnile  half — ^was  seriously  retarded  in  its  devel<^pment. 
Furthermore,  as  the  colcmial  authorities  were  denied  juris- 
diction over  this  area,  the  population  lived  almost  without 
law  and  used  their  freedom  to  cany  <m  a  whdesale  system 
of  smugclii^  to  the  serious  depletion  of  the  colonial  reve- 
nues. K  wu  not  until  1877,  that  the  colony  was  even- 
tually allowed  to  establish  courtt  of  justice  and  cuttom 
houses  within  the  pafe;  the  restrictions  on  industry  and 
colonization  remaining,  however,  in  fiill  force.  A  signal 
example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  situation  retarded  the 


!V''*i 


f(\'\  j 


i 


.  r 


476         C4N4DJ  MD  BlUTttH  SOUTH  dMSmCJ 

4cvelopaicm  of  th*  ahai  wm  |i?«ii  in  i9j%  wlien  the 
cokMwl  autiioritin  chwttteti  •  compaajr  to  conitnict  • 
nOitmd  tktag  the  nortlwut  coMt  of  tlM  bkiMl  wVk  a  view 
10  opcmnc  up  to  Mttkaeat  the  rich  ic^t   11  tkat  diitc- 
tion.    As  pan  of  the  piopoacd  Um  would  croH  tcrritonr 
included  within  the  **  French  Shore  "  the  Briti^  government 
waa  under  the  neceenty  of  refusing  in  sanction  to  the 
Matter.    This  action   naturally  engendered   considerable 
rcMntflnaiton  the  pan  of  the  island  population,  for  a  people 
t&n  hardly  be  expected  to  stand  idljr  by  while  the  devel> 
opoMnt  of  half  their  territory  is  ttran^  to  suit  the  con- 
venience of  a  fwcign  power.     In  an  endeavor  to  stave  off 
serious  trouble  over  the  whole  question  the  goveniments  of 
Great  Britain  and  France  concludH  a  woiiing  agreement 
or  mtdiu  wwadi^  but  this  the  Newfoundland  government 
refused  to  accept,  and  the  agreement  had  to  be  enforced  by 
the  joint  action  of  the  British  and  French  naval  forces. 
This  naturally  involved  friction,  ud  matters  became  grave 
at  one  point,  when,  in  1890,  Admiral  Ws!Ur  in  command 
of  the  British  patroUii^  fleet  was  arretted,  and  tried  and  con- 
demned in  the  Newfoundland  couru  for  interference  with 
colonial  fishermen  in  his  eibrt  to  compel  observance  of  the 
Augio-French  ugieemeiit.  This  epnode  made  it  necessary  for 
the  Brkith  ..  ^rmment  to  s' 14  ply  assert  ks  predominance, 
and  the  jw:    ..     «;'H*»rities  ct  -'*  island  cokmy  were  sternly 
rebuked.     \  .oak  it...   to  time,  during  the  hst  decade  or 
more,  the  ».,-Afff.yif.'<.  has  been  renewed,  always  in  spite 
of  vigorous  expi.'iss.ori*  of  dissatisfoaion  on  the  part  uf  the 
Newfoundland  g  .  riiment.     It  is  only  in  thr  present  year 
(1904)  that  France  and  Great  Britain  b^v  b"  n  able,  in 
the  course  of  a  general  settlement  of  variouk  questions  » 
issue  between  them  in  different  part*  of  the  worid,  to  reach 
a  settlement  of  the  "  Fr  .-nch  Shore"  ciifKrulty.  As  far  as  can 
be  JM^ed  from  the  ^-':>ii»hed  text  of  the  agrrcment  France 
has  shown  hmelf  f  t  ^>ared  to  surrer.der  her  interests  on  the 
island  in  return  for  adequate  compensation  elsewhere,  and 
it  may  be  confidently  expected  that  hereafter  French  interests 


m^ 


liittttidHiataHia.. 


MiirfOUMDUND 


477 


will  not  tumd  b  the  wajr  of  cokNtkl  pragifM  u  fiur  m 
NcwfoiuidlMd  toconccniMi. 

It  WM  dMriag  the  omm  critical  period  of  tht  wtnuymin 
tMtwMii  tiM  c^onial  tod  BritMi  goveranwim  u  the  rt$iik 
of  miv«]  inwrfctcnct  with  Nflwfeuadlaod  UbMm»n  dttt  the 
itlind  authwitiet  concluded  with  the  govcranent  of  the 
United  States  the  commercial  amemem  popukrijr  known 
aa  the  •*  ffiaine-Bond  Treaty,"  mm  dM  het  tht*  k  waa 
negotiated  in  1890  bf  the  Hon.  Robert  Bond,  of  the  New^ 
foundland  miniittT,aiid  the  Hon.  Jamet  G.  Blaine,  secretary 
of  ittte  of  the  United  Sntes.  The  treaty  very  |»obaUy 
accorded  to  the  United  States  greMer  benefits  thain  the  Ittter 
country  was  prepared  to  give  in  return,  but  in  the  prevailing 
state  of  public  <^>inion  on  the  island  the  agreement  was 
cordially  received.  The  Canadian  Bovemment,  however, 
regarded  some  of  the  terms  as  invcuving  a  discrimination 
against  the  Canadian  provinces,  and  requeued  the  imperial 
authorities  to  veto  the  trfutyt  and  to  this  request  the  latter 
acceded,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  ishnders.  For  a  time, 
the  ancient  cdony  entertained  very  consider«ble  bteemess 
over  the  outcome,  but  this  has  gradually  subsided  and  the 
relations  of  the  island  authorities  with  both  the  imperial  and 
Canadian  govemmenu  are  at  present  more  cmdial  than  they 
have  been  for  many  years. 


4« 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 

Ml*  rAOB 

1493.    Pope  Aksuider  Sixtits  appoitioMd  new  lands 

between  Spain  and  Portugal  ....  19 

1497.   Cabot's  first  vojrage  to  die  west     ....  ao 

2498.    Cabot  made  seoond  vojrage  to  the  west    .     .  ao 

Cabot  discovered  Newfoundland    ....  463 

1534.    Verruano  said  to  have  navigtted  the  Atlantic 

1534.  Cartier  ex^ored  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  .      33 

1535.  Caitier's  second  expedition  rettched  Montreal       a4 

1540.  Roberval  appointed  viceroy  of  Canada     .    .       a6 

1541.  Caitier  kd  a  colonising  «tpedkion  to  New 

France a6 

1543.    Caitier  reputed  to  have  made  a  feufth  vojage 

to  dw  west 27 

1583.   Sir  Hum^uejr  Gilbert  |danted  a  colmjr  at  St. 

John's 464 

1598.    De  h  Roche  appointed  Ueutenant-genersl  of 

Canada a8 

1600.  Pontgravd  and  Chauvin  established  a  settle- 
ment on  the  SMMoay 19 

1603.  Pontnavd  and  Champlain  ex|dored  the  St. 

Lawraice  to  Hochduea  (Momrsal) .     .  30 

1604.  Celoov  estaUttbed  at  Ste.  Croix    ....  31 

1605.  Port  Rojral  settlement  made 31 

1608.    Qu^ec  the  first  permanent  settlement  made 

in  New  France 3a 


_ 


l^ 


f 


480 

MTB 
I6IO, 


1613. 
1615. 

I616. 
1623. 

1627. 

1629. 
1630. 
1632. 
1635. 


1640. 
1642. 
1648. 

1654. 

1660. 

1663. 

1665. 

1666. 
1667. 
1670. 
1675. 
1680. 


CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 

Poutrincouit  anumed  control  of  Port  Royal .  225 
The   London   and   Bristol  Adventurers  at- 
tempted to  found  a  colony  at  Concep- 
tion Bay 465 

Champlain  explored  the  Otttwa     ....  34 
Champlain  explored  Georgian  Bay  and  Lake 

Onurio    ...          -. 

Jesuit  Rtlatitm  first  puLushed  ..!.*.*  43 
Lord  Baltimore  established  a  colony  at  Avalon 

(Newfoundland) ^ 

Company   of  New   France  acquired   New 

France  and  Acadia .  ,7 

Quebec  surrendered  to  the  En^idi     ...  40 

Port  Royal  taken  by  the  Emtsh    ....  227 
Quebec  and  Acadia  rcstoned  to  France    .    41,  227 

Champlain  died ^j 

"French  Shore"  diCculties  initiated  (New- 

foundland) ^^6 

Montreal  granted  to  Societe  de  Notre  Dame  44 

Mon»eal  founded  by  Maiaonneuve     ...  44 
The    Huron   settlemems    destroyed   by  the 

IroquoU ^5 

Le  Moyne  v-ited  the  OnondMs  ....  48 

Acadian  settienwnu  taken  by  the  En^Ui     .  232 

The  defence  of  the  Loi^  Sault eg 

Fren^  settlement  maie  at  Piacentia,  New- 
foundland   ^^ 

The  Company  of  New  France  deprived'  of 

power 45,58 

Acadia  restored  to  France  by  the  treaty  of 

Breda 2%i 

French  expedition  sent  against  the  Iroquois  .  74 

Permanent  peace  made  with  the  Iroquois .     .  77 

Hudson's  Bay  Company  chartered  ....  437 

Fort  Cataraqui  built jj 

Estimated  popuUiti  jn  of  New  France  ...  | 


CHtONOLOOiCJL  TJBLM 


MTt 
1682. 

1683. 
1684. 

1685. 

1687. 
1688. 
I6S9. 

1690. 


1695. 
1696. 


1697. 


1698. 
•704. 
1708. 


1710. 


1724. 


4«i 


PMK 


La  Salfe  entered  the  Mississippi  from  the 

Illinois iQA 

Fort  St.  Louis  estabtished iqj 

La  Salle  conducted  an  expeditioa  from  Fnmce 

by  sea  to  the  Mississippi to6 

**Card  money"  adopted  as  a  circulating  me- 
dium      1^ 

French  expedition  sent  against  the  Senecas   .  1 1 1 

Fort  Niagara  abandoiwd  by  the  French    .     .  iia 
La  Chine  settlement  destroyed  by  the  Iio- 

<!«»«• 113 

Schenectady  destroyed   by  the  French   and 

Indians nj 

Port  Royal  taken  by  Phii^ 117,234 

Quebec  unsuccessfully  niiiiilwd  by  ^»^^ 

colonial  troc^ nj 

Fort  Catanqui  rebuilt no 

Fort  William   Henry  (Pemafsid)  tafasa  ly 

the  French 23J 

D'IberviUe  seixed  St.  Jofcn's     .     .     .     .     !  4I7 

Peace  of  Ryswick  conclided m 

Pfeace  of  Ryswick  coi^rmed  possession  o^ 

Acadia  to  France x%$ 

Death  of  Frontenac nj 

DecrfieM  nutted  by  French  and  Indiana   .     .  124 
Penile  of  Haverhill  massacred  by  French  and 

Indians 126 

The  French  acquired  virtual  mastaiy  of  )4i»> 

foundland ^^ 

Pon  Royal  a^n  ottered  by  the  IritiA  127 

Acadia  confirmed  in  possawion  of  rile  Bvkidi  236 

Newfoundland  rettored  to  dtt  Bridrii .     .     .  468 
French  fisiwry  p^vii^jes  in  Newfcairihai 

granted  by  Treaty  of  Utrecfct.     .         .  475 

Oswego  post  es»MMied i|f 

TTw  Non4i%ewock  settkaMM  desMoycd  .     .  161 


48a 


CAHADA  AND  BRITtSH  NORTH  AMMRtCA 


u 


MTI 

1739.    Newfoundland     politically    teparated     from 

Neva  Scotia 470 

1744.  Annapolis  (N.  S.)  besi^ed  by  the  French    .  166 

1745.  Louisburg  captured  from  the  French  .     .     .  169 

1748.  Louisburg  restored  to  France 171 

1749.  Chebucto  (Halifax)  fortified 17a 

France  took  possession  of  territory  along  the 

Ohio 174 

1752.    Acadian  exodus  to  He  Royale  (Cape  Breton)  173 

1753*    Fort  Du  Quesne  erected 177 

1754.  Expedition  sent  by  Virginia  against  Fort  Du 

Quesne 178 

Colonial  con  Terence  at  Albany 179 

1755.  Braddock  defeated  at  the  MonongiJiela  .  .  182 
French  (fefeated  at  Lake  George  by  Johnson  185 
Fort  Beaus^ur  surrendered  to  the  &itish  .  186 
The  Acadians  expatriated 188 

1756.  Seven  Years' War  beg^ 189 

Oswego  post  taken  by  the  French ....  194 

1757.  Fort  William  Henry  surrendered  to  the  French  199 
Garrison  of  Fon  William  Henry  massacred 

by  French  allies 199 

1758.  Louisburg  surrendered  to  the  British  .     .     .  206 

Fort  Frontenac  captured 211 

British  took  possession  of  Fort  Du  Quesne  .  21a 

1759.  Fort  Pitt  (Du  Quesne)  built 21a 

Fort  Niagara  captured 215 

(^ebec  captured aaa 

1760.  Capitulation  of  Montreal ij^zt^ 

*^Cud  money"  idmiished 25a 

176a.    St.  John's  captured  hy  the  French  and  retaken 

by  the  British 469 

1763.    Military  government  of  Cana<b  abolished     .  249 

Trei^  <^  Paris  concluded 242 

Fort  Pitt  (Du  Quesne)  besieged  by  the  Dek- 

wares 248 


CHRONOLOGKJL  TMLE  483 

PAOB 

1763.    Conspiracy  of  Pondac 244 

The  Ddawiret  defieated  at  Bushy  Run    .     .  249 
Ficndi  fishery  ri^tt  in  Newfountimd  con- 

fimwd  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris      .     .  469, 475 

1763-1764.    Detroit  besi^ed  by  Pontiac's  forces    .  246 

1769.    Pontiac  assassinated 249 

176^1772.    Samuel    Heame   explored    shores  of 

Hudson  Bay 438 

1774.   **  Quebec  A«"  provided  constitution  for  the 

province 255 

I775>    Ticonderop  and  Crown  Point  ulcen  by  the 

Americans a66 

American  troops  took  possession  of  Montreal  267 
Quebec  unsuccessfully  beueged  by  the  Amer- 
icans      269^ 

1776.  American  forces  withdrawn  from  Canada  .     .  272 
American  forces  concentrated  at  I'iconderoga  273 

1777.  Britidi  defeated  at  Bennington 275 

British  forces  under  Butgoyne  surrendered  at 

Saratopi 2f^ 

HiihMielphia  occupied  by  the  British    ...  27^ 

Lepslative  Council  first  met  in  Quebec  .     .  277 

1778.  France  entered  into  open  alliance  with  America  276 
1 781.  Comwallis  surremtered  at  Yorfctown  .  .  .  280 
1783.    North  West  Company  organized  ....  439 

French  fishery  privileges  in  Newfoundland 

confirmed  by  Treaty  of  Versailles    .     .  475 

1 79 1.  Canai^  Aa  (Consdtutional  Act)  passed  by 

British  Parliament 293 

U|qper  Canada  created  an  independent  ad- 
ministration    347 

1792.  First  general  decrion  held  in  Lower  Canada  319 
First  Assembly  of  Upper  Canada   met   at 

Newark  (Niagara) 347 

1793'    Upper  Canada  passed  anti-shiveiy  law     .     .  348 

1794.   **  Alien  Act"  of  Lower  Canada  passed    .     .  322 


*  ■ 

[l 

1     ' 

1 1 


4i4         CANADA  AND  BUTKH  NORTH  AMMUCA 


1 797.    D«vid  McLane  executed 314 

York  (Toronto)  became  capital  of  Upper 

Canada 3S0 

1808.    Gnunmar  Mhool  tyatem  instituted  in  Upper 

Canada 35^ 

ltl2.    Detroit  surrendered  to  Biitiah 303 

Qucemton  Hei^  talnn  by  the  British  .     .  304 

The  GmtrrUn  surrendered  to  the  CtmtitutuH  30s 

1S13.    York  (Toronto)  cafxured  bjr  the  Americans  .  306 

Beaver  Dams  battle  fou^t 307 

Fort  Geoi^  surrendered 307 

Battk  fought  at  Stony  Creek 307 

Deawt  and  Amherstbuig  eracoatcd  by  the 

British 308 

Battle  of  Moraviantown  fought      ....  308 

Tecumseh  killed  at  Moraviantown      .     .     .  308 

Perry's  victory  on  Lake  Erie 308 

Chrysler's  Farm  enp^ment  fought    .     .     .  309 

Plattsburg  captured 3°9 

American  naval  defeat  on  Lake  Champlain  .  309 

The  Chtsaftakt  destroyed  by  the  Sbmrnm .     .  310 

ftKtle  fought  at  Chateauguay    .     .          .     .  310 

Fort  Erie  surrendered 3" 

Chippewa  engagement  fought 311 

Lundy's  Lmc  *-tle  fought 31a 

1814.  Fort  Erie  dcatroyed 313 

Mactioac  besieged  by  the  Americans .     .     .  313 

British  defeMed  on  Lake  Champbin   .     .     .  313 

Washington  occupied  by  the  British   .     .     .  314 

British  attenqKed  to  seise  B^more    ...  315 

Peace  treaty  signed  at  Ghent 316 

1815.  British  defeattd  at  New  Orleans    .     .     .     .  31 S 

1817.  St.  John's  destined  by  fire 470 

18 18.  Restriction  <m  public  gatherings  enacted  in 

Upper  Cmada 35^ 

1 8 19.  Gourlay  baanhed  from  Upper  Canada     .     .  357 


i 


ii% 


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CMMOHOLOOKJU.  TJiU 


4»$ 


1819. 

itaa. 
ila4« 

i8a8. 

1831. 


1832. 
I83+. 


1835. 
i836. 

1837. 


1838. 
1839- 


1840. 
1841. 


Benefit  of  Oaty  Rcecnres  extended  to  Fne- 

bjrteriin  attfy  in  Upper  Cenede    .    .  360 

Welland  GmmI  CuapenT  incerporaced    .    .  361 
The  Reform  Piurtjr  acquucd  pcditical  ucend- 

ency  in  Upper  Canada 361 

Brittdi  Perliamentaiy  CommieMon  inveitigpted 

civil  adminittration  of  Lower  Cana^   .  335 
British  PariiaoMnt  abandoned  levennes  of 

Lower  Canada 337 

Mackenaie  duelled  fron  Amamhlj  of  Upper 

Canada 366 

Newfoundland  grated  an  dective  aaaemblj .  47 1 
Lower  Canada  A«eenibly  adopted  its  **  Nineqr- 

two  Reeolutions" 338 

The  Papineatt  parnr  Mcuied  connol  of  the 

l^tl«ure  of  Lower  Canada  ....  339 

Mackenzie  eleaed  Mayor  of  Yorit  (Toronto)  366 

The  Goaferd  Comminion  appmnted  .    .     .  340 
Aatembly  of  Upper  Canada  refuied  to  vote 

•uppliei 370 

Seditious  outbreak  in  Lowwr  Canada  .     .     .  374 
Bishop  Lartigue  issued  mandate  apinat  civil 

outbreak  in  Lower  Canada     ....  374 

Outlmak  of  Rebellion  in  U^er  Canada .     .  388 
Lord  Duriiam  appoinud  to  adjust  Canadian 

civil  government 382 

Canadian  rAd  leaders  banished    ....  383 

Strachan  aj^nted  first  bishop  of  Toronto  .  359 

End  of  the  Rebellion 386 

Lord  Duriiam's  report  published    ....  392 
Bill   for  the  union  of  Upper  and  Lower 

Canada  imreduced   in  British  Parlia- 

mm 395 

Union  Act  passed 397 

Fint  Pertiafnent  of  the  United   Provinces 

403 


. 


4t6 


CdHdM  JND  BUTUK  MOMTH  MUUCM 


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,1 

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MTI 
184a. 

i«47. 

1849. 


1830. 
1851. 


i8s4. 


1856. 


1858. 


1859. 
i860. 
1863. 
1864. 


1866. 


Adibvitan  tmtjp  ^;Md 407 

Gfwt  Irish  iara^ndon  inte  Cuimit  .    .    .  41a 

Indifent  Imnufntim  Act  ptmd  ....  413 

iUbdlion  Lonn  Bill  psMcd 413 

Plutiiawnt  IniikUag  u  Houuml  iamtofd  bjr 

nob 416 

Victoria  (Vancoitvcr  Island)  wmblishri  bjr 

Hudson's  Bay  Comptxif 443 

The  Ckar  Grit  Ptetjr  or|anbad    ....  418 

Onnd  Tnink  Railway  incocpomad    .    .    .  419 
Britisli  Pariiamcnt  authorisod  distribution  of 

Canada  Cktgj  Rassrws 4aa 

Radpracity    trtaty    nmi»   latwaaii  Unkad 

States  and  Cana^  .......  431 

S(%niorial  Tenure  System  abolished   .    .    .  433 
Cl«nr  Reserves  disposed  ot  by  CaoaiGan 

nurUamcnt 433 

Newfoundland  invested  wkh  responsible  gov- 
ernment      4yi 

Legislative  Council  changed  to  an  elective  basis  435 
Gold  discovotad  akmg  FrasCT  and  Thompaon 

Rivers 443 

Frendi  rights  in  Newfoundhnd  detcfakMd 

by  convention 47a 

Bytown  (Ottawa)  selected  as  capital  of  United 

Provinces. 436' 

Vancouver  Island  constitutni  a  separata  a^ 

ministrBtion 444 

Canada  adopted  the  poticy  of  protection .    .  437 

The  Prince  of  Wales  visited  Canada  .    .    .  4al 

Canadian  Militia  Bill  passed 439 

Macdonald-Brown  coalition  nunktry  feraied  430 
Conference  at  Quebec  oirtlined  plan  at  con- 
federation   431 

Reciprocity  treaty  of  1854  abrogated  ...  431 

Fenan  raMs  into  Canada 433 


I 


CHMOKOLOOKdL  TJBLM 


4»7 


1I66. 
it67. 

1161. 

1I69. 

1170. 


1871. 

IU5. 

itS6. 
1890. 


1891. 
1893. 

1896. 

1904. 


Vaaconm  Itiuia  iiiiiii4  wiili  Bridtli  Co- 

laabh 

CoMfcJinnion  of  Caiwda  wtiMitlwd  .  .  18,433 
FintDoodidoa  FufiMWMMM«bM.  .  .  436 
Nora  Scodt  M«||N  fdMM  ftooi  tlw  adoB  .  436 
Tlw    DooiBkNi   gDrammnt  Mqdred  the 

Hti^Mn't  B«7  Cooipuij'*  icrriiorf  .  .  439 
NofdMMt  nbdyea  iBMiipMd  b7  Rid  .  .  440 
Tbt  Noidmwt  liriiociM  ai|puiiMd  .  .  .  440 
WfllMlmr's  WKftMan  quelled  Northwcit  ra- 

belUea 44> 

Fenian  f^ds  into  Canada  ffom  United  Sutet    44a 
Tieanr  of  Washings  concluded  ....    443 
B^iih  OdumlMa  received  into  the  Confed- 
eration      443 

Canadian  Pfedfic  and  Interoccanic  lailraad* 

ciMUtned 444 

Pfince  Edward  Idand  leceived  into  the  Cm- 
federation 443 

M Pacific  Scandal"  inveitigptad 446 

Second  NoidNveat  rebdlion 451 

Rebellion  queUed  by  defeat  of  Riei*s  foicet 

BeMng  Sea  difkukiee  bcfan 458 

Newfoundland  opnl^  miated  the  Brkish 

■ovemment'i  aifbrcenent  of  French 

Saherjiif^ 47^ 

The  Bhine-Mnd  traanr  concluded  between 

Newfeundhnd  and  die  United  Statea    .    477 

Sir  John  MacdonaM  died 457 

American  and  Canadian  ^dmng  Sea  daima 

referred  to  aibitrttion  ......    459 

The  Libend  party  elected  to  power  wider  Sir 

WilfHd  Laurier 460 

Angb-Fivndi   ayeemcnt  concluded  as  to 

French  fiahny  r^^  b  Newfbanfland  .    476 


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CANADA  AND  BRITISH  NORTH  AMERICA 


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vMimrAaa 
Title-Mge  of  Chvnpkin'i  acoount  of  the  mvaget  of  Guuuh. 
firm  tkt  trigimtl  m  tkt  Nfw  YM  PubUc  Likrmry,  UmtK 
BrrnMck 4< 

Fknl  de  Chomedejr,  Sieur  de  MaiMMiwnve,  Sat  Governor  of 
MamnaL  Awm  O*  tngravimg  in  Sulu's  "CmamJwu- 
FrmMfmu" 

FiBiif  ois  Xavicr  dc  Lmal-Montmoread,  fint  Bishop  of  Quebec. 
Fitm  tit  rrig^nml  mt  LmwU  Umivtrtitf,  Hg*i*t  .... 

Ittle-pegci  of  ditce  cuijr  dacriptiont  of  New  Fnmce.  Fttm  tkt 
iMtj  rmri  trigimd*  m  tkt  Ntw  Ttri  PuUie  Ubrmrj,  Ltmtx 
Bnmck 


Mq>  of  Cuada,  or  New  France,  by  N.  Sanaon,  dated  1656. 
Ami  filw  tryprnml  ttfptrflmU  in  pttuttitm  tf  tit  Huttricml 
Steittf  tf  PiMMjyhMmia 

Jean  Baptist  de  Lacroix  Cheniices  de  Saint-Vallier,  second  Bishop 
of  Q^diec.     Awe  tit  trigimal  m  tit  Hktl  Ditm,  ^gtitc  . 

Marie  de  la  Incarnation.  Frssi  '-it  tngrmmi^  ly  BdtUmi,  in  tit 
Urimlmt  Cmvtmt,  ^tgtbte 

Documents  signed  by  Philirae  de  Rigand,  Marquis  de  Vaadreuil, 
and  by  the  Marquis  Duquesne  d«  Menneville.  Frtm  tit 
tripnmlt  im  fustttitm  rfAt  Chkmgt  HuttrictU  Sttittf  .     . 

Documents  signed  by  Henri  de  Tonti  and  by  Fran^iHs  de  la  For£t, 
La  Salle's  lieutenant.  Frts*  tit  tr^maU  in  ptsustioH  tftit 
Ciicagt  HuttrittU  Steittf 

Documents  signed  by  Fiaufois  Bigot,  by  Fkdier  Ctsnde  Allones, 
and  hj  Louis  Joliet.  fnm  tit  triginals  m  ptuttsitm  tftit 
Ciiet^  HUttrkai  Steiety 

Deed  of  giant  to  Midiel  Disy,  written  and  signed  by  Carelicr  de 
la  Sille,  original  in  the  Greffe  d'Adhmar,  November  a, 
16S3.     In  St  Cbittau  dt  Ramtxttf,  Mtwtrtml   .... 

Ostcnsoiiuro,  believed  to  have  been  that  of  Nicolas  Pcrrot.  Fitm 
tit  tripnml  im  fttuttitm  tftit  IHsemisim  Hitttrical  Steittf 

Robert  Qivdier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle.     Frtm  mm  tugrmvtKg  mfttr 

tit  Grmmtr  ftrtrait loi 

Title-page  of  an  early  woric  relating  to  Hudson  Bay.     Frwi  tit 

tripmtU  im  tit  Htnmrd  MtmSritU  Liirtuy,  Ntw  OrUmu  ,     lol 


UST  OF  ILLUSnunONS  491 

vMnankoa 
Tid«-Bagaofthieew«»kt,!nEii^ttili,idBtiii(toCniada.     Awm 
M»  V0y  rmrt  mripiuUi  im  tkt  Nm>  Ttrk  PuUk  LUnuy, 
Ltn$M  Bnmth it] 

Autogn^  letter  of  Rcn«  Robot  Ckvelkr,  Scur  de  b  Salk,  frrHtn 
atChkago,  September  1, 16S3,  aebe  wuleSTiivtiielUiaoie 
oountiy  for  die  last  tiine^  to  iSta  member*  of  hk  rakmy  at 
Fort  Saint  Looii  of  the  niinois  (Starved  Rock)    ....     117 

Document  iteiedbjr  Louis  Joliet    Fnm  tbt  tripiml  m  ptittstim 

tftbt  Oiierngt  t&itritml  Sieittf 114 

John  Campbdl,  fourth  Earl  of  Loudoun,  oommander-in-duef  of 
die  Britiah  fbroei  in  America  in  1756.  Pnm  mu  mrigmml 
drwwMg,  tfw  im  tit  Niw  Ytrk  PuUU  Utrmy,  Lmtx 
BrsMch,  mflmriutkuk  mm  ngrmmt^  «nm  fuUitkti  im  if 6s    lat 

The  "Habitant  Room"  in  the  Chitcmi  deRamcaajr,  Montreal    13$ 

Spedment  of  card  monejr.     finm  tkt  tripmmh  m  tkt  Chittmm 

dt  Rmmttuff,  Mtmtrtml 140 

Champfaun**  chateau  at  (^sbec.     Fnm  m  e^ptrfUui  pmUitM 

imi6ij,mrvtfimtbtHt<wr»rkPMieLiirmj,Lim»»Brmmcb     144 

Pierre  de  Vojrer,  Vicomte  d'Argenson,  Goreitior  of  f^rB'tf, 

i<5l-i<6i.     Fr»m  tkt  Sr  GUbtrt  Pmrktr  CtOtttitm     .     .     1(1 

Chailct  Dubois,  Baron  d'Avangour,  Ooramor  of  New  France, 
166  (-1663.  Frtmt  tkt  Sir  GUktrt  Pmritr  OUtctitm, 
t^ttm't  Umivtrtitf 1(1 

Rolland-Michei  Barrin,  Comte  de  la  Galiwonnifae,  Governor  of 
GHUuia,  1745-1749.  AiMi  tkt  tmgrmwm  im  tkt  Ckmttmm 
dt  Rmmi  x*y,  Mtmtrtml t<i 

Pfam  of  Forts  Pepperell  and  Ontario.    Awe  tkt  nUtttitm  ff 

Gttrgt  Bmrrit,  Jr. 1C5 

Dairfd  Hjadndie  Maiie  Lienard  de  Bcai^en.    Fmctimultfrtm  tkt 

trigtmmi  pmimtimg  im  tkt  Ckiltmt  dt  Rmmuumf,  Mtmtrtmi    .     17a 

Francois  Gaston  de  Levis.     Fmenmilt/rtm  tkt  tripmmt  ptm^mg 

im  tkt  Ckkttmu  dt  RmtmtKSf,  Mtmtrtml 17* 

Louis  Joseph,  Marmys  de  MoiMcabn.   Fitmprivmttplmlttuktd 

kf  H.  M.  Hmliim  i86St » tkt  Bmmut  Citltetkm  .    .     .     .     ili 


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WMcno  pA<w 
Coloml  tkt  HoMabk  Owqp  TtnnHlMMi,  fini  Mu^  To«ra^ 
hnd.     fimw  Of  mnaulmt  ^  MeAnUI  tifitr  Hmimh  m 
tit  Emmtt  CtlUttum .     .     .     iSi 

Letter  fiom  MoBtcalin,  dated  Aqgnat  %%  1757,  ■rtdriwiid  to 
Lotbiiiiirt  at  Foit  OHilloa  on  lake  0«M|t.  Fnm  tht 
mrigvud  im  ttt  Bmmtt  CalUttim ill 

Map  of  Lake  Champfaua,  rarvcjrcd  bjr  M.  Anger,  king's  nmrerar 
in  i7}a.  Made  at  Qjiebec,  October  10, 174!.  rrhe  let- 
tea  A  to  U  give  the  names  of  the  S^gaowL  X  is  Foit 
St.  Jean.  Y  is  Foit  St.  ThMse.  i  is  F6it  Chambly.  a  is 
Fwt  St  FtUiric.  ]  to  39  are  the  aaaMa  of  rims,  poitta, 
andiskttds.]     Frmm  Ikt  c^Utctim  ^  Gtmrgt  tmrrUt  Jr,    .     19) 

Map  of  Lake  George  and  sunoiwding  country.     Awn  tit  ttl- 

Uttim  tfG*Tg*  Barrit,  Jr. lel 

Jefl^,  first  Baron  Amherst.     Fr$m  tkt  ptrntu^  ly  Thtmmt 

GmtuUmgk,  m  At  Hmtumtd  Pmrtraii  GiMtiy,  LmUm     .     ata 

Miyor-gcneial  James  Wdfc.  FrmmtktpmhiHi^  lyJ.S.C.  SkMi, 

m  At  NatuMml  Ptrtrmit  GtUktj,  Lmuhm sia 

Plan  of  the  River  St  Lameacefiom  Silletjr  to  the  Falbof  Mont- 
morend,  with  the  (^>erati<ms  of  the  riq^  of  Qjicbec  down  to 
the  5th  of  September,  1759.  A-wis  At  t^ptrplmtt  m  A* 
Ntvi  r»rk  PhUU  Ubratj,  Lnux  BrmmeA sai 

Poet  Ro^  in  Acadia,  bjr  Mare  Lsacarbot,  1609.     Rtm  At 

trigimml  m  At  Ntw  Ttri  PkUk  LUrmrj,  Ltutx  Bnmck    .     919 

Champhun's  toMf  of  New  Fianc^  published  in  161  ].  Frtm  tbt 
tttftrflatt  im  pvutsitm  rf  At  Ntw  Ytrk  FubHc  LUrmty, 
Ltmix  Brmieb ^.j 

Map  showing  Heaine's  rautcs  in  the  years  1 770-1 77s.   Frtm  At 

etUtetitK  tfGttrg*  tmrrit,  Jr. 357 

Letter  of  Benedict  Arnold,  dated  November  aS,  1775,  "To  the 
inhabitants  of  Point  Len."  FrtmOtmifpMalmtbtCbittmm 
dt  Riuutuff,  MtHtrMl 37* 

Remains  of  stockade  and  blockhonse  erected  ibr  the  dateoe  ef 
York  (Toronto)  miSis.  Firwm  0  fimi^t^  kf  Mr.  F^^ 
triek  Etni,  Ttrtiit* 305 

The  Dn  Cslvet  house,  Montrsal 330 


UST  OF  tUUSnJTlONS  ^3 

wkcmowAot 

WOhmLjtmhlaauuat.   ifi»  tk*  fmkuh^  kjJ.IT.L.  fmtir    ss< 

M^or^Ccacnl  Sir  Jamci  Mnmqr,  Oovcmor  of  Cumh,  i7<}- 

17M.     Ann*  tAf  £fr  GUhtrt  tmrkir  OUttlim    '    •     .    .     SSS 

Sir  Gut  Caiittaii,  Lord  Darchcttcr.     Avm  tkt  trighmt  m  tk* 

duutm  dt  Rtmnutft  titmtnml 35) 

JJCUtCTWHt'^CttdM  JOnll  GfBVW  &IIICOC|  nTIt  OoVUUOf  01  U ppCT 

Oumtfa,  i79»-t794.    FnmtkiSiraUbtrtPmrktrCilUetim    35} 

Mi^or^awnl  Sir  lane  Brock,  who  rcotived  tiM  MmoMltr  of 
Gcanal  Hull  at  Detroit  Frtm  tk*  &>  (hlitrt  Pmritr  CW- 
Utlim .     ./    .     36! 

Sir  Fnads  Bond  Head,  lientcnant-goTemor  of  Upper  Cknada, 

il35-il3l.     Aim  tk*  AV  GUttrt  Farhr  OSietiM     .     .     36! 

Louit  Joeeph  Papineau,  Speaker  of  the  Anembly  of  Loifcr  Can- 
ada, iSis-it37.  mm  tb*  Utbtgrmfb  w  tb*  Gkkttau  d* 
RMUtutf,  Mtatnal 373 

General  Sr  Jobn  Colbome,  Lord  Seaton,  Lieutenant-governor  of 
Upper  Omada,  iSat-it35.  Avm  «ft#  Sr  GOktrt  Pmri*r 
C*U*etiiM 373 

Oianca  Edward  Poulett  Tnomon,  Baron  Sjrdcnhaniy  Governor- 
general  of  Omada,  1I39-1S41.  Awn  tk*  Sir  Gitttrt 
Pmrktr  CMtettm 3S0 

James  Bruee,  Eari  of  Elgin  and  Kincardine,  Govemor-genoal  of 

Canada,  i  S47-1 S54.    Fr*m  tk*  Sir  Gilb*rt  Parktr  CtlUetitm    3S0 

Chief**  houie,  Alert  Bay,  British  Columfaaa 389 

Types  of  Indians,  Sarcee  Reserve,  Alberta 396 

Central  portion  of  the  Fuiiament  Buildings,  Ottawa  .     .     .     .  401 

The  hrliament  Libruy,  Ottawa 416 

George  Hamihtm  Gordon,  fourth  Eaii  oS  Aberdeen,  Governor- 
general  of  Cuiada,  1 893-1 898.  Fnm  a  fbttigrapb  in  tb* 
Cb£t*mu  di  Rmm*KiPf,  jUbutrtaJ 4S1 

Louis  Joseph  Pspineau,  head  of  tlie  French-Canadian  party  to 
1854.  Fivm  a  pbtttgrapb  in  tb*  Cbateau  d*  KamtKmjf 
MMUr*ml 4ai 


'hi 


494         CJNdDJ  dMD  BRPnSH  NORTH  JMMttKJ 

Sir  CaMdw  llnlqr  MoMk,  OOTwiwgwwiri  at  BMk  Noctli 

AaMfka,  iMi-iMy 4a| 

Sir  Joha  Yonag,  Baron  Lbgar,  Oovflmoc^gcaoal  ti  rtmili. 

it«^il7s 4st 

Fndniek  Atdnir,  Lord  Slaalejr,  Oovemor-gcMial  of  OnBdi^ 

tUI-il9] 4st 

Oiliwrt  Joha  Elliot,  Etri  of  Miato,  Oovcraar-fOMnd  of  Cunda, 

1I9S-1904 4JJ 

Paaonuaa  of  Victoria,  Britiih  Columbia,  looluagaoftli  ...     437 

Indiaa  method  of  curiag  alaioa,  Fruer  Rivtr  CUkm,  Biitiaii 

Columbia 444 

Frederick  Temj^  Hamilton  Bk^cwood,  Biri  of  Dufferia,  Qof- 

ctnor-gencial  of  Cuada,  tt7^-il7l 451 

Jolm  Ocmga  Edward  Hcnrjr  Donglat  Sutheriaad,  Marqoii  of 

Lome,  Govcmor^gcncralof  Cuada,  il7l-ilS)      .     .     .     45] 

Sir  Wilfiid  Lanrier,  Premier  of  Gunda  rinoe  it9<    ....    460 

Rt.  Hon.  &t  John  Aleiander  MaedoaaU,  firrt  Freauer  of  the 

PominioB 4^0 

lltle-page  of  Wmtboarae'i  aocoont  of  Newfoundland,  publiihed 
ini6so.  FnmtktwigpudiutktNrwrtrkPiMicLUnuyt 
Limut  Brmmeh 4(4 


